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Over the next 50 years, population aging will contribute to a dramatic decline in the European working age population. One important question for policy makers is to what extent an increase in labour force participation of migrants, their descendants, and women can compensate for the decline in labour supply. Thus it is relevant to know more about the factors which can encourage participation of these groups. In this report we examine the employment of second generation (children of immigrants) Turkish and young adult women from the majority population. We focus on the Turkish group since it is the largest single origin country group who also settled in different European countries allowing for examining differences among the second generation across countries of residence by using unique data allowing for this for the first time. This report covers four European countries (Germany, the Netherlands, France, and Sweden) in which the largest share of the total Turkish population in Europe live. We give special attention to the effect of motherhood on employment. Our findings show that policy and institutions matter for the employment of all women in society, irrespective of migrant origin. Still, levels of employment are lower for the Turkish second generation compared to women from the majority group in all countries. Being a mother has a negative impact on employment, but we do not find this association to vary by origin. Furthermore we find clear differences across the countries studied but again these differences are similar for women of the majority population and those of Turkish origin. Although we are unable to pinpoint the exact policies and institutional arrangements it seems to be the case that these are related to policies across the life course starting from educational to family policies. Findings make clear that policymakers must give special attention to the unique economic position and potential of women in general and the growing share of children of immigrants among them, whose employment behaviours will be essential to bolstering the European labour force in the future.

In this article we describe and explain how children of immigrants navigate their educational careers. Sequence analyses followed by optimal matching is used to cluster individual educational trajectories in four European countries, which differ in national educational systems, ranging from comprehensive to highly differentiated (Sweden, Belgium, Austria and Germany). Samples are young adults of the Turkish and Moroccan second-generation and the majority group (aged 18–35) in seven cities in the selected countries (N = 4022). We examine how perceived segregation and friendship networks affect the routes that students take through the educational system, i.e. school trajectories. Across school systems, having majority group friends increases the chances of following academic trajectories that end with university attendance. The effects of perceived school segregation are mixed. More comprehensive school systems protect against negative effects of segregation for second-generation students.

Voor een goed beeld van de integratie van migranten in de Nederlandse samenleving is het van belang te weten hoe de migrantenbevolking is samengesteld. We geven daarom een overzicht van de belangrijkste migratietrends en kenmerken van migranten in Nederland. Het hoofdstuk begint met een overzicht van de omvang en samenstelling van de vier grootste niet-westerse herkomstgroepen: Turkse, Marokkaanse, Surinaamse en Antilliaanse Nederlanders. Vervolgens komen de ontwikkelingen in de immigratie en emigratie aan de orde en bespreken we de relatie- en gezinsvorming, onderwerpen die als indicatoren voor integratie te zien zijn. We gaan apart in op de huwelijkssluitingen van de tweede generatie: met wie trouwen ze, op welke leeftijd en wat bepaalt hun partnerkeuze.

This report provides an overview of recent immigration and settlement patterns for the four study countries. The most recent available statistics are used and patterns over the past decade are described. Characteristics of the immigration flows (among other origin, age, and gender), as well as, other issues related to settlement (for example nationality and citizenship) are discussed. Different immigration flows, including asylum seekers and refugees, are presented. This part provides as much detail and comparability as possible by using different data sources. Special emphasis is put on migrants coming from Africa and Latin America. We make use of existing data and complement it with material specifically gathered and analyzed for the purpose of this study.

In deze bijdrage beschrijven en verklaren we onderwijstrajecten van kinderen met een migrantenherkomst. Daarvoor gebruiken we data uit de survey The Integration of the European Second Generation (TIES, 2007/2008), die voor ons onderzoek beperkt worden tot vijf Europese steden in drie landen. Onze totale steekproef omvat 3500 jongeren tussen de 18 en 35 jaar van de tweede generatie van Turkse en Marokkaanse herkomst alsmede autochtone jongeren. We passen in eerste instantie sequentieanalyse en clusteranalyse toe om inzicht te geven in onderwijstrajecten die we middels multivariate analyse verder trachten te verklaren.Allereerst maken we een vergelijking van de onderwijstrajecten van de tweede generatie en autochtone jongeren en worden de belangrijkste paden door het onderwijs beschreven.Ten tweede bekijken we hoe en in welke mate deze paden verschillend zijn in de verschillende bestudeerde steden/landen.En ten derde verklaren we de gevolgde onderwijspaden door kenmerken van het individu, de familie en het bredere sociale netwerk te bestuderen. Onze resultaten laten zien, dat onderwijspaden zeer divers zijn en nog meer in de meer gestratificeerde onderwijssystemen. De tweede generatie allochtonen volgt vaker niet-academische alsmede kortere onderwijspaden dan het geval is voor autochtone jongeren. De ongelijkheid die bestaat in de schooltrajecten van autochtonen en de tweede generatie blijken echter op verschillende momenten in de schoolcarrière vorm te krijgen in de diverse landen. Naast individuele en ouderlijke kenmerken zijn bredere sociale netwerken, zowel binnen als buiten de familie, cruciaal voor de verklaring van de gevolgde onderwijspaden.

The aims of this chapter are threefold. First of all, we ask whether perceptions and behaviour regarding filial obligations differ between immigrants and the Dutch. Secondly, we explore whether there are differences in perceptions between generations among each of the ethnic groups.Finally, we analyse actual support behaviour in immigrant and Dutch families and question the importance of filial norms for such support. For each of these three research topics we aim to show how immigrant background compares to other socio-demographic features that could be of influence. Our study focuses on the Netherlands and includes Turks, Moroccans, Surinamese, Caribbeans as well as native Dutch.

This paper studies patterns of endogamous marriages of immigrants in Spain by using data from the National Immigrant Survey of Spain (2007). First of all, we examine patterns of endogamous marriage and links between migration and marriage. Second, we assess the factors influencing the likelihood of being in an endogamous marriage. Our analyses focus on persons married either immediately before, during or after arrival in Spain originating from six countries: Morocco, Romania, Ecuador, Colombia, Argentina, and a group of other developing countries. Results show that the level of endogamy is highest among the Moroccan immigrants and lowest for those coming from Colombia. The likelihood of an endogamous union is higher for those married before migration compared to those married later. Furthermore, chances on endogamy are lower for more highly educated. Women are less likely than men to be in endogamous unions. keywords: endogamy; immigrants; marriage; Spain.

Over the last four decades the life course perspective has become an important and fruitful approach in the social sciences. Some of its proponents even claim that the life course approach today is the pre-eminent theoretical orientation and new core research paradigm in social science (Elder et al. 2003; Heinz et al. 2009). Although not everyone will agree with this far reaching claim, few will dispute that the life course approach constitutes a promising conceptual starting point for overcoming the crucial micro-macro problem in social research by analysing the dynamic interrelation of structure and agency. The life course perspective has been successfully applied to empirical research in a wide range of sociological as well as demographic studies. In line with the development of the life course approach also migration and integration issues have become core topics of debate in society and are subject of a growing number of studies over the past years. Despite this similar development in time, exchanges between the life course approach and migration research are still rather limited. Reviewing the booming migration literature in Europe it is striking that the large majority of studies do not or only partially use the sociological life course approach. Even though a study already carried out in the early twentieth century became a classical study in migration research as well as in the life course literature. In the “The Polish Peasant in Europe and America” (1918–1920), the authors Thomas and Znaniecki basically apply a life course approach to the study of Polish migrants coming to the US. They aimed to explain social changes and changes in, for example family relations, by focusing on the interaction between individual migrants and the host society. This line of research has however not been fully taken further in research since then. Even though migration has become one of the major factors in population change in Europe today (Coleman 2008; Taran 2009) and the resulting significant amount of research in social sciences, the main focus of recent studies has been on the position of migrants in education and the labour market as well as on issues of identity and belonging (Heath et al. 2008; Van Tubergen 2005; Verkuyten 2001). Studies mainly aim to explain the specific position of migrants after migration. In demography, studies have looked at specific transitions like timing of the first child or intermarriage with native partners (Coleman 1994; Gonzalez-Ferrer 2006; Kalmijn and van Tubergen 2006; Milewski 2008). In the study of international migration moves different, often economic explanations of migration decisions are taken. Only recently more emphasis has been put on the linked lives and the role of family and other networks for facilitating the migration move (Castles and Miller 2009). That the life course approach is only limitedly used in migration studies is at least puzzling: Understanding migrants’ behaviour and explaining the cumulative effects resulting from their actions which, in turn, are embedded in societal structures and framed by institutions, requires just the kind of dynamic research approach the sociological life course perspective suggests. This is even more so the case for studies on integration issues, as integration processes actually directly refer to life course processes, be it inter-generational (cohort differences) or intra-generational (individual careers). At the same time most studies in this domain focus on the position of migrants in society by studying the process of settlement in the host society only.

So far, most studies have examined the role of peers in school achievement, language acquisition and ethnic identity of second-generation migrants.This paper contributes to the literature first of all by studying how non-family networks influence union formation decisions of the second generation. Secondly, making a distinction between types of contact adds a new perspective to the study of network influence on union formation whereby strong ties consist of close friends and weak ties of acquaintances. Thirdly, comparing the relative importance of non-co-ethnic networks among men and women of two ethnic groups that share broad cultural and social similarities reveals the importance of these networks for different origin groups. Finally, studying multiple aspects of union formation enables a better assessment of the importance of social embeddedness into non-co-ethnic networks for choices in the family domain. In this paper, four aspects of union formation are covered, namely the timing of first union, timing of the first marriage, the type of union that is chosen and the ethnic origin of the partner.

Patterns of immigrant settlement as well as the process of incorporation of children of immigrants are directly affecting the life courses of immigrants, their families as well as the majority population in the host country. From this perspective a linkage between the sociology of the life course and research on migration and integration of immigrants seems obvious. In the general introduction we started with an overview of the theoretical foundations and basic analytical concepts of the life course approach and pointed to potentially fruitful links with migration and integration research. The 11 contributions in this book empirically demonstrated the analytical potential of linking the life course perspective and research on immigrant settlement. In our conclusion the use and payoff of this connection will be discussed in more detail. Now, while the link between the life course approach and migration and integration research seems to be obvious, existing studies on family dynamics and the life course often focus on majority populations only and hardly take those with a migrant origin into account. Little is known on the background and consequences of life course transitions for migrants and their families. Our book is an attempt to overcome this limitation of previous work and to show the relevance of applying a life course approach to the study of immigrant groups. Bridging the gap between research traditions is urgently needed as Europe’s current population is already heterogeneous and expected to be even more diverse in the future. In many countries already a fifth of the population is born abroad, or has at least one parent born outside the country of residence. International migrants often experience a rapid social change when moving from their country of origin to another country of settlement. Depending on the move they may not be familiar with the culture in the country of settlement, its institutional regimes, and everyday life practices. This may bring along many uncertainties as was already very well described by Thomas and Znaniecki in their classic work “The Polish Peasant in Europe and America” (1918–1920). As they also show the migration move can have a disruptive effect on the individual migrant and the family.

The transition to adulthood is a key phase in the life course of an individual and has been studied extensively (Goldscheider and Goldscheider 1999; Settersten et al. 2005). The existing literature in Europe covers different aspects of the transition to adulthood but still mainly focuses on the majority or native populations in European societies (Corijn and Klijzing 2001; Liefbroer and Dykstra 2000; Widmer and Ritschard 2009). Much less is known on how the children of immigrants make the transition to adulthood and what factors are relevant here. Young adults of migrant origin are, however, a growing share of the young adult population in many European countries.

Of the total population of the Netherlands about 19 per cent are foreign born or are born in the Netherlands with at least one parent born abroad. Almost 800,000 children (22.3 per cent of all children) are in immigrant families. Over 15 per cent of these children are foreign born.The rest have been born in the Netherlands each to at least one foreign-born parent. Europe is the most important region of origin of children in immigrant families. The Antilles and Aruba, Germany, Morocco, Suriname and Turkey are the major countries of origin.

Veel migranten die de afgelopen decennia naar Nederland kwamen namen partner en kinderen mee, lieten deze later overkomen of kregen hier kinderen.Om meer over deze kinderen te weten te komen, nam UNICEF het initiatief tot een onderzoek in zeven westerse landen, waaronder Nederland. Met gegevens van het Centraal Bureau voor de Statistiek wordt de situatie in Nederland in beeld gebracht.

Steeds meer allochtone jongeren van de tweede generatie komen op de leeftijd dat zij een partner gaan kiezen. In tegenstelling tot hun ouders blijken in verhouding steeds meer Turkse en Marokkaanse jongeren een partner in Nederland te vinden. In de TIES-survey zijn aan Turken en Marokkanen diverse vragen gesteld over relatie- en gezinsvorming. Behalve informatie rond de timing van de relatievorming en de achtergrond van de partner werden vragen over bijvoorbeeld de ontmoetingsplaats, de invloed van de familie op de partnerkeuze en de taakverdeling in de familie opgenomen. Deze informatie geeft een waardevolle achtergrond bij en inzicht in het proces van partnerkeuze onder de groeiende groep jongeren van de tweede generatie.

De conclusie die volgt uit het eerste deel van deze bijdrage waarin we, rekening houdend met demografische ontwikkelingen, voorspellingen doen over ontwikkelingen in criminaliteit in Nederland, is dat deze niet zal stijgen, maar eerder zal afnemen. In het tweede deel onderzoeken we hoe en in welke mate familiekenmerken de kans op crimineel gedrag beïnvloeden. We maken hier gebruik van gegevens van een algemene steekproef van de bevolking, de Netherlands Kinship Panel Study (NKPS). Uit de resultaten komt naar voren dat de kwaliteit van de sociale bindingen in het ouderlijk huis een betere voorspeller is van de kans crimineel gedrag te ontwikkelen dan de sociaal-structurele kenmerken van het gezin van herkomst die standaard worden onderzocht. Verder blijkt dat het gezinsklimaat niet alles bepalend is. Ook ervaringen later in de levensloop en met name het ontbreken van bindingen met sociale instituties, zoals het huwelijk en de arbeidsmarkt hangen positief samen met crimineel gedrag. Niet uitsluitend de huwelijksrelatie geeft een kleinere kans op crimineel gedrag, maar ook betrokkenheid bij de bredere kring van familierelaties. We zien een cumulatie van problemen van delinquentie binnen families. Gezien deze bevinding lijkt het van belang om preventief en correctief beleid niet uitsluitend te richten op het individu, maar ook op de familie.Tot slot laten de resultaten zien dat crimineel gedrag sterk samenhangt met ander probleemgedrag, zoals verslaving en ernstige psychische problemen. De causaliteit is echter moeilijk te ontrafelen.

This study first examines union formation preferences of Turkish, Moroccan, and Dutch adolescents.Second, the study shows how and to what extent parents are of influence on these preferences. Hypotheses are derived from cross-cultural psychology and theories on intergenerational transmission. Self-reported data of approximately 19,000 Dutch, 460 Turkish, and 400 Moroccan adolescents 11 to 23 years of age are used to test the hypotheses. Youth with a Turkish and Moroccan background, particularly those with a strong ethnic identification, more often prefer marriage than Dutch youth. Unmarried cohabitation (before marriage) is most popular among Dutch adolescents, but substantial proportions of immigrant youth also prefer this type of relationship. In addition, both parental characteristics and characteristics of the parent–child relationship are of major influence for adolescents’ union formation preferences. The process of intergenerational transmission is found to be largely comparable among all groups. Keywords: immigrant youth; preferences; union formation; intergenerational transmission

De kwaliteit van de sociale bindingen in het ouderlijk huis is een betere voorspeller van de kans dat iemand crimineel gedrag ontwikkelt dan sociaal-structurele kenmerken als leeftijd en, bij allochtonen, de groep waartoe ze worden gerekend en het land van herkomst, die standaard worden onderzocht. Het gezinsklimaat is echter niet alles bepalend. Ook ervaringen later in de levensloop en vooral het ontbreken van bindingen met sociale instituties als het huwelijk en de arbeidsmarkt hangen positief samen met crimineel gedrag. Niet uitsluitend de huwelijksrelatie geeft een kleinere kans op crimineel gedrag, maar ook betrokkenheid bij de bredere kring van familierelaties.