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The article attempts to analyze “the diplomacy of apologies” in the foreign policy of postwar Japan from international political and domestic political dimensions. The emphasis is placed on the role and place of “the diplomacy of apologies” in Japan’s relations with the PRC and the Republic of Korea, in which it continues to be the most important tool for regulating the degree of tension in the conditions of high conflict potential. The article shows that “the diplomacy of apologies” played an important role in Tokyo’s postwar policy of reconciliation with East Asian countries. However, this policy was not completely successful, largely due to the partners’ dissatisfaction with the excessively soft forms of apologetic language on the part of Japanese officials as well as, in their opinion, a lack of remorse in their words. Many of them continue to believe that a full-fledged reconciliation with Japan is impossible, since there is no unambiguously negative assessment of the militaristic past at the official level, and the postwar settlement of relations with Japan was carried out without proper material compensation for the victims of Japanese militaristic policies. In Japan, on the contrary, it is believed that the official apologies made in the postwar period are already more than enough, that the postwar generation has nothing to apologize for, since the militaristic leaders were convicted by the Tokyo Tribunal and have already redeemed the fault of the nation, and that constant introduction of the issue of apologies to the diplomatic agenda is based on cynical political calculations and has nothing to do with the search for historical justice. Against this background, the restoration of truly friendly and good-neighborly relations between Japan and its neighboring countries seems unlikely in the historical perspective.

La Universidad es un espacio crítico en donde se (re)producen relaciones de poder y subjetividades. La relación pedagógica es un dispositivo para mantener este orden relacional y sus jerarquías, y asimismo es una oportunidad para narrar la educación en dimensiones sociopolíticas y éticas. Mediante una cuasi-etnografía sociotécnica buscamos comprender los discursos sobre la relación pedagógica entre profesores/as y estudiantes. De los resultados, resaltamos los discursos que refieren la figura docente como quien detenta un conocimiento frente a un/a estudiante, quien puede cuestionar su posición en la relación, así como en el conocimiento. La evaluación sería un hecho que interrumpe la relación, no sólo entre profesores/as y estudiantes, sino también entre estos/as últimos/as. El aula materializa estos discursos y los sostiene en la misma forma que adopta, siendo un espacio en donde se in-corporan estos enunciados y se (re)producen subjetividades, mediante poderes que (nos)educan entre arquitexturas.

espanolEn este articulo examinamos la relacion entre un actor politico (el Partido Comunista) y un actor social (las Ligas Agrarias), durante la convulsionada decada de 1970 en Argentina. Mientras que el primero fue uno de los partidos de izquierda mas longevos del pais, el segundo corresponde a un movimiento social complejo, que surgio en una coyuntura de crisis economica y de importantes transformaciones tecnologicas y productivas en el agro. Otros estudios sobre organizaciones politicas de la etapa se centraron en sus vinculaciones con actores sociales urbanos, lo que opaco las relaciones que se tejieron con sectores rurales, que no escaparon a la tonica de protesta de la epoca. En la linea de saldar ese deficit, estudiamos este partido que fue el que mayor atencion le brindo al campo, para comprender como se vinculo al movimiento liguista y como lo caracterizo desde lo teorico. A partir del estudio de sus documentos internos (actas congresales) y publicos (revistas teoricas y periodicos), reconstruimos su defensa de un campesinado argentino, atendiendo a las contradicciones presentes en dicho proceso. Este acercamiento iluminaria, desde otro angulo, un problema historiografico vigente: la naturaleza social de las Ligas Agrarias. EnglishIn this article we examine the relationship between a political actor (the Communist Party) and a social actor (the Agrarian Leagues), in the convulsed 70’s in Argentina. While the first was one of the longest-running leftist parties in the country, the second corresponds to a complex social movement, which emerged at a juncture of economic crisis and important technological and productive transformations in agriculture. Studies on the political organizations of the period tended to focus on their links with urban social actors, thereby overshadowing the relationships that were woven with rural sectors, which did not escape the tone of protest of the time. In order to settle this deficit, we take this party that gave rural issues the most attention to understand how it was linked to the league movement and how it characterized it theoretically. Based on the study of its internal documents (congressional records) and public documents (theoretical magazines and newspapers), we reconstruct its defense of an Argentine peasantry, taking into account the contradictions in them.This approach would illuminate a current historiographic problem from another angle: the social nature of the Agricultural Leagues.

Koreeda Hirokazu is one of the leading film directors of modern Japan, a brilliant representative of the new cinema of this country, whose filmography currently includes 30 works. They are mainly devoted to the problems of family and family relations — a fairly typical theme for the Japanese cinema. However, unlike many of his predecessors, including the generally recognized classics such as Ozu Yasujiro, Naruse Mikio, etc., who worked in the genre of family drama, Koreeda offers the audience a non-standard and even something shocking look at family problems. The main emphasis in his work is made not on the description of the family per se or the demonstration of the conflict between fathers and children, but on the display and analysis of various kinds of family collisions as well as cardinal changes that this cell of the Japanese society undergoes in modern conditions. One of his latest films created in this genre, that attracted great attention of the cinematic public in Japan and many other countries, is the film “Shoplifters”, which has been awarded the Golden Palm Branch of the Cannes Film Festival in 2018. Koreeda became the first Japanese film director who received this honorary prize in the 21st century.

The Kabuki Theater is a striking element of the Japanese culture. Current work is an annotated translation of the play “Narukami”. Its relevance is determined by the growing cultural exchanges between Russia and Japan. In 2018, the Kabuki Chikamatsu-za troupe came to Russia, which was an event of grandiose scale, since Kabuki’s tours abroad, not to mention Russia, are extremely rare. In Russia, there are numerous publications of academic works on the theaters of Noh, Kabuki, and Jōruri. However, the Kabuki Theater has not been given enough attention — most of the available publications date back to the 1960s – 1970s. Since the Russian audience has scarce opportunities to read translations of Kabuki plays, an attempt is made to translate the Kabuki drama known as Narukami (鳴神, “The Thunder God”, 1684), which is one of the eighteen classic plays comprising an integral part of the modern repertoire of the Japanese theater. The translation puts in scientific circulation a Japanese dramatic text previously unknown in Russia. There are four characters in the play: Saint Narukami, who is the main character and after whom the play is named; his two misguided students — monks Hakuumbo and Kokuumbo, who are comic characters entertaining the audience in the course of the development of the play; and Princess Kumo no Taema Hime. The plot of the play is shaped around Narukami, who, using magical rites, creates a drought to avenge the imperial court for his grievances. Then his adversaries send him the beautiful Kumo no Taema-hime, who should seduce the saint and learn from him how to destroy spells and bring the rain back. The translation is preceded by an introduction where the author addresses the features of the play and describes the characters and their stage costumes.

The article was written on the occasion of the 75th anniversary of Academician V. M. Alpatov. The authors have known the hero of the day since he was a student and made his first steps in the Japanese studies. From the standpoint of their own professional interest in the Japanese studies, each of them tried to reflect the multifaceted talent of Vladimir M. Alpatov — academician, researcher, chronicler, teacher, and mentor of the people who linked their fate with the study of the Japanese language and Japan.

Old Japanese manuscripts do not always contain the name of the author and the date of creation of the text, so the first task for the researcher is to understand when a particular text could have been written. Kara Monogatari Teiyō is a short study that precedes the text of the 1809 publication of Kara Monogatari, and it was the first attempt to analyze the text. Kara Monogatari consists of 27 separate stories written in the literary Japanese language of the Heian period. All stories tell about China, and each episode includes one or more waka poems. The author of the Introduction, a kokugakusha scholar Shimizu Hamaomi (1776–1824), elaborates on the problem of dating the text. Analyzing the style and language of Kara Monogatari, he comes to the conclusion that the text was written around the time when Minamoto no Toshiyori (1055–1129), Saigyō (1118–1190), and Teika (1162–1241) wrote their prose and poetry. Shimizu finds lines from a poem by Fujiwara no Akisuke (1090–1155) cited in the text, which allows him to determine the lower time limit of the creation of the work. He indicates the upper time limit comparing the Kara Monogatari with the poetic anthology Kankonji Wakashū, and comes to the general conclusion that the text of Kara Monogatari dates back to the end of the Heian period. The author of the Introduction also lists Chinese sources of individual stories; writes about the fact that two stories do not have Chinese sources; compares the content of Kara Monogatari and Kankoji Wakashū; discusses the word tachibana in Japanese poetry; explains the difference between Kara Monogatari and Mōgyū Waka. Most of the issues raised by Shimizu Hamaomi are also discussed in modern research on Kara Monogatari. As for the text dating, not all Shimizu Hamaomi’s arguments have been adopted by modern philologists. The publication provides translations of the Introduction by Shimizu Hamaomi and examines its main provisions.

The article presents an overview of some of the most general directions of problem statement in comparative research of Heidegger’s and Dōgen’s teachings. Proceeding from the attitudes of methodological character common for both thinkers towards the gnoseological and ontological positions, the author pays special attention to the problems of discursive and suggestionistic thinking, subject-object dichotomy, substantiality of existence, true and phenomenal being, nature of time and temporality. Dōgen and other Chan/Zen thinkers’ tendency to reject analytical, discursive thinking was accompanied by an active appeal to the suggestive language of artistic images. This attitudinal rejection of conceptual thinking was determined, on the one hand, by the need to overcome the framework of the established Buddhist dogma that impeded the development of living Buddhist thought, and, on the other hand, by the affirmation of the non-substantiality of existence, the identity of phenomenal and absolute being. According to Dōgen’s idea, the notion of substance and identity generates a subject-object dichotomy, illusive from the Buddhist point of view, which can only be overcome in the state of satori 悟り enlightenment. A similar situation can be found in the methodological guidelines of Martin Heidegger, who, in his project of destruction of ontology, seeks to overcome and rethink the concepts of Western metaphysics that have become rigid and lost their original meaning and, in his later works, refers to the language of suggestive thinking. Heidegger’s phenomenological approach to the analysis of fundamental structures of human existence in Being and Time is also focused on overcoming the subject-object dichotomy and completely removes the problem of substance. At the same time, both thinkers are characterized by ontological orientation of philosophical thinking: both Heidegger and Dōgen are focused on the problem of truth of being and human attitude to it. This ontological installation also reveals a number of substantive parallels, which are expressed in a similar interpretation of existence through the phenomenon of time, as well as the similarity of understanding of the structural basis of time.

The article analyses the Czech Republic‘s ability to promote its interests in international organizations (IOs) through its citizens‘ personnel representation. It defines two levels of such ability. First, the selection and preparation, coordination, and use of a state‘s human capital in the IOs. Second, agenda-setting, the presence of a „national perspective“ in the IOs, and the adoption of common objectives of the IOs. The analysis is primarily based on the 46 semi-structured interviews with Czech citizens, current and past employees in selected IOs (European Defence Agency, OSCE, NATO, Council of Europe, International Organization for Migration, OECD) conducted between the years of 2018 and 2019. The Czech case analysis identified several shortcomings in the setting, coordination, and the use of the personnel policy. It confirmed the role of the personnel policy on the state‘s ability to promote its interests in the IOs and showed that success in promoting the interests of the state does not depend so much on the „volume,“ but instead on the „quality“ of personnel representation, and the ability of the state personnel policy to use its citizens in the IOs to achieve its goals.

El artículo afirma que los proyectos de paz de la era de la Ilustración son uno de los elementos esenciales de este movimiento. El artículo parte de una nueva metodología para abordar esta corriente: distinguir entre normas gramaticales o lógica interna de la Ilustración y sus expresiones. Defiende que las líneas fundamentales de esos proyectos (la participación de todo individuo en la política, el desarrollo de democracia, la importancia de la opinión pública, el respeto por la igualdad entre los pueblos y las culturas, así como por su diversidad, el fomento de la cultura de la paz y la creación del europeísmo, el americanismo y el cosmopolitismo), formaron parte de las normas gramaticales o lógica interna de la Ilustración. En un segundo momento, pretende explicar que las ideas más importantes de los proyectos de paz siguen incitándonos hoy a la reflexión sobre nuestros problemas.

The integration processes can alleviate a variety of challenges and risks of globalization. They help countries to consolidate their economies for jointly confronting the economic and financial crises and to join forces for solving global problems that are practically unsolvable alone, even for the largest and most economically powerful states. Integration processes contribute to the liberalization of trade and economic relations between states, to the removal of protectionist barriers, and to the facilitation of free trade. Japan, with its traditionally closed markets compared to other economically developed countries, has continuously treated the issue of participation in integration processes with great caution. Possessing a wide spectrum of well-established international economic relations, the country was in no hurry to abandon some protectionist measures. However, in the 21st century, a new trend is becoming more evident, that is, Japan’s more active participation in various formats of integration processes in the East Asia and the Asia-Pacific region. The purpose of this paper is to address the issue of “the new generation” integration agreements in the region (Trans-Pacific Partnership and Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, which evolved from ASEAN + 6, a multilateral format of interaction between Japan and ASEAN), and the role of Japan in the process of their formation. The article analyzes the degree of Japan’s involvement in these heterogenic formats of regional cooperation, and its main motives for participation. The author attempts to ascertain whether Japan’s growing activities could be attributed to its interest in supporting regionalism or to its aspiration to self-involvement in the integration processes. The article examines the process of development of the RCEP project in recent years and Japan’s attitude to this issue. The author tries to characterize the role played by Japan in maintaining the TPP after the US withdrawal from the Partnership and to analyze trade and investment cooperation of Japan with the TPP member countries in 2017-2019.

Over the first post-war decades, the education system has become an important tool for equalizing the social landscape of Japanese society and transforming it into a “middle-class society”. Of course, the division of society into classes and layers did not disappear, but the degree of social inequality and the rigidity of horizontal partitions softened significantly. Comparing the situation of the 1960—1980s with the current one, many Japanese experts conclude that the educational system is increasingly losing its function of ensuring social mobility, and that current youth have much fewer chances to achieve life success through persistence in study than previous generations. At the same time, the thesis about the transformation of Japanese society into a “divided” one (kakusa shakai, or “gap society”) became commonplace. In this article, the author attempts to analyze the changes taking place both in the education system and in the labor market in order to answer the questions of how radical these changes are, and have they really undermined the function of the education system of equalizing the starting opportunities of young people. Using the statistics and the materials of various surveys, the author shows that, in terms of both access to education and employment opportunities for young people, current situation is even more favorable than in the period of the formation of the “middle class society”, and that there is no reason to characterize current Japanese society as “divided”, with deepening inequalities in education, and therefore in terms of starting opportunities for young Japanese. At the same time, the author emphasizes that the current system of education and employment of Japanese youth reproduces social inequality. As before, so now, its main feature is the hierarchical structure where the chances of obtaining a good education, and hence a good job, are distributed not so much according to the abilities of young people as to the financial capabilities and social position of their families.

The purpose of the study is to examine the image of India as “Buddha-land” in Konjaku monogatarishū (1120s). The influence of India, mediated through Korea and China, can be traced in Japan back to antiquity. Buddhism, to a large extent, remained an Indian teaching even in Chinese translations; thanks to it, the Japanese got a fragmented acquaintance with the Indian literature, sculpture and painting, music, and non-Buddhist philosophical teachings. In the late Heian era, although there still were no direct contacts between the Indian and Japanese Buddhists, and the ties of the Japanese Buddhists with the Chinese community were weakening, the information available to the Japanese about India, the homeland of the Buddha, was brought together, and a circle of legends, especially important for the Japanese monks and laity, was constructed. Such an attempt of consolidating information is undertaken in the first three scrolls of the first part of Konjaku. Their plots are taken from sutras widely known in the Buddhist world, from Chinese collections of Buddhist tales and from the diaries of Chinese pilgrims who visited India. All these stories are retold in Japanese, with abbreviations and additions. The stories reflect the main events in the life of Buddha Shakyamuni, which also represent the main milestones of the path that every Buddhist seeks to go, and the deeds of the Buddha’s disciples — the examples of how people can walk the same path in different ways. Other major themes here are the reward of happiness for good deeds and that of grief for evil deeds; and the relativity of any oppositions, such as wealth and poverty, wisdom and stupidity, good and evil. Konjaku does not contain a complete exposition of the Buddha legend. The selection of stories is subordinated to the task of showing the prehistory of the Buddhist community that took shape in Japan by the turn of the 11th — 12th centuries. This task is also pursued by the order of the stories and the method of their presentation, where a special attention is attracted to the motives of the Buddha’s family ties, the participation of deities in his life, the distribution of roles between his disciples, as well as the idea that the main provisions of the Mahayana teachings adopted in Japanese Buddhist schools are rooted in the Buddha epoch.

The personality of Mushanokōji Saneatsu (1885–1976), a writer, thinker, poet, playwright, and artist, the ideological inspirer of neo-humanism in Japan in the early 20th century, cannot be ignored in the history of Japanese literature and culture as a whole. In this paper, we aim to explain the fact of such a wide popularity of Mushanokōji and such a strong influence of his personality on his contemporaries. To answer this question, we compiled a description of Mushanokōji, based on the memories of people personally acquainted with him. Having examined the childhood and youth of Mushanokōji as a period of the formation of his character and ideological preferences, the beginning of his career, we turned to the characteristics given by Mushanokōji’s contemporaries: his associates in the Shirakaba group, participants of the New Village project, and literary critics. We found that Mushanokōji did not consider any family member of his to be a role model, preferring to follow the distant ideals of Tolstoy, Rodin, Cezanne, and others. From a young age, Mushanokōji, realizing his unattractiveness and encountering various difficulties in his projects, drew strength from his inherent naive optimism, firm faith in his lucky star, and his uniqueness and sincere sense of humor. These qualities were celebrated by his acquaintances throughout his life. However, Mushanokōji’s popularity is most due to his natural magnetism. As follows from a lot of evidence, Mushanokōji had the ability to attract people in a first meeting, during a conversation or a public speech. His positive energy, which infected and inspired others, allowed some to even see in his figure a religious leader who could direct seekers on the right creative path. Therefore, we can conclude that the genius of Mushanokōji was not only in his literary ability, but primarily in his becoming an iconic figure of his epoch.

This article was written in commemoration of Serge Elisséeff (1889– 1975) – an outstanding 20th century Japanologist, the world-famous scholar and teacher, the founder of the school of Far Eastern studies in the USA, the organizer of academic Japanology in France, one of the first Russian Japanologists. In the autumn of 1920, he emigrated from the Soviet Russia, and was practically unknown in the USSR for this reason. The recognition of the achievements of Russian emigrants in the fields of academic science, engineering, art, and literature in their motherland, when they became its pride, required a lot of time. The only international conference devoted to Elisséeff’s academic path was held in Moscow in 1999. A series of reports was presented by academicians, journalists, and persons who had known Serge Elisséeff personally. Nevertheless, it became evident that his personal and professional life still needs further profound study. For this purpose, the author collected many new documents in various archives and libraries of the countries somehow linked to Serge Elisséeff’s life. They formed a base for reconstructing the prominent scholar’s academic biography. The author reveals the early period of his life and the reasons for his interest in Japanese studies, and introduces some new details of his study at the Imperial Tokyo University (he graduated in 1912 as the first European graduate). The paper examines the Petrograd period of Elisséeff’s career in 1915–1920, when he was a young scholar and professor, and proves his considerable professional contribution to the French Japanology. Serge Elisséeff’s fundamental contribution as the organizer of Far Eastern studies at Harvard and the U.S. in general was fully confirmed by the American archive documents. His extraordinary administrative abilities were revealed during his tenure as the Director of the Harvard-Yenching Institute, when he fulfilled a number of activities at Harvard, in China, and in other Asian countries. The paper considers Elisséeff’s cooperation with the U.S. Secret Services during World War II, and shows his role in saving Kyoto, Nara, and Kamakura. The article also introduces Elisséeff’s accomplishments in spreading the Japanological expertise and the knowledge of Japanese mentality in the West. A number of new scholarly archive sources are put in scientific circulation.

Keywords: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Local Elections, Coronavirus, COVID-19 pandemic, Corruption, Mostar, Political Change, War Narrative, Contemporary Southeastern Europe, 2021, 8(1), 30-39

Aquaculture is a promising sector in Ukrain e’s agricultur al economy and could contribute to the nation’s food security and assist in overcoming some of the challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic. For years , Ukrainian government ’ s policy towards aquaculture has been less than supportive , in part because the governmen t’s management of the sector has been tossed between different ministries . Legal regulation of the sector is overcomplicated , and producers face numerous difficulties with permits, rent of water bodies , inspections, customs, and feed importation. There are no specific approximation obligations related to aquaculture in the Association Agreement between the European Union and Ukraine. State aid to struggling aquaculture producers remains insignificant and difficult to get compared to the aid available to other agricultural businesses. This article analyzes the main policy and legal problems faced by aquaculture businesses in Ukraine and concludes with solutions that can improve the situation .

This article investigates the complex problems arising from the discrepancy of traditional liberal crisis response approaches in the new type of complex emergencies. Based on the in-depth empirical analysis, it examines the EU role in addressing security sector reforms, humanitarian assistance and warfare in Lib y a and Ukraine , two key EU neighboring countries with ongoing military conflicts. It is argued that the observed over-emphasis on state-centric stabili z ation measures, with its main focus on formal state structures, fails to deal with the hybrid dynamics of conflict and peacebuilding in both cou n t rie s. It is suggested that to shape comprehensive crisis response in an unstable neighborhood a multi-layered perspectives approach to security, sensitive to plural agencies and informal rules, should be developed both outside and within EU borders.

This article presents the results of the examination dissenting opinions submitted by judges of administrative courts in excise duty cases in the years 2004–2018. The analysis cover s the judgments of all sixteen administrative courts in Poland issued in the abovementioned period. These criteria led to the selection of research material covering a votum separatum from 78 judgments issued by administrative courts on excise duty and 60 judgements issued by the Supreme Administrative Court as a result of filing a cassation appeal against administrative court judgme n ts. By using quantitative analysis in the performed case studies, it has been determined that, for example, administrative court judges extremely rarely submit in cases of excise duty votum separatum – about five times per year . B etween 2004 and 2018 out of 19 , 172 judgments issued only to 78 of them issued a dissenting opinion, which is more or less 0. 5 % of the total. In the course of case studies using qualitative analysis it has been observed, for example, that in the constituent part of the justification - the legal basis of the decision and its explanation – the SAC referred to the arguments expressed in a separate opinion in 41% of judgments .

Th is article presents a comparative analysis of the characteristics of advocacy in three countries with different level s of political and civil freedom . This analysis correlates each country’s freedom level with the characteristics of its ad vocacy activities . The analysis’s results are based on interviews of experts conducted from 2015 through 201 7 in un free Belarus, partly f ree Ukraine , and free Lithuania. The analysis focuses on the following advocacy characteristics: its scale ; its agents and targets; its goals ; the extent to which it sought to protect rights , freedoms , and other interests, its promotion of ideas; and its results .

The article examines the philosophical dimensions of the national idea of modern Ukraine and the significance of the historiosophical concepts of Kievan Rus in its synthesis. The purpose of the article is to search for the concepts of Ancient Rus, which will become the foundation for creating a unifying, effective ideological model of the modern Ukrainian nation. Which will help to overcome ideological contradictions and distortions created during the times of the Russian Empire and the USSR. The author claims that the problem of the synthesis of the national idea is most deeply studied by the methods of philosophy. The reason for this is the metaphysical essence of the ideas that create the national idea.According to the author, the concept of «Holy Rus» is fundamental for the national idea. Kievan Rus became a cultural, sacred heir to the Eastern Roman Empire. But the Muscovy took away from Kiev its status as the successor of Constantinople and created the mythologem «Moscow - the third Rome». Modern Ukraine needs to correct this mistake and return to its former status. The second concept is the Norman origin of the state traditions of Kievan Rus. This concept integrates Rus and modern Ukraine into the European space of state traditions, on the basis of which the democratic and liberal values of modern Europe emerged. The third is the concept of the intermediary role of Kievan Rus between the civilizations of the East, the countries of the West and Scandinavia. The author argues that the intermediary role of Rus must be realized by modern Ukraine. The form for this can be the Baltic-Black Sea Union of States for cooperation in economics, politics and security.The main conclusion is the need to create a Ukrainian national idea based on the concepts of Kievan Rus. They are relevant in the modern world and raise the status of the Ukrainian state.

The problem of the quality of Latvia’s democracy during the period of EU membership (2004-2020) is studied. Latvia’s progress / regression in strengthening the stability of the principles and values of liberal democracy is assessed. The author’s estimation of the reasons of growth of defects of democracy in Latvia is offered. Attention is drawn to the extent to which the political culture of Latvians corresponds to the values of liberal democracy.

The problem of critical understanding of the concept of “subject” in modern philosophical culture is traumatic and relevant. A cultural-philosophical request has been formed for the analysis and rethinking of historical transformations of the understanding of the category “subject” as an existential and cognitive person. It is important to raise the question of “subject” as a cultural problem for philosophical anthropology and epistemology. Define the range of basic issues and problems associated with changes in the understanding of a person as a “subject”. A difficult aspect of the study is the identification of cultural foundations that connect the theme of man with epistemology, social philosophy, anthropology and axiology. The methodological diversity of the topic allows us to use several approaches simultaneously in considering this issue. The research methodology is based on the method of cultural and historical reconstruction. Comparative analysis of metaphysical and postclassical understanding of man in philosophy. The comparative method will allow us to construct the problematic field of philosophical analysis itself. The distortion of the holistic understanding of man in philosophy through incorporation into the philosophical vocabulary of the concept of “subject” negatively affected the whole culture. Oblivion of traditional European Christian interpretations of human nature contributed to the spread of ideas of desacralization of man as the image and likeness of God. As a result of this, the culture itself is undergoing the collapse of a single cognitive process into point epistemological searches. The issue of dismantling a holistic image of a person is the problem of defining him as a “subject”. Recognition of a person as a “subject”, a “symbolic animal”, as an existing Self, inevitably leads to the splitting of integrity in its image, the desacralization of the entire cultural semantic space of being of a person.

Local self-governance is one of the basic principles of the contemporary democracy, and its independence is essential for the people’s rule. In the Central European States local self-governance is being seen not only as the opportunity of citizens to participate in politics, but as one of the main mechanisms of the democratization of the society and prevention of the way back to authoritarism. The main goal of this research is the analysis of the reformation processes of public administration and formation of instruments to fill the municipality budgets, as the basic levels of self-governance. The tasks of our research are:To investigate the stages of the public administration reform;To analyze the stages of the development of the contemporary system to finance the municipalities; To show the instruments of filling the municipality budgets.The reform of public administration was fulfilled in 3 stages. On the first stage the self-governance was restored. The municipality was defined as the basic element of self-governance. But the municipalities had limited powers and at the same time had no financial independence. On the second stage the powers of the self-governance increased. At the same time the state was searching for efficient ways to finance it. On the third stage the upper level of the self-governance was created – regional self-governance with its separate powers. Nevertheless the independence of the self-governance is only possible in terms of financial independence. It is essential to divide the state budget and the budgets of the self-governance. The self-governed authorities must have instruments to fill their budgets, which are guaranteed by law. In this article we analyze the stages of development of the municipal financial system in the Slovak Republic. These stages are tight connected with the processes of democratization and devolution in the country. The more additional powers did the self-governance get from the bodies of state authorities the more financial independence it has got. The formation of the municipal financial system has been through the long evolutional way – from the total dependence of the financial system from the central state’s government till the increase of the financial independence of the municipalities.

The article analyzes the main approaches of scientists to the problem of resolving military conflicts in international relations in the context of the scientific discourse of liberal-idealist and realistic currents. The space of international relations is always evolving and sometimes acquires signs of anarchy. In this regard, the leading players in the international arena have tried and are trying to stabilize and systematize the international system, using the achievements of theoretical concepts. The tendency to humanize international relations is a characteristic feature of the current stage of development of the system of international relations.It is noted that a realistic direction in the theory of international relations regarding the use of military force by the state over other states was a priority. However, the liberal arsenal’s empirical attack on the traditional intellectual hegemony of realism periodically took place. At the heart of the first liberal moment in the positions of the realists was the work of the founder of the liberal-ideological paradigm, I. Kant. The second wave is based on the models of democratic peace by M. Doyle and B. Russet.The focus is on the reasons for avoiding wars in democracies. In conclusion, the author argues that the liberal world is still a very active and reliable set of theories and research programs. This presupposes the effectiveness of the theoretical basis of liberalism in the context of the attack on the theoretical hegemony of realism in the field of international relations. The theory of democratic peace, as the theoretical basis of the modern liberal paradigm, has practical application in the foreign policy strategy of the United States and European countries.

Ce travail a pour objet le conflit qui oppose dans les années 1870 le gouvernement des beys de Tunis aux montagnards Khmirs, autour de leur marché hebdomadaire, Sūq al-Ahad (marché du dimanche) menacé à la fois par de nouvelles charges fiscales et par l’expansion coloniale française dans l’Est algérien. À partir des archives générées par ce conflit, une approche centrée sur les revendications que soulèvent les tentatives d’empiéter sur les prérogatives des maîtres de ce marché permet d’explorer les différentes formes de mobilisations et les grammaires de légitimation des acteurs du Sūq al-Ahad pour défendre, dans un contexte de plus en plus contraignant, ce qu’ils considèrent comme leurs droits. This research deals with the conflict between the government of the beys of Tunis and the Khmir mountain tribe in the 1870s, concerning their weekly market, Sūq al-Ahad, which was threatened both by new tax burdens and by the French colonial expansion in eastern Algeria. The archives of this conflict make it possible to favor a local approach, centered on the claims of the resource constituted by the market-place and thus to better explore the mobilizations of the actors and the arguments they put forward to defend what they saw as their rights, as well as the way they negotiated them in an increasingly restrictive context. موضوع هذا العمل هو الصراع الذي نشب بين حكومة بايات تونس وسكان جبال خمير في سبعينيات القرن التاسع عشر في شأن سوقهم الأسبوعي، "سوق الأحد"، الذي كان آنذاك مهددًا في آن واحد بأعباء جبائية جديدة وبالتوسع الاستعماري الفرنسي في شرق الجزائر. وانطلاقًا من الأرشيفات التي أنتجها هذا الصراع، تتيح مقاربة مركزة على المطالب التي أثارتها محاولات التعدي على صلاحيات أعيان هذا السوق استطلاع الأشكال المختلفة للتعبئة و أنساق قواعد الشرعنة التي اتبعتها الأطراف الفاعلة في "سوق الأحد" في سبيل الدفاع عما كانت تعتبره حقوقًا لها، في سياق ما فتئ يتفاقم طابعُه الإلزامي.

Désormais, il sera impossible d’évoquer l’Algérie de 2019 sans le 22 février. De même, s’il est impossible d’évoquer la démocratisation du monde arabe sans passer par l’exemple tunisien, il sera difficile d’étudier les soulèvements populaires sans s’arrêter sur le cas du Hirak algérien. Avec moins de recul que nécessaire pour étudier un phénomène d’une telle ampleur, il est tout de même possible de l’appréhender à travers le concept de crise qui renferme dans sa complexité philosophique les ...

De nombreux travaux ont montré que, dans les bidonvilles marocains, les droits de citoyenneté occupent une place de choix dans les pratiques et discours des habitants. À partir d’une enquête menée dans des bidonvilles de deux régions différentes – Nzala Raddaya (la région de Fès-Meknès) et Douar Laamour (la région de Casablanca-Settat) –, j’ai plus particulièrement focalisé mon attention sur l’importance que revêtent les documents administratifs accréditant les habitants de leur statut de bidonvillois ou permettant de bénéficier des opérations de recasement dans le cadre de la politique de lutte contre les bidonvilles. Ces documents, depuis l’accès aux services publics jusqu’à l’opportunité d’être relogé, sont au cœur des stratégies mobilisées aussi bien par les habitants des bidonvilles que par les acteurs publics qui les délivrent ou les réclament Scholarship has shown that, in moroccan shantytowns, the rights of citizenship hold an important place in practices and narratives of the inhabitants. Based on fieldwork conducted in shantytowns in different regions (Nzala Raddaya – in the Fes-Meknes region) and Douar Laamour (in the Casablanca-Settat region), the author paid special attention to the importance taken on by administrative documents which vouch for the status of shantytown dwellers. As such, these documents enable their holders to benefit from resettlements policies in the aim of eradicating shantytowns. The materiality of these documents, which grant access to public services through to the possibility of resettlement, are at the heart of strategies, enacted both by the shantytown inhabitants and by the civil servants who deliver or claim them. أثبتت دراسات عديدة أن حقوق المواطنة في الأحياء القصديرية المغربية تحتل حيزًا بارزًا في ممارسات السكان وخطاباتهم. انطلاقًا من دراسة ميدانية تم إجراؤها في أحياء قصديرية تقع في منطقتين مختلفتين – النزالة الرداية (بجهة فاس-مكناس) ودُوَّار لعمور (جهة الدار البيضاء-سطات) –، ركزت انتباهي بشكل خاص على الأهمية التي تكتسيها الوثائق الإدارية التي تشهد لقاطنيها على وضعهم كسكان فيها أو تسمح لهم بالاستفادة من عمليات إعادة الإسكان المنفذة في إطار سياسة مكافحة الأحياء القصديرية. ومن التمتع بالخدمات العامة إلى فرص الحصول على سكن بديل، هذه الوثائق في صميم الاستراتيجيات المتبعة سواء من قبل سكان الأحياء القصديرية أو الفاعلين الحكوميين الذين يصدرونها أو يطالبون بإحضارها.

Le texte tente de répondre à quelques questionnements autour de la notion d’ayant droit, vocable utilisé particulièrement dans la littérature juridique de l’ethnologie coloniale. Nous sommes partis d’événements a priori mineurs qui se sont déroulés dans un petit village de la Kabylie de la Soummam depuis 1993 pour y analyser les dynamiques de recompositions sociales et statutaires sous-tendues par les enjeux de citoyenneté locale. La contribution tente de montrer comment cette dynamique fait appel à des registres multiples de légitimation qui restent indissociables d’une trame historique. L’observation d’une série d’initiatives publiques des individus et des familles en lien avec leurs conceptions de ce qu’est le bon exercice de leurs droits montre que leur reconnaissance n’est jamais totalement définitive, car régulièrement mise en question en fonction des contextes historiques et des rapports de force au village. The article attempts to answer questions around the notion of “entitled person” or “beneficiary”, a term frequently used in the legal literature of colonial ethnology. The analysis is based on public events that took place in a village of Kabylie Soummam, from 1993 to the present day, which enable us to study the social reconfigurations within the group. The contribution seeks to demonstrate how this social dynamic calls upon multiple registers of legitimization which find their roots in history. The observation of a series of public actions lead by individuals and families with regard to what they conceive as the proper way to enact their rights informs us on the idea that its acknowledgment is never definitely aquired, as it is reevaluated according to the balance of power in the village. يحاول هذا المقال الإجابة على بعض التساؤلات المتعلقة بمفهوم ذوي الحقوق، وهو اللفظ المستخدم على نحو خاص في الأدبيات القانونية للإثنولوجيا الاستعمارية. وقد انطلقنا فيه من أحداث تبدو لأول وهلة ثانوية جرت في قرية صغيرة في وادي الصومام بمنطقة القبائل منذ عام 1993، لنحلل من خلالها ديناميكيات إعادة التشكل الاجتماعي وإعادة تشكل الوضع القانوني القائمة على رهانات المواطنة المحلية. وتحاول هذه المساهمة أن تظهر كيف تستدعي هذه الديناميكية سجلات شرعنة متعددة يتعذر فصلها عن خلفية تاريخية معينة. وتبين ملاحظة سلسلة مبادرات ذات طابع عمومي للأفراد والعائلات ترتبط بتصوراتهم لما هو حُسن ممارسة حقوقهم أن الاعتراف بهذه الحقوق ليس أبدًا نهائيًا بالكامل، إذ أنه يوضع على المحك بشكل منتظم حسب السياقات التاريخية ووفق موازين القوى في القرية.

Cette enquête a été initiée par l’étonnement suscité par l’apparente incongruité d’un conséquent patrimoine en vaisselle de cuivre conservé par une institution algéroise préposée à la gestion des biens en déshérence (le Bayt al-mâl). Ses résultats éclairent les manières dont les marmites - et plus largement les ustensiles - préposées aux repas en commun étaient mobilisées pour faire société. Nous avons mis en lumière le fait qu’en plus de pouvoir former des patrimoines dédiés à une institution pieuse, les marmites pouvaient être ces institutions pieuses (auxquelles pouvaient être dévolues des biens consacrés à leur cause) ; et que l’usage pieux et charitable qui en était fait avait en lui-même force de droit, qu’il en fondait le statut juridique, ainsi que celui des corps sociaux qui se formaient autour de ces institutions pieuses. Cela nous a permis de restituer la charge civique des droits attachés à ces marmites dont les usages collectifs rendaient active la production de corps sociaux. Ces usages étaient en effet le lieu et l’objet des ralliements, des soumissions, des obligations réciproques ; ils organisaient les pouvoirs, les affiliations, les hiérarchies et les seuils d’insertions aux sein de ces corps sociaux. Ils étaient en somme des modes actifs de construction des droits d’appartenance à des communautés politiques. This investigation was initiated by the astonishment (surprise) at the apparent incongruity of a large copper tableware estate preserved by an Algerian institution in charge of managing unclaimed property (the Bayt al-mâl). Its results shed light on the ways in which the pots - and more broadly the utensils - used for communal meals were mobilised to form a society. We have highlighted the fact that, in addition to being able to form estates dedicated to a pious institution, the pots themselves could be these pious institutions (to which goods devoted to their cause could be devolved). Furthermore, the pious and charitable use that was made of them had in itself the force of law, it founded their legal status, as well as that of the social bodies that formed around these pious institutions. This enabled us to restore the civic dimension of the rights attached to these pots, whose collective use participated in the production of active social bodies. Indeed, these practices were the place and object of rallies, submissions and reciprocal obligations; they organised powers, affiliations, hierarchies and thresholds of insertion within these social bodies. In short, they were active modes of constructing the rights of belonging to political communities. بدأت هذه الدراسة من الدهشة التي أثارها الطابع المفاجئ غيرُ المتوقَّع ظاهريًا لوجود تراث معتبر من آنية المائدة النحاسية محفوظ لدى مؤسسة بمدينة الجزائر كانت منوطةً بها إدارة التركات الشاغرة (بيت المال). وتوضح نتائج الدراسة الطرق التي كانت تستخدم بها، في سبل الحياة المشتركة، الطناجر – و بشكل أعمّ الآنيةُ – المخصصةُ للوجبات الجماعية . وقد سلطنا الضوء على كون الطناجر، فضلًا عن قدرتها على تشكيل ممتلكات مخصصة لمؤسسات خيرية، كان يمكن أن تكون هي ذاتها تلك المؤسسات (التي كانت تؤول إليها ممتلكات مكرسة لقضيتها)؛ وأن استخدامها في أوجه البر والإحسان كان يتمتع في حد ذاته بقوة القانون، وكان يؤسس وضعها القانوني، فضلًا عن الوضع القانوني للكيانات الاجتماعية التي كانت تتشكل حول تلك المؤسسات الخيرية. وقد أتاح لنا ذلك أن نبرز الوظيفة المدنية للحقوق المرتبطة بهذه الطناجر، حيث كانت استخداماتها الجماعية تنشط إنتاج كيانات اجتماعية. وقد كانت هذه الاستخدامات محل وموضوع أعمال الانضواء والخضوع والالتزامات المتبادلة؛ وكانت تنظم السلطات والانتسابات والتراتبيات وعتبات الإدماج في تلك الكيانات الاجتماعية. وخلاصة القول أنها كانت أنماطًا فاعلة لبناء حقوق الانتماء إلى جماعات سياسية.

O estudo da influência de Antonio Gramsci nas produções científicas brasileiras tem sido uma pauta da International Gramsci Society – Brasil – IGS-BR, que culminou com o lançamento do Mapa da Bibliografia de Gramsci no Brasil. Este trabalho partiu do referido mapa para contribuir com esse esforço, a fim de identificar os fundamentos teóricos gramscianos presentes nas respectivas produções, a partir da incidência de suas categorias teóricas nos artigos publicados no Brasil. Para este trabalho foi feito um recorte dos 11 artigos que versaram sobre as seguintes categorias: Filosofia da Praxis (5), Cultura (3), Vontade Coletiva (2) e Ideologia (1). Trata-se de uma pesquisa bibliográfica sistemática, de caráter exploratório. A técnica de análise utilizada foi a análise de conteúdo. Os resultados indicam que Hegemonia foi a categoria teórica âncora com maior incidência nos textos, comportando-se como articuladora da unidade do pensamento gramsciano nas produções do Mapa da IGS/BR.

In 2014, newly elected Commission President Juncker pushed to create the European Fund for Strategic Investments (EFSI), the aim of creating jobs and stimulating growth. With guarantees offered by the fund and the involvement of the European Investment Bank, the plan was to use €21 billion to leverage €315 billion of investment in the European economy. The EFSI legislative process was very fast with legislation emerging in just a year, with the first EFSI regulation appearing in mid-2015. Using policy frame analysis, this article zooms in on the discursive patterns of the European Commission, European Parliament and Council, expecting to find transport infrastructure a key theme given the low investment levels in this sector after the financial crisis in 2008. Analysing key documents at two periods in time, and drawing on interviews with officials, it explores the arguments used to make the case for EFSI and how these changes over time, leading to the extension of EFSI through an amended regulation in December 2017. In so doing, it shows the strategic positions of the institutions during Agenda-setting for EFSI. Moreover, he article explores questions of legitimacy and accountability. It reveals how key events including the Paris Agreement on climate change (December 2015) and Brexit referendum (June 2016) increased the persuasiveness of its framing.

Diferentemente do coronelismo, que perdeu força com o avanço dos mecanismos de controle sobre o processo eleitoral, ou do mandonismo, que rareou com a afirmação dos direitos políticos e civis no país, o clientelismo se manteve vivo por toda a história da democracia brasileira. Com o passar do tempo, mudaram os atores, sua presença diminuiu em determinados períodos, aumentou em outros, mas a troca de bens de qualquer natureza pelo voto do eleitor nunca deixou de existir. Este estudo assume o compromisso de descobrir o perfil do eleitor preferido pelos candidatos para ofertar o clientelismo entre os anos de 2000 e 2010 no Brasil. Se vale da metodologia quantitativa e das técnicas da estatística descritiva e do risco relativo para sua análise. Os principais resultados obtidos fazem cair por terra algumas das premissas da Ciência Política e do senso comum a respeito dessa prática tão comum à política brasileira.

Fil: Marcuzzi, Rosa María. Universidad Nacional de Rosario. Facultad de Ciencia Política y Relaciones Internacionales; Argentina Resumen: El presente estudio analiza el cambio de la organización interna de los partidos gubernamentales. Siguiendo la orientación teórica propuesta por el politólogo noruego Kaare Strom sobre el comportamiento de los partidos políticos en las democracias contemporáneas, el análisis compara el Partido de los Trabajadores de Brasil, el Frente para la Victoria de Argentina, el Frente Amplio de Uruguay y el Movimiento Alianza Patria Altiva I Soberana de Ecuador en sus primeros períodos de gobierno. El objetivo del estudio es analizar los cambios organizativos de los partidos en el ejercicio del gobierno. El estudio concluye que los partidos en el ejercicio de gobierno presentan una combinación de creciente activismo político, centralización interna y subordinación al liderazgo gubernamental, lo que contradice la teoría desarrollada por Strom. Abstract: This study analyses the change in the internal organization of government parties. Following the theoretical orientation proposed by Norwegian political scientist Kaare Strom on the behavior of political parties in contemporary democracies, the analysis compares the Brazilian Workers' Party, the Front for Victory of Argentina, the Broad Front of Uruguay and Ecuador's Proud and Sovereign Homeland Alliance Movement in their early periods of government. The objective of the study is to analyze the organizational changes of parties in the exercise of government. The study concludes that parties in the exercise of government present a combination of growing political activism, internal centralization and subordination to government leadership, contradicting the theory developed by Strom.

This paper studies the relationship between stock prices and three types of uncertainty: economic policy uncertainty, stock market volatility, and geopolitical risks. In particular, our aim is to determine whether these forms of uncertainty play the same role in developed and developing countries. With this purpose, we take Spain and Brazil as representative cases. In order to provide new insights into the abovementioned relationship, a cointegration approach is applied, specifically an ARDL model, using monthly data from the period January 2006-December 2019 for a series of financial and macroeconomic variables. The results obtained reveal that there is no uniform effect of uncertainty in stock markets of developing and developed countries. First, in Spain, there is a high perception of uncertainty in economic policy and stock market volatility, which impact negatively in share prices, both in the short and long term. Regarding Brazil, the global uncertainty in the stock markets has effects on share prices, in both time horizons. By contrast, geopolitical risks do not show any significant impact on Brazilian and Spanish share returns.

The presented study is devoted to the reflection of migration policy concepts in the program documents of the leading political parties in Germany. The purpose of this work is to conduct a comprehensive assessment of migration policy concepts of Germany’s leading parties, incorporated in their programs. The research methodology is based on a combination of comparative descriptive analysis and elements of case study. The empirical basis of the research is constituted by program materials of 6 parties and party blocs, whose representatives became part of the Bundestag, according to the results of the 2017 federal elections. The author believes that despite certain differences, the majority of parties hold to the consensus stance on migration policy, which may entail maintaining the current course for the foreseeable future. Significant changes in migration policy are possible only if the leadership of the CDU/CSU is able to convince the leaders of the SPD to continue tightening migration policy in terms of restricting the flow of refugees. Attempting to sustain the existing model of migration policy with the current dynamics of the socioeconomic situation can lead to an increase in the popularity of AfD. However, this course of events does not threaten the stability of German political system, provided AfD does not ally itself with another influential party.

The article examines the use of “soft power” tools used by Iran in relation to Kyrgyzstan. The analysis of the evolving fundamental concepts of Iranian foreign policy in Central Asia allowed us to trace a shift in the Islamic Republic’s international priorities in the region. Objective logic prompted the Iranian leadership to move from “exporting the Islamic revolution” to the pragmatic model of pursuing its national interests. Iran has consecutively incorporated soft power tools into its foreign policy activities in Central Asia. Given the pressure from the sanctions imposed by the United States, Iran attaches particular importance to improving the effectiveness of its soft power in order to expand cooperation horizons with the outside world. By the end of the 20th century, Iran’s leadership had already laid the foundations of its cultural diplomacy in the region, which mainly served to promote influence through the export of cultural values. The Iranian approach to soft power in world politics is based on the principles of reciprocity between different civilizations and peaceful coexistence of all countries and peoples. Through the Persian language, philosophy, literature and poetry, Iran influences the population of the Central Asian region, mainly the peoples sharing certain features with the Turkic-speaking world. Iran’s cultural and educational activities in Kyrgyzstan have demonstrated noticeable dynamics: the spread of soft power of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Kyrgyzstan is carried out through cultural institutions and educational projects. Despite the fact that Kyrgyzstan is culturally more inclined towards the Turkic world, the experience shows that Iran’s cultural values also find support among the population of the republic.

Russia-China relations are a major research focus in international relations, yet few studies have so far addressed the issue of how the two nations view each other. This study seeks to contribute to closing this gap by focusing on how college-age millennials perceive the counterpart country. We have selected students who have had experience studying abroad, namely Chinese students who have studied in Russia and Russian students who have studied in China. Our findings are based on the analysis of 150 in-depth qualitative narrative interviews conducted with Chinese and Russian students (75 in each group). The study demonstrates that ethnocentric stereotypes prevail and both groups engage in cultural ‘othering’. Meanwhile, students from both countries perceive Russian President Vladimir Putin as a central determining factor in shaping Russia-China relations.

The article is focused on the mythologized photos of the global migration phenomena circulating in the ordinary consciousness and in the media. Authors consider deconstruction of this mythology important for two reasons. Firstly, the reproduction of negative stereotypes about migration allows the right-wing populist parties and movements to accumulate political capital, provoking new waves of anti-migration sentiments and creating a vicious circle. Secondly, these sentiments directly or indirectly influence the decision-makers. As a result, decision-making process in the field of migration regulation become influenced by irrational factors. Turning to common misconceptions about international migration, authors show that: a) the mechanical extrapolation of modern demographic trends into the distant future and causal relationship between demographic indicators and migration processes are not scientifically justified; b) there is no direct correlation between the size of the population in less developed regions and the intensity of migration flows from these regions to industrialized countries; c) international migration is by no means a one-way South - North process; d) perception of North countries migration policies, as charity, is fundamentally wrong because it doesnt take into account the complex interdependence of modern world. In addition, authors demonstrate inadequacy of the image of a migratory tsunami threatening to flood Europe.

The religious factor is now at the focus of theoretical and public discussions, addressing the issues of understanding and evaluation of its manifestation forms in various spheres of society: intra-Church, private, public and political. Numerous research focuses account for the variability of interpretations of how the religious factor impacts the political process, in Russia among other countries. The political connotations of the religious factor in relation to the domestic political sphere imply identification of its impact on the nature of socio-political demands, assessment of the situation in the country, visions of development, unity or demarcation lines in public consciousness and behavior. Demand for change in Russian society is shared by all religious and ideological groups, which is confirmed by sociological studies. This demand manifests itself in a plea to reform the political system to achieve greater openness on the one hand, and provide social guarantees, as well as ensure efficient institutional functioning, on the other. The issue of political subjectivity and readiness for certain actions demonstrates unequal activism among representatives of various religious and ideological groups. Filling the image of the desired future with the meanings of social justice related not only to common access to basic social benefits, but also to equality of all before the law, ensuring democracy and human rights, as well as universal geopolitical meaning, confirms the shared nature of the main socio-political parameters. These parameters demonstrate that there are no deep ideological obstacles on the way to articulation of common interests, which are aimed at socio-political changes or maintaining traditional foundations. In the context of Russian multi-religious society, which coexists with secular identities, the conclusion above is of key importance for ensuring social consolidation. The article is based on data from a nationwide representative survey of the Institute of Sociology 2018 (No. 4000), in which the authors personally participated.

The article reveals the relationship between the political crises that affected the European Union from 2015 to 2020, and the growing sympathy of voters for populist-Eurosceptic parties. Particular attention is paid to the political situation in Austria, where in 2017-2019. The government included right-wing populists, as well as the results of the European Parliament elections in May 2019, which testify to the strengthening of the position of a new populism, especially the right-wing one, represented by the Eurosceptics group Identity and Democracy. The purpose of the article is to analyze the current state of the right-wing populist parties and to describe the current patterns of their development in terms of political prospects and the impact on the internal politics of the EU member states. The following research questions are formulated: 1. Has the influence of right-wing populist parties intensified or waned during the migration crisis? 2. Do right-wing populists constitute a coherent pan-European political force? 3. What is the specificity of Italian, Austrian and German right-wing populists?. To answer these questions, a quantitative (first of all, thematic literature and publications in the media) and quantitative analysis (dynamics of relevant statistical information was evaluated). As a result of the study, the authors come to the following conclusions: 1. The entry of the Austrian right-wing populists (APS) into a coalition with S. Kurtz in 2017-2019. - This is part of the regular fluctuations in the balance of power between the three political camps inside Austria, and not a sharp turnaround in established political models (right turn). 2. The German right-wing populists, on the contrary, despite local and really sudden successes (AdG), are in systemic isolation. 3. In Italy, right-wing populists have made significant progress, but the prospects for their unity with other European new right-wingers remain controversial. 4. With some caution, it can be stated that the period 2017-2019, was successful for right-wing populists. The recognition of the right-wing populist parties, their media coverage and presence in government has increased markedly. The perception of the importance of migration themes and cultural identity has increased in comparison with the first half of the 2010s. Moreover, in 2020. this trend is beginning to decline, the themes of culture and migration are gradually giving way to topics of safety, health and the environment.

Actualization of the past is a natural manifestation of need for reflection of historical memory for society; it also pushes elites to search for new forms of “mental control” over public consciousness. The research is devoted to the problem of keeping historical memory in the context of censorship on the Internet. The goal is to identify the symbolic effects of historical memory that arises as a result of narrative representations of history and cognitive mnemonic practices of network media and online Internet communities in the context of censorship. Result of this research was conceptualization of the notion for “cognitive mnemonic Internet practices”, their typology in accordance with the types of cognitive censorship of network media and a description of their symbolic effects. Concept of the Internet as a mnemonic system is theoretically grounded, a typology of censorship strategies is given as a factor affecting the displacement of some forms of historical memory from the public sphere of society and their expression in various network mnemonic practices. The case study analysis of modern Chinese network media allowed for conceptualization of the notion of “cognitive mnemonic Internet practices” and grounding the conclusions.

The Republic of Indonesia is characterized by ethnic and religious diversity. Islam is the most widespread religion in Indonesia and most of the Indonesian population is Muslim. Indonesian society is based on the principles of religious tolerance. The equality of people is the most important socio-political value of the Indonesian society, which guarantees an equality for allpeople, regardless of their ethnicity, religion or social class. Religion can be the foundation that can strengthen the country and become the foundation for development. At the same time, religion may not be the official state ideology. We study the relationship between religion and state in Indonesia. What problems arise in the relationship between religion and the state? This study aims to find out how Islam and politics in Indonesia are in harmony with the ideology of the Indonesian nation and how religious values can support moral foundations of Indonesian politics. We used analyze secondary sociological data and studied researches of the largest Indonesian academics on the problems of the relationship between religion and politics. We used the method of library research with abstracting and collecting data. A new set of scientific sources in the Indonesian language is being introduced into scientific circulation. The results of the study showed that Indonesia is not a democracy based on the principles of democratic processes of Western Europe. The peculiarity of Indonesia lies in the interaction of religious values and the politics. Indonesian politics is characterized by religious tolerance. At the same time, religious and cultural values are incorporated into the political practices of Indonesia in the form of moral and ethical guidelines. Thus, Indonesia is not a religious or secular country, but a country where religious values are the moral and ethical main ideology of state development.

The author of article reviews relevant setbacks of modern school education. Russian youth faces a «dissolution of history» due to gaps in school subjects, where historical events and individuals are losing their significance, but which was mentioned in soviet school program. Author underlines that new studying courses limit the list of authors and their works, which truly reflect a picture of Great Patriotic War. Moreover, digital technologies are filling up kids and youth’s spare time, that is why historical and fictional works are being replaced away. The author of article focuses on Russian and foreign contemporary movies as well, which have played its role in creating “historical content” in knowledge of youth. Nowadays, modern movies are replacing wartime and historical literature because of its interactive and dramatic form of impact, and for some time its fake facts, which are more acceptable for screenplays and have more commercial success. Author concludes that modern school program is needed to be corrected. These new corrections must include creating of new culture of reading, socialization of youth and popularization of reading.

The article discusses the impact of the coronavirus pandemic on the rhetoric of Russian representatives of traditional religions (Islam and Orthodoxy). As a context of this process, the author defines the contradictory trends taking place in society: trust / distrust of the state and religious institutions; strengthening / weakening of rationalism and trust in science, in particular medicine. The author used the concept of biopolitics by Michel Foucault, the concept of anthropocentric authoritarianism by David Chandler, the concept of the crisis of prevailing globalization by Jean Baudrillard as a methodology. In general, according to the author, despite the manifestations of fundamentalism in Orthodoxy, religious leaders supported the states position to quarantine and restrict the access of believers to churches, did not reject the scientific explanation for the pandemic, and proceeded from ideas about the social responsibility of the church, public solidarity, and the general fate of the entire population of Russia. At the same time, in the situation of an indefinitely long pandemic and the associated economic crisis, traditional religious structures have to find a middle path between modernists and fundamentalists in their ranks, as well as develop their own position in relation to the inevitable strengthening of state control over citizens.

In this article, the author analyzes the structure and models of research-policy dialogues and identifies the conceptual emphasis of these interactions in the decision-making process in the scope of migrants integration policy in the Russian Federation. State authorities at all levels are making significant efforts to develop research and knowledge accumulation. Research-policy dialogues are important for the effective and the efficient development of migrants integration policy. The relevance of research-policy dialogues is determined by the need to use knowledge for various purposes by the state authorities: to provide a conceptual basis for political decisions in the field of migration policy, to develop tools and indexes for measuring integration policy, or to monitor and to evaluate the implemented policy. The author of the article analyzed the institutional forms of the research-policy dialogues in the field of migrant integration policy in the Russian Federation, studied communication channels in the framework of the St. Petersburg International Labor Forum (2018-2020), and analyzed the knowledge production process in this case using the network approach. The author considered the main research topics in the field of migration policy based on the data from the Unified Information System of Government Procurement (2016-2020), which allowed studying the functions of knowledge and the directions of its use. The author of the article concluded that the request for the mutual learning model of research-policy dialogues is just beginning to emerge in the Russian Federation. The most frequent models of dialogues are bureaucratic and consultancy, which require the use of knowledge in order to ensure legitimizing and substantiating functions.

The role of religion in the structure of European identity was not on the top of agenda before the discussion of the Constitution project, but in the light of the intensive migration and Brexit this question appears to be more and more important. The issue of the interconnection between religion and European identity has several dimensions: the role of believing and belonging as well as Christianity and it forms in construction and functioning of European identity and feeling of Europeanness. The correlation analysis of Eurobarometer data (2009-2019), European Value Study (2d and 3d waves) and World Value Survey (1st-6th waves) data allows us to prove that, being secular in its roots, European identity has intense ties with religiousness. Religion appears to be a factor of European identity not within any confession, but more as a faith. Nevertheless, correlation analysis also demonstrates differences in the influence of Christian confessions on the one’s self-identification as European, which allows to look wider at the religion function in European Identity and claimed European values (mainly of secular and Enlightenment origin) in historical retrospective. This means that religion perspective not only reopens the discussion of the substance of being European, but also is one of key approaches to the urgent issues of peaceful group coexistence within European Union. Роль религии в структуре европейской идентичности не была на повестке дня до обсуждения проекта Конституции, но в свете интенсивной миграции и Brexit этот вопрос представляется все более и более важным. Взаимосвязь между религией и европейской идентичностью имеет несколько измерений: роль веры, а также христианства и его ветвей в построении и функционировании европейской идентичности и чувства европейскости. Корреляционный анализ данных Евробарометра (2009-2019), European Value Study (2 и 3 волны) и World Value Survey (1-6 волны) позволяет доказать, что, будучи секулярной по своей природе, европейская идентичность имеет тесные связи с религиозностью. Религия представляется фактором европейской идентичности не в рамках какой-либо конфессии, а скорее как вера. Тем не менее корреляционный анализ также демонстрирует различия во влиянии христианских конфессий на самоидентификацию человека как европейца, что позволяет взглянуть шире на функцию религии в европейской идентичности и декларируемых европейских ценностях (в основном светского и просветительского происхождения) в исторической ретроспективе. Религиозная перспектива не только открывает дискуссию о сущности европейской идентичности, но также является одним из ключевых подходов к проблеме мирного сосуществования групп в рамках Европейского союза.

Among modern studies on the phenomenon of migration, of particular interest is the work studying and analyzing educational migration as one of the most popular and promising areas of migration. Despite numerous work devoted to the issue of educational migration, latter still remains the least studied migration category. In order to identify current trends and patterns of international educational migration and to trace development of theoretical constructions explaining migration process, author has conducted an analysis of more than 60 scientific publications (both theoretical and empirical studies) of foreign authors on the issues of consideration. Analysis of publications was carried out in context of a critical review of scientific theories and research concepts on educational migration. As the main theories, neoclassical theories of migration of macro (the concept of Push-Pull factors) and micro (the theory of human capital) level, transnational theory and theory of global knowledge were considered. As a result, author notes that educational migration studies are mostly aimed at studying economic aspects of migration, determinants and causes of migration, issue of highly qualified migration, processes of integration and adaptation of foreign students, new directions of student migration, transnational spaces and social migrant networks etc. Publications on the values and axiological aspects of educational migration are much less common. To sum up, based on results of the study, article reveals that vectors of educational migration studies are shaped by transformation occurring in the world and in the global educational environment that directly affects the nature of student migration flows.

The aim of the article is to study the phenomenon of religious nationalism, i.e. cases when religion and nationalism are closely related and reinforce each other, and religious identity becomes an important and integral part of national identity. The author aims to analyze the political context of cases of religious nationalism in European countries, to describe their essential features and conditions of occurrence, and also to answer the question: are there any political reasons for religious nationalism? Considering the phenomenon of nationalism in the framework of the constructivist approach, the author also employs the methods of comparative analysis, using material from such countries as Ireland, Poland, Greece, the countries of the former Yugoslavia, as well as the Russian case taking place in the Chechen Republic. Summarizing these cases, the author describes the conditions for the emergence of an alliance of religion and nationalism. Firstly, it is a religious difference between neighboring communities. Secondly, it is a conflict between them, which contains a threat to identity. In these cases, religion becomes an important marker that distinguishes communities from each other, and begins to perform non-religious functions: the affirmation of national identity, ethnic pride, national honor, protection of sovereignty, and culture. Religious nationalism always stimulates growth of religious commitment of a nation, in which the number of believers may reach 90 percent. But this commitment is not individual, it is not based on a personal choice of faith, but collective and obligatory. Religious affiliation is dictated by loyalty to the nation.

The paper focuses on the relationships that have developed over the past 30 years of the post-secularity period between the state and Islamic structures and communities using the example of the Republic of Tatarstan as a region with a significant Muslim population. Based on the data of 14 in-depth interviews with the experts, imams and residents of Tatarstan, it is shown that the secular power controls the Islamic community and the Spiritual Administration of Muslims and plays a dominant role in the interaction between the state and Islamic organizations. The modern processes of re-Islamization are associated with the risks caused by Islamic globalization which may lead to the loss of regional Islamic tradition and threaten the stability of the Republic. The state has strengthened control over the religious sphere in this context and has charged the Spiritual Administration of Muslims of the Republic of Tatarstan with an important task of neutralizing and preventing extremism. The main ways to overcome radicalization of believers are educational activities with special attention paid to young people and work for training Muslim clergy. The paper also analyzes whether it is possible to observe the principle of secularism. Special attention is paid to the description of the two main parts that make up the Muslim Ummah of Tatarstan, their different attitudes to the issue of the state intervention in the affairs of Islam and the reaction that they received from the state and official Islamic organizations. The Spiritual Administration of Muslims of Tatarstan is forced to respond to the demands of not only the state, but also ordinary Muslims. However, it can hardly cope with the request to be a buffer between the secular authorities and the Islamic community.