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El jaramillismo fue y es, puesto que aún existen decenas o centenas de labriegos que se reclaman jaramillistas, un movimiento social, prioritariamente agrario, que se ubica específicamente en el estado de Morelos y partes de Puebla y Guerrero. La figura de un excapitán del Ejército Libertador del Sur, se va a convertir en el principal impulsor de las diversas luchas en las que participan los campesinos sureños organizados en torno a Rubén Jaramillo. El enfrentamiento con los sectores hegemónicos del Estado de Morelos, abarca desde los lejanos años veintes, hasta el asesinato de su dirigente en 1962. Todas las tácticas fueron empleadas por esta tendencia rural, la demanda de tierras y créditos, la formación de cooperativas de producción y consumo, las huelgas en el ingenio de Zacatepec, la fundación de un partido político (Partido Agrario Obrero Morelense), con la finalidad de participar en procesos electorales y cuando se cerraban las opciones, la lucha armada. Siempre pugnando por que se cumplieran los postulados agraristas del Plan de Villa de Ayala y desde luego, del contenido del artículo 27 constitucional. Nunca fueron resueltos los problemas sociales, políticos y económicos, que presentaba Rubén Jaramillo en su incansable confrontación con los grupos hegemónicos y su representante el partido oficial PRI. A pesar de contar con una amnistía que le había otorgado el gobierno de Adolfo López Mateos, el dirigente social, fue acribillado en unión de su familia en la zona arqueológica de Xochicalco en mayo de 1962. Una vez más el sistema político de esta nación, había deshonrado su palabra

During the negotiations for a peace treaty between the FARC guerrilla group and the Colombian government, headed by President Juan Manuel Santos, a petroleum exploration venture began in the Department of Caquetá, in southern Colombia, which led to protests revolving around the defense of water. This article analyzes the effects of the seismic exploration undertaken by the oil companies there and the actions of the peasant-farmer organizations which were defending water. In contrast with the idea that the Colombian State is institutionally weak, it has been a crucial actor in the consolidation of extractive industries. In that respect, the article also reveals how the historic shaping of territories limits the margin of action for social protest. Using a qualitative methodology, this study of the abovementioned events seeks to throw light on the challenge of balancing peace with the protection of the environment in the frontiers of Colombia.

Hace 25 años la guerrilla salvadoreña del FMLN firmaba la paz con el gobierno del partido ARENA. Este acontecimiento se daba dos años después de la firma de acuerdos entre el M-19 y el partido liberal en aquel momento en el poder en Colombia. Tanto el FMLN como el M-19 dejarían las armas y pasarían a las urnas a través de la conformación de partidos políticos, uno con un éxito electoral rotundo y otro con un fracaso de la misma amplitud. El objetivo de este artículo es dar una mirada en perspectiva comparada a los dos procesos para comprender cómo se desarrollaron las negociaciones, en qué contextos se construyeron los respectivos acuerdos y, por último, qué bases solidificaron para los futuros proce- sos de participación política.

This study seeks to determine the insurgency's strategic line using a more comprehensive methodology than the standard one used, which only measures tactical indicators quantitatively, raising doubts when appreciating other insurgency fulfilled or non-fulfilled objectives. Using the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia's strategy between 2000 and 2014 as a case study, four strategic indicators were identified and standardized, and the strategic line was determined. A weakening of 61 % towards the end of the period was quantified, resulting from both their errors and the National Security Strategy. These results may favor the National Security Strategy's analysis and definition facing an insurgent conflict both for the Colombian case and other similar cases worldwide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article, carried out with support from the Federal University of Mato Grosso do Sul Foundation - UFMS / MEC - Brazil, is the result of studies on female participation on different fronts to fight the Brazilian civil-military dictatorship (1964-1985). Over the past few decades, important contributions have been made to thinking about female protagonism during the dictatorship, allowing the emergence of new perspectives and analytical approaches. Thus, when thinking about the history of women in that period, we must observe the codes of conduct that surrounded them and the practices of resistance that broke both in the political, public, as well as cultural, patriarchal scenario. Thus, the aim of this paper is to discuss female participation and resistance in the Guerrilha do Araguaia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing from the work of Deleuze and Guattari, we experimentally chart a cartography of a peculiar interview (an "off-topic" and "dissident" interview that disrupts the agenda of the interviewer). In this article, we aim to traverse the micropolitics of the interview, the entangled relations of power and resistance. We intentionally chart the intensive topography of the peculiar and re-present what was once missed (or passed over). Thinking with theory rather than method, we have used Deleuze and Guattari's conceptualization of social machines, deterritorialization, and desire, to interrogate and experiment with the dissident interview. Performed as a nine-movement guerrilla encounter, the peculiarities of the interview are re-presented as unconventional guerrilla tactics that deterritorialize and disrupt the interview. Our experimentation surfaced some of the ways an interview can be despotic, stifling affective production. However, a Deleuzio-Guattarian war machine prevented the capture and appropriation of the interview and produced a new creative machine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to describe the development of the 'JEGER' application using android platform to develop a history learning media and model based on historical potential of General Soedirman's guerrilla in Pacitan, Indonesia. This development used three main steps adopted from Borg and Gall's model. The development scheme of the application takes a place as a media and model in history learning. The draft or prototype was validated by experts of learning material and media. The revised results of the validator's suggestion are tested to examine the effectiveness and feasibility. The average evaluation of the five assessment components showed an average of 92%. It means that the application of "JEGER" is very effective and feasible as an innovative and creative media and model for historical learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Oficina do Historiador is the property of EDIPUCRS - Editora Universitaria da PUCRS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Prohistoria is the property of Prohistoria Ediciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Defense & Strategy / Obrana a strategie is the property of Institute for Strategic Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Aims Plants can benefit from heterogeneous environments via disproportionately increasing resource harvesting in resource-rich patches. Their initial growing positions with respect to resource patches may thus have important influences on their performance and relative competitive ability. Such impacts may differ between species with contrasting spatial architectures. However, the potential influence of initial growing positions in heterogeneous environment on plant growth and competition has largely been ignored. Methods We grew the phalanx plant Carex neurocarpa and the guerrilla plant Bolboschoenus planiculmis alone or in competition in a heterogeneous environment consisting of high- and low-nutrient soil patches. In treatments without competition, one ramet of each species was grown in either a high- or a low-nutrient patch in the heterogeneous environment. In treatments with competition, a ramet of the target species was grown in either a high- or a low-nutrient patch, and a ramet of the competitor species was grown in the same patch as the target species or an adjacent patch with a different nutrient level. Important Findings Without competition C. neurocarpa produced more biomass and ramets when initially grown in a high-nutrient patch than when initially grown in a low-nutrient patch. With competition, these differences disappeared. Consequently, competitive intensity on C. neurocarpa was higher when it initially grew in a high-nutrient patch than when it initially grew in a low-nutrient patch. These impacts were independent of the initial position of its competitor. By contrast, the initial positions of B. planiculmis did not influence its growth or competitive response. Therefore, in heterogeneous environments, initial growing positions of clonal plants may influence their performance in competition-free environments and may also affect their relative competitive ability, and these effects may depend on spatial architecture of the plants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the study of extortive kidnappings carried out by Argentine armed revolutionary organizations. Starting from a set of 65 cases, product of an original survey included as Annex, reconstructs the most emblematic kidnappings and analyzes the crisscrossing of senses involved in this practice of the so called "revolutionary justice". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of América Latina Hoy is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Question (1669-6581) is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Compared with pure literature, Liu Cixin's science fiction novels show a high degree of novelty. Due to his creative accommodation of third world experience and the Chinese cultural spirit of the 1950-70s, he is able to challenge the universal hegemony of the Enlightenment. The deep feelings of Liu Cixin's novels come from the "guerrilla" character of third world intellectuals who resisted colonization and guarded the country, a resistance derived from China's vanguard position in the third world independence movement. Liu Cixin's continuous writing of the story of weakness over power is not only a response to China's modern and contemporary situation, but also a borrowing from the revolutionary experience to imagine the possibility of another world for readers of the post-revolutionary era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the results of the research on the identity of the female adolescent soldiers who, at the time of the study, were in the Colombian government's rehabilitation programs. The life history interviews methodology was used, 20 adolescents and young women participated, with an average age of 18.9 years. When they entered the illegal armed groups, they had an average of 12.5 years and remained in the groups an average of 4.4 years. From the narratives of the participants, it was discovered that the development of their identity went through three key moments: the first is the product of family interactions, and it is expressed in the tension of assuming the traditional role of women and the decision to join to illegal groups; the second is the result of their permanence in the groups and is defined by the strong masculine culture of war; and the third moment is a consequence of the transit of these women through of the governmental rehabilitation programs, and it is characterized by assuming control of their lives from the exercise of citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Peace negotiations between the National Government of Colombia and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - People's Army (FARC-EP) in Habana came to be one of the most significant events in the political history of Colombia within the last hundred years. It was, in some way, the ending point to one of the forms of violence that this country has endured. To examine this violent manifestations, the negotiation process and what has come after is our obligation as scholars. The results of this examination include, from one side, the inequality between the different social sectors and the hegemonic exercise of power from the dominant elites as some of the causes; and from the other side, the armed conflict with its sequel of deaths and refugees as an almost obvious consequence of the former. Being able to understand what happens, may not be the solution to the conflict, but it is a starting point to assimilate the historical and social processes that have occurred, that are currently happening and that will likely come up in a more or less immediate future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The entrance of Camilo Torres Restrepo to the National Liberation Army (ELN), supposed the alliance between two visions that were considered antagonistic in a guerrilla organization: Marxism and Christianity. Based on a qualitative study, this research aims to analyze the union between Marxism and Christianity in the ELN in the period from 1986 to 1989. It is argued that the union is mediated by the symbolism created around the figure of Camilo Torres that it manifested itself in the promotion of a possible, and even obligatory, link between Christians and Marxists in the guerrilla organization in the late 1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anuario Colombiano de Historia Social y de la Cultura is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas, Departamento de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mesovita Gradja is the property of Istorijski Institut and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Geopolitica(s): Revista de Estudios Sobre Espacio y Poder is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Interdisciplinaria de Estudios de Género de El Colegio de México is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Interdisciplinaria de Estudios de Género de El Colegio de México is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Este año se cumplirán 50 años de la caída en combate del Che Guevara, el guerrillero argentino cubano es uno de los personajes centrales en la historia del siglo XX, y su influencia ha sido determinante en innumerables procesos revolucionarios del Continente Americano. Su imagen desaliñada y su típica boina es una representación que está presente en gran parte de la cultura de izquierda y en los imaginarios colectivos de muchas generaciones. Sin duda, en la construcción de tal simbolismo, juega un papel fundamental la famosa fotografía tomada por Alberto Korda, la imagen guarda en sí una serie de significaciones y códigos posibles de interpretar. Nuestra hipótesis en torno a la seducción que transmite esta imagen se basa en la articulación de lo sagrado y la muerte como sus componentes discursivos principales; conceptos que a la vez entroncan con la propia identidad de Latinoamérica. Metodológicamente este trabajo se propone interpretar las particulares de la citada fotografía, en base a una estrategia de investigación de carácter hermenéutico y transdisciplinar. Palabras claves: imagen, guerrilla, fotografía, icono político, muerte, hermenéutica.

El trabajo busca un diálogo constante entre quienes protagonizaron la historia de resistencia en Ecuador, la teoría y la necesidad de recuperar a la memoria como herramienta de trabajo y método de las ciencias sociales. Recoge la historia de una guerrillera ecuatoriana, no un alto mando en la cadena, no quien sale en las portadas de los diarios, sino una mujer guerrillera, mujer, madre, compañera, tía, hermana e hija, quien humanamente cuenta su arista de la historia.

This paper draws attention to archaeologies of obscured events related to the disappearance of people in Brazil during the dictatorship period. It emphasizes the political and socioenvironmental nature of the conflicts that the dictatorship unleashed, focusing on the repression against the Araguaia guerrilla, an Amazonian movement that intended to start a revolution in the 1970 s. Mobility and landscape are explored in an attempt to understand the dispositive implemented to destroy things, people and stories and make them disappear. I argue that the struggle between the armed forces and the guerrilla took a strongly spatial dimension: the military mapped the guerrilla's landscape and its mobility flows through a heavy investment on a spatial dispositive aimed to intersect connections and suffocate resistance. Such dispositive successfully limited or exacerbated the guerrilla movements, fragmenting their supply systems and weakening their bonds with the local population. I explore the potential of archaeology to unveil hidden and suppressed phenomena and to build new narratives about the Araguaia guerrilla, which materialize the effects of the dematerializaing practices developed by the dictatorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the historical genesis and function of an Ethiopian rebel radio station in the fight against the rule of Mengistu Haile Mariam (1974–1990) through mobilisation, politicisation and organisation of the Tigrean population in and outside Ethiopia. As a motivational technology, the clandestine radio added momentum to the rebellion helping it expand into northern, central, southern and western Ethiopia in the late 1980s when the Tigray Peoples Liberation Front formed the nucleus of an emergent Pan-Ethiopian rebel group: Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front. The architects of the rebel movement were aided in the recruitment of fighters and conscientisation of the Tigray and other national groups through different strategies that helped acquire legitimacy in the "counter-state" of rebel held territories and beyond. Broadcasting from Ethiopia's cloud-capped highest mountain Ras Dashen and then from an inconspicuous cave to evade detection and bombing, the radio was a symbol of resistance that provided combat and political news and alternative perspectives to those of the government. The insurgent radio was also engaged in countering image threats from the Mengistu Haile Mariam state as well as rival rebel entities that had engaged in reputational attacks against it. The historic radio invoked mythology, heroism and martyrdom as important mass communication strategies of the insurgency until the culmination of the war in 1991. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do social movements form their political strategies? The relevant theory pays considerable attention to structure, and argues that when political opportunities are open, movements are more likely to opt for a systemic political strategy; when they are closed, movements are expected to take a more revolutionary turn. However, political opportunities can make some options appear more 'realistic' and others less so, but movements don't always behave 'realistically'. They might explain when movements are more likely to mobilise and what repertoires they adopt once they do so, but they do not account for what happens earlier on: by what mechanisms the movements form their political strategies. Exploring the case of the cocaleros of the Chapare, this article argues that more emphasis should be placed on mechanisms that are internal to the movements, such as: (a) the resonance of other political experiences at home and abroad, (b) internal struggles for ideological hegemony, and (c) the political formation of their grassroots. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Close Encounters in War journal is a new independent and peer-reviewed journal aimed at studying war as a human experience, through interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary approaches. The journal studies how war affects the sphere of human relations, which can occur in a number of ways, through direct experience but also through indirect – intellectual – experience. When war is experienced indirectly, language becomes the medium through which people encounter war, for example through literature, journalism, politics or science. Close Encounters in War seeks to explore the condition, meaning and aftermath of both direct and indirect encounters with war and conflict.

In developing technology and differentiating markets, businesses have resorted the way of increasing their competitiveness by taking advantage of new marketing methods in order to stand out in the market. Within this context, companies have started to use different marketing strategies in order to be more effective in the market and to maintain their presence and awareness in different ways. Guerrilla marketing is an important marketing technique that small and medium-sized businesses are using with minimum marketing investments in extraordinary ways at unexpected times to attract attention of the target audience in today's increasingly competitive environment. This study focuses on guerrilla marketing which is an important marketing technique that small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) have applied, using unusual methods, in unexpected times, with minimum marketing investments to attract the attention of target audience in today's increasingly competitive environment. In order to determine the consumer perception about guerrilla marketing methods, a survey was applied to 384 people living in İzmir. Factor analysis was applied to the obtained survey data in SPSS 22 statistics program. Three results were obtained. 'Extraordinary' has been identified as the most important factor. The second important factor is 'Interesting and surprising', and the final factor is 'Communication'. Kolmogorov Smirnov test was conducted to determine which tests should be performed on the sub-dimensions of the scale of Consumer Perception on Guerrilla Marketing Methods (SCPGMM). It was determined that the distribution was not normal and Kruskal Wallis and Mann Whitney U tests were applied to the sub-dimensions of SCPGMM. According to the test results, It has been determined that the "Extraordinary" (F1) sub-dimension of the SCPGMM sub-dimensions varies according to gender, age, education and marital status; the "interesting and surprising" (F2) sub-dimension varies according to the education and the "Communication" (F3) sub-dimension varies according to gender and marital status.

The article is part of the research project entitled "Proposal for rural-urban territorial integration from the construction of the city-region of the municipality of Ocaña (Norte de Santander)" as part of the urban-rural relations of Catatumbo and the city of Ocaña; He focused on knowing what the perception of the city of Ocaña about the Popular Liberation Army –EPL- is and its position regarding the opening of peace talks. The methodology consists of a documentary review on the EPL and the dynamics of the Libardo Mora Front in the Catatumbo region. Regarding the perception of the citizens of Ocaña, 385 random surveys were applied to adults distributed in the communes, inquiring about the perception of the EPL, the viability of peace dialogues and the vision of Catatumbo in the future as a region in peace. The results were the recognition of the EPL as a guerrilla by the citizens, the need to open peace talks and the hope to build a peaceful Catatumbo. In conclusion, the need to open dialogues with this group is raised.

No hay resúmenes disponiblesRealidad: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades No. 138, 2013: 633-671

In this paper we consider the combination of three issues, which also separately, have a significant interest from both academic research and film studios as from the historiographical studies. First, consideration of the role of women in past events, i.e. women as historical subject and, at the same time as a film subject; secondly, prison as a space of historical interest (social, political) as “place of memory”; and thirdly, the approach to works of a cycle scarcely cultivated by Spanish film and movies such as stories and performances that mostly take place in prisons: the prison film. The combination of these three perspectives takes place in a short but significant filmography that is our object of study.

Este artículo reflexiona sobre la denominada zona central del Magdalena, una de las zonas en que está dividido el departamento del Magdalena desde el punto de vista político. Esta zona es, sin lugar a dudas, una especie de epicentro de actividades conflictivas que reflejan la inestabilidad del Estado-Nación. La eliminación sistemática de los chimilas, la desarticulación de los movimientos sociales como una de las consecuencias de la masacre de las bananeras en 1928, le desecación y expropiación de la Ciénaga Grande de Santa Marta, la guerrilla, el paramilitarismo y sus consecuencias nefastas en los procesos económicos, sociales y culturales, conforman un espacio territorial muy complejo en donde se articulan las grandes familias terratenientes, la ausencia del Estado y la eliminación sistemática de lo público, para dar espacio a un gigantesco territorio en donde la impunidad y la ausencia de memoria son la base de su desarrollo.

While Unconventional Warfare (UW) remains a viable, low-cost method of indirect warfare, some of the assumptions underpinning traditional UW have diverged from reality in the last two decades. These include the idea that UW occurs mostly within denied areas; the categorisation of resistance movements into underground, auxiliary and guerrilla components; the model of a pyramid of resistance activities becoming larger in scale, more violent and less covert until they emerge ‘above ground’ into overt combat; and the assumption that the external (non-indigenous) component of UW primarily consists of infiltrated Special Forces elements, or support from governments-in-exile. Arguably these assumptions were always theoretical attempts to model a messy reality. But since the start of this century the evolution of resistance warfare within a rapidly changing environment has prompted the UW community to reconsider their relevance. This article examines that evolution and its implications. It begins with a historical overview, examines how drivers of evolutionary change are manifested in modern resistance warfare and considers the implications for future UW.

(1) Background: A central subject in clonal plant ecology is to elucidate the mechanism by which clones forage resources in heterogeneous environments. Compared with studies conducted in laboratories or experimental gardens, studies on light foraging of forest woody clonal plants in their natural habitats are limited. (2) Methods: We investigated wild populations of an evergreen clonal understory shrub, Japanese pachysandra (Pachysandra terminalis Siebold & Zucc.), in two cool-temperate forests in Japan. (3) Results: Similar to the results of herbaceous clonal species, this species formed a dense stand in a relatively well-lit place, and a sparse stand in a shaded place. Higher specific rhizome length (i.e., length per unit mass) in shade resulted in lower ramet population density in shade. The individual leaf area, whole-ramet leaf area, or ramet height did not increase with increased light availability. The number of flower buds per flowering ramet increased as the canopy openness or population density increased. (4) Conclusions: Our results provide the first empirical evidence of shade avoidance and light foraging with morphological plasticity for a clonal woody species.

La Unidad Policial para la Edificación de la Paz (Unipep) es una unidad estratégica que se creó al interior de la Policía Nacional, antes de la firma del Acuerdo de Paz entre el Gobierno nacional y las Fuerzas Revolucionarias Armadas de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP), para asumir algunos de los retos derivados de dicho acuerdo. Ante la ausencia de estudios asociados al impacto de la Unipep en el proceso de construcción de paz en el país, el objetivo general del artículo gira en torno a analizar el modelo organizacional de la Unipep, definido para responder a las responsabilidades de la implementación del Acuerdo de Paz. Para la elaboración del artículo se utilizó una metodología cualitativa, de carácter exploratorio, que incluyó estrategias como la revisión documental y entrevistas semiestructuradas; a partir de ello, se resaltaron debilidades, oportunidades, fortalezas y debilidades del modelo organizacional de la Unipep. Con base en la discusión teórica y conceptual presentada en los primeros apartes del artículo, se afirma que la evolución organizacional de la Unipep se puede asociar al modelo comunitario, dada la importancia que se le da a la participación de la comunidad donde opera, su intento por tener una estructura descentralizada y su énfas is en estrategias de prevención. LAN-EN The Police Unit for the Building of Peace (UNIPEP) is a strategic unit that was created within the National Police force, before the signing of the Peace Agreement between the national Government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People's Army (FARC-EP), in order to assume some of the challenges that arise from the agreement. In the absence of studies associated with the impact of the UNIPEP on the peace building process in the country, the general objective of the article revolves around analyzing the organizational model of the UNIPEP, created to respond to the responsibilities of the implementation of the Peace Agreement. For the elaboration of the article, a qualitative methodology was used, of an exploratory nature, which included strategies such as the review of documents and semi-structured interviews, from which, strengths, weaknesses and opportunities of the UNIPEP organizational model were highlighted. Based on the theoretical and conceptual discussion presented in the first sections of the article, it is affirmed that the organizational evolution of the UNIPEP can be associated with the community model, due to the importance given to the participation of the community where it operates, its intent for having a decentralized structure, and its emphasis on prevention strategies. LAN-PT A Unidade Policial para a Edificação da Paz (Unipep) é uma unidade estratégica que se criou ao interior da Polícia Nacional, antes da assinatura do Acordo de Paz entre o Governo nacional e as "Fuerzas Revolucionarias Armadas de Colombia-Ejército do Pueblo" (FARC-EP), para assumir alguns dos desafios derivados deste acordo. Diante da ausência de estudos associados ao impacto da Unipep no processo de construção de paz no país, o objetivo geral do artigo gira em torno de analisar o modelo organizacional da Unipep, definido para responder às responsabilidades da implementação do Acordo de Paz. Para a elaboração do artigo foi utilizada uma metodologia qualitativa, de caráter exploratório, que incluiu estratégias como a revisão documental e entrevistas semiestruturadas; a partir disso, se ressaltaram fraquezas, oportunidades, pontos fortes e fracos do modelo organizacional da Unipep. Com base na discussão teórica e conceitual apresentada nas primeiras contribuições do artigo, se afirma que a evolução organizacional da Unipep pode se associar ao modelo comunitário, dada a importância que se dá à participação da comunidade onde opera, seu intento por ter uma estrutura descentralizada e sua ênfase em estratégias de prevenção. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1959 and 1964, groups of Colombian guerrilla people were operated, who were stimulated by the triumph of the Cuban Revolution. These would be the ancestors of the guerrilla groups that after 1964 were consolidated in the country. With them, a new stage of violence began in which young students and professionals, who sought to transform the structure of society, in order to overcome social inequality, assumed the protagonism. Among them, is the fgure of Tulio Bayer Jaramillo, whose vital trajectory exemplifies that of the young people of his generation, who saw the armed struggle as the mechanism to make the revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]