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Statues and monuments are permanent forms of commemoration that interpret and reconstruct public memory in colonial settler societies. Representation through memorialisation is attributed to a genealogy of Western collective remembering that reflects the values, narratives, and experiences of the dominant settler population. Yet, collective remembering and memory can change. This article reports on Indigenous collective remembering practices that were observed in a local government intervention in Aotearoa New Zealand. The Boulcott Memorial Research Project sought iwi Māori (Indigenous Māori tribes) perspectives of the battle of Boulcott's Farm to change a one-sided colonial memorial that was erected to honour British militia who died in the conflict. Iwi kaipūrākau (representatives) from Te Ātiawa, Ngāti Tama, Ngāti Rangatahi, Ngāti Hāua, and Ngāti Toa Rangatira relayed their perspective of the battle through wānanga (a Māori oral tradition). In wānanga, kaipūrākau were perceived to remember relationally, outside colonial time, and through contemporary concerns and political interests, to advance tribal autonomy and self-determination. In this paper, I show how collective remembering in wānanga offers an anti-colonial ethic and intervention for building commemorative landscapes that can redirect public remembrance beyond the limitations of settler colonial memory and towards perspectives that are in tune with Indigenous peoples' lived realities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Marxian anthropology is a particular trend of “dark anthropology.” Michael Taussig has dedicated his work to understanding the connections of colonialism, capitalism, and local cultures under a Marxian-Benjaminian perspective. This article examines the meanings of hope and future concealed within Taussig’s “dark ethnographies” accomplished in Latin America. The purpose of this analysis is to echo Taussig’s concern to write efficiently against terror to acknowledge that even ethnographies of violence and social injustice can carry powerful cultural messages of hope. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Composed of diptych photographs stitched together in a poetic travelogue through nuclear-infused (Indigenous) lands, annie ross's Pots and Other Living Beings reenvisions social and ecological relations, value structures, and knowledge frameworks in its encounter with violated landscapes of the American Southwest. In its embrace of the blighted remainders of nuclear testing, industry, and consumerism, Pots and Other Living Beings is not a typical "environmental" text. Like ross's weaving and visual installations, this work is alive to relations of reciprocity and kinship with more-than-human worlds in what one could best describe as a spiritual engagement with the abandoned, unremarked leavings of nuclearization, industrial capitalism, and waste cultures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After centuries of colonial subordination, Black and Brown former colonies are still fighting to achieve the fruits of decolonization. The traditional theory is that former colonies will emerge from the colonial period with the legal mandate and international recognition needed to chart their own futures. But, for those Black and Brown British colonies that achieved political independence, it became clear that, without economic strength to care for their societies, legal separation could not deliver on its promise of freedom from subordination. This Article argues that investments in corporate law innovations by some jurisdictions, such as Bermuda, the British Virgin Islands, and the Cayman Islands, have provided a pathway to postcolonial self-determination. These communities have generated immense wealth and autonomy for their populations in the postcolonial era by using strategies akin to those deployed by the State of Delaware. While former colonizers denigrate Bermuda, the Cayman Islands, and the British Virgin Islands as tax havens and corporate law imperialists, which must be aggressively governed to protect the tax base and financial sectors of "non-tax haven" countries, there is another side to this narrative: Offshore corporate law is freedom-promoting for some communities. This Article complicates the dominant perspective of corporate law imperialism and introduces a conceptualization of corporate law as decolonization to the legal and policy discourse on offshore financial centers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relationship between Australia's Indigenous and settler colonial systems of democracy through the lens of deliberative systems theory. It suggests that the ongoing effects of colonialism have rendered Indigenous democracy largely invisible causing a harmful divide in Australia's democracies. A pluralist conception of democracy is necessary to understand the disconnect between the two systems, evidenced by a striking absence of literature on Australian Indigenous democracy. In response, this paper first theorizes a conceptual framework of a concurrent deliberative system, then describes the Indigenous deliberative system and the colonial system's efforts to eliminate Indigenous democracy. Against this theoretical and empirical background, it considers whether the recent referendum for an Indigenous Voice to Parliament was just a colonial legacy or represented a pathway towards a shared postcolonial democratic future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes two paintings by Jakob Bogdani, of the exotic aviaries of Admiral Churchill at Little Park, Windsor, between 1708 and 1710. In it, I argue that by following Bodgani's development from a painter of traditional still lifes to an innovative painter of exotic birds, we can trace the emergence of new rhetorical strategies, in which English colonial expansion and global trade are made to seem natural, agentless, and uncontested. These same strategies are evident in Alexander Pope's Windsor‐Forest, written at the same time, about the same geographic space. While it appears to have been replaced by a simple, celebratory dynamic, the central tension of the still‐life genre (or nature morte in French) between vivification and decay continues to animate Bogdani's bird paintings. Morte continues to shadow nature, through the appearance of two native British birds, a titmouse and a bullfinch, which he painted from dead specimens. Their appearance troubles the glorification of global expansion on display in these canvases, reminding viewers of the violence and death that underwrote European expansion into colonial territories. I argue that Bogdani's birds are uneasily suspended between the objects of earlier still‐life paintings, and the subjects of later nature painting, and that in attending to their ungainly or uncanny aspects, we can see the outlines of a global Enlightenment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay analyzes orality and literacy in seventeenth-century Maine. As most of Maine's English colonists were not fully literate, legal instruments such as land deeds existed simultaneously as oral, material, and textual representations of the authority of the law, integrally supported by the use of ritual. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The traditional narrative centers Roger Williams as a lone "hero" in the founding of Providence, but none of it would have been possible without his wife, Mary Williams. For years at a time, Mary was the head of the Williams family, and she played a central role in colony affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an exploration of possible journeys towards freedom from colonial states of mind. These inner worlds are the distorting forms of self‐observation brought about by living under oppressive conditions, and includes those associated with colonialism itself, and also coloniality, the enduring legacy left behind by colonial regimes. Fanon describes the effect of colonialism on subjectivity as creating "a zone of nonbeing" and suggests freedom from it requires internally "an authentic upheaval." This paper draws the parallels between Fanon's zone of nonbeing and states of mind untethered from the shackles of colonial definition. These states, akin to reverie are potentially the place from which the quest for a new authenticity of being might be found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the impact of British colonialism and Christian missionary activity on Igbo art and culture, particularly focusing on the documentation of the traditional art form uli by colonial anthropologists. It also discusses the tension between tradition and modernity caused by colonialism, the role of the Nsukka School in reviving uli as part of a decolonial movement, and the paradox of using colonial archives as tools for cultural re-armament.

Italian colonial authorities heavily relied on the askaris (i.e. native soldiers) throughout the history of colonialism to alleviate the economic and political burdens of colonial warfare. For that, the askaris became privileged intermediaries for the Italians and emerged as a de facto elite within colonial society, seeking social mobility for themselves and their families. After the end of the Second World War, the askaris lost their role as soldiers, but gained new relevance as political intermediaries for Italian or British plans regarding the final resolution of the Italian colonies affaire. The article delves into the life stories of two askaris, which were documented by the author on 3rd November 2009, in Tripoli. Their memories highlight the relationships of friendship or intimacy that existed with the colonisers and showcase the askaris' ability to downplay colonial elements of domination and oppression through their intermediation. Being an askar entailed, on one hand, questioning the political and racial boundaries of society, and on the other hand, challenging the agendas of nationalist groups. The transition to independence indeed involved a struggle between colonisers and the colonised, as well as among various groups of colonial subjects, all vying for power within the post-colonial State and society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A multitude of educational programs attempt to facilitate young people's engagement with ideas and practices of active citizenship. For young Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander or Indigenous people in Australia, such interventions are often subject to complex experiences of senses of belonging and non-belonging. This paper responds to calls from researchers to develop better understandings of young Indigenous people's own senses and practices of belonging and to better understand the ways in which these perspectives and practices are spatially influenced at the level of local communities, 'country' and cultural groupings, and within larger state, national or transnational settings. Their testimonies illustrate the tensions that young Indigenous people must navigate in a settler colony that has never truly recognised Indigenous sovereignty but show that sovereignty remains intact. Focus groups were conducted with 58 young Indigenous people in Melbourne and regional Victoria who were participating in an Indigenous youth leadership program designed to foster formal and informal active citizenship practices, and to nurture a strong, affirming sense of Indigenous identity. The testimonies of these participants provide valuable insights into educational sites as spaces in which young people experience a spectrum of weak to strong senses of belonging. They also provide insights into the possibilities of engaging the challenges faced by many young Indigenous people in educational settings, challenges that include race discordance and exclusion, deficit discourses and gaps and distances in educational practice. They highlight the need to recognise the aspirations of young Indigenous people and the capacities of colonial education systems to meet them, and the imperative to celebrate young Indigenous identities in meaningful, non-tokenistic ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Outer space is often described as a frontier – an unsettled, mysterious or wild place that should be explored and eventually inhabited. The metaphor evokes a pioneer spirit and a sense of freedom, but it is also bound up with violent histories of settler colonialism and social injustice. Although the frontier narrative remains prevalent in political, commercial and media discourses in the United States and elsewhere, we know little about whether the public understands space exploration in this way. We also lack studies about how those working to popularise space exploration and make it comprehensible to a global audience understand and apply the frontier narrative. A long-term ethnographic study of their work shows that their understandings of the space frontier are refracted through everyday forms of sociality and experience that they cultivate near Boca Chica in South Texas, where SpaceX builds and tests Starship prototypes. The labour of imagination performed by SpaceX fans and space creators upends the problematic myth of the frontier and points towards alternative ways of understanding space exploration. • We lack studies that analyse whether the public really understands space as a frontier. • Their labour of imagination rather than the frontier narrative binds space creators. • The work of SpaceX fans points to alternative ways of imagining space exploration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on Indigenous women's narrative and storytelling tradition and its relation to decolonial ecologies. It argues that Indigenous women's narratives, both written and orally transmitted, constitute sites of defiance to the eco-social structures of settler colonialism and imperialism. Drawing on the case of Palestine, the article reveals that 'zoocentric environmentalism,' as represented by an Israeli installation at the Venice Biennale, incarnates the material and symbolic constituents of Zionist blooming enterprise. That is, such presumed forms of progressive 'non-anthropocentric' engagements with ecological calamities unveil the historical continuity of the Zionist project that aims to erase Indigenous Palestinians and their multigenerational, more-than-human place thought. To counter universalising environmental projects and their inherent colonial violence, the article engages with place-based stories of a Palestinian woman's novella; more-than-human ancestral knowledge shared by Palestinian women elders; and a visual-media project showing Palestinian refugee women returning to their ancestral villages. The article's overall aim is to advance an Indigenous situated approach to decolonising today's environmentalism and to centre Palestine in the wider social and cultural geography debate on Indigeneity, decolonial ecologies, and storytelling. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Constantly shifting like a floating signifier, the interpretive life of "realness" has meant different things to global Hip-Hop adherents: staying true to oneself; reppin' one's hood; production styles such as boom bap; cadence, delivery, and flow; vivid storytelling; and underground resistance to forces of capitalist cooptation, among others. Yet to many others, realness means language – the artful capacity to rap, talk, and style oneself in ways that index one's cultural roots and identities. In this article, I consider the latter understanding of realness through the theoretical lens of decolonial meta-rap. In decolonial meta-rap, Nigerian emcees turn the reflexive apparatus of Hip-Hop back to itself, in the process raising questions about anglonormativity and colonial continuities in Nigeria. Focusing on the discourses of these emcees as well as their self-presentations in oral interviews and music videos, I argue that Nigerian emcees both popularize and continue the long decolonial struggle against cultural sites of colonial power in Africa. Di tin wey dem dey call realness for Hip-Hop dey mean different different tin to different different pipo wey dey follow Hip-Hop for everywhere. E fit mean say person no dey deceive imsef. Or e fit mean as rapper dey tell tori and how dem dey flow for dem music. E fit also mean di kain beat wey we dey hear for Hip-Hop music and how dem dey take make am. For oda pipo, realness dey mean say person dey proud to rap for im language and associate wit im culture. Dis my article dey observe dis last one. For dis article, I dey observe di way Naija rappers take dey use dem language and culture challenge colo-mentality for Nigeria. I tok say as dem dey rap, dem dey fight di kain brainwashing wey dey make person tink say oyinbo beta pass any language for Naija or Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a review of three biographies that examine the lives of women in different historical contexts. The first biography, "The Perfect Fascist" by Victoria de Grazia, delves into the life of Attilio Teruzzi, a devoted follower of Mussolini, and the significant roles that women played in his life. The second biography, "Empire's Mistress" by Vernadette Vicuña Gonzalez, tells the story of Isabel Rosario Cooper, an actress in the Philippines who was often overshadowed by her relationship with General Douglas MacArthur. The third biography, "Woman between Two Kingdoms" by Leslie Castro-Woodhouse, explores the life of Dara Rasami and her experiences as an outsider in Siam's royal court. These biographies offer valuable insights into the complex lives of these women and their interactions with larger historical events. Additionally, the article discusses two related books that further explore the lives of Isabel Rosario Cooper and Dara Rasani, providing intimate details through personal documents and photographs. These books will be of interest to scholars and students studying gender studies, Asian studies, and Thai history, as they shed light on the struggles for agency and independence faced by women in patriarchal societies. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores an enormous elephant in the Mediterranean space: European security assistance's impact on the continuation of a global postcolonial order. We identify three core practices of security assistance that provides for postcolonial readings: externally producing 'the problem' and designing 'the solutions' to be tackled; linking the 'provider' and 'recipients' in material dependencies; and contestation as 'thin' adjustments rather than 'thick' resistance. Contrary to claims of functionalism, what we observe in contemporary European security assistance practice is consistent with postcolonial logics that produce distinct subjectivities and reproduce patterns of inequalities. European states – whether former colonial powers or not –use security assistance to structure the world in hierarchical ways. We argue that security assistance is not primarily about strategic effects but principally about signalling superiority and reproducing dependencies and colonizing/colonised mentalities. Moreover, security assistance practices reveal the need for security assistance – i.e. European SA presence often gets entangled with insecurity, and as such, security assistance practice makes the need for security assistance visible – a self-producing evidentiality that is as taken out of the colonial playbook. The paper explores constitutive processes at work by drawing on insights from British, French, Italian and Swedish approaches to security assistance in Libya and Lebanon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Humanitas: International Journal of Social Sciences / Uluslararasi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Humanitas: International Journal of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Culture is formed by knowledge, so that, the episteme defines ontology. The universality of modernity defines the existence of the colonized with promises of development and salvation. This is with an imperial undertone to foster the cultural violence of coloniality in the postcolonies. This paper is an evaluation of epistemic politics and the emergence of the pluriverse in Ola Rotimi's Our Husband Has Gone Mad Again and Emeka Nwabueze's A Parliament of Vultures. These plays from our review of related literature are dominated by studies on satire, gender relations, and political imaging of present-day Nigeria. From a decolonial perspective, our study engages modernity as an agent of coloniality in these selected plays. The paper argues that coloniality employs the rhetoric of modernity in transforming knowledge, power, and being as its strategy of encroachment. Therefore, delinking knowledge, power, and being are examined as decolonial motifs for a pluriversal ontology. Pluriversality however, emerges in place of universality as an ontological order marked with alternatives to modernity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we enact a partial cartographic storying of reconceptualist turns in our work. We do this by situating ourselves in relation to each other and our work across time as a mode of tracing the (situated) possibilities that these turns have enacted for children-in-relation with worlds. In enacting this dialogic and cartographic storying, we collaborate in a way that is inspired by Black methodologies. This means that we intentionally think with liberatory possibilities in our work in early childhood education research and practice across modalities, disciplines, temporalities and geographies. Importantly, like Black methodologies this co-theorizing is also ontological; it is inseparable from our own relational becomings. Following an anticolonial ethos, we are interested in the liberatory potentials of our work, at multiple scales and in different but specific places. We attempt to enact the difficult task of (re)storying our childhood education research and practice in ways that pay attention to the interconnected presences and effects of white supremacy, human supremacy and colonialism, while simultaneously refusing to reinscribe a flattened damage-centred understanding of children, educators and their relational worlds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study explores two well-known case studies involving the removal of Indigenous war captives from their places of origin to fortifications or to Mediterranean galley ships to do forced labor. I draw on known scholarship on Indigenous war captives in New England and New France during the seventeenth century to consider the local conditions in Europe and North America that created the possibility for the dispersal of captives. Europeans moved Indigenous captives for various reasons and responded to the actions and demands of Indigenous polities, particularly during times of warfare or raiding. Rather than placing Indigenous history into European power frameworks, I focus on how mobility-oriented punishments are simultaneously connected to events in interior continental Indigenous and the European mainland. By doing so, I offer a critique of the settler colonial paradigm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The scholarship on the politics of immigration often frames governments' responses to far-right mobilization as a return to border closures and a rowing back on neoliberalism. In this article, I draw on and expand the scholarship on coloniality to address the limitations of this diagnosis. Specifically, I explore the role of political mobilization in the making of the post-Brexit border regime. My research draws on the analysis of legal and policy initiatives between 2020 and 2023 and twenty-three research interviews with individuals who express their opposition to immigration via engagement in think tanks, grassroots organizations and vigilante groups. The interview data indicates multiple connections between these milieus and shows that each engages in action repertoires beyond the nation-state. And while this prompts border closures, the post-Brexit border regime also encodes openings and loopholes for the circulation of financial elites and precariously employed workers. Thus, I argue that state and non-state actors co-produce a neoliberal border regime of stratified rights, partial inclusions, and gradual exclusions. These variegated entitlements draw on and reinvigorate the racial order of coloniality. The post-Brexit immigration regime enables the free mobility of those racialized as "West European," facilitates disposable labor mobility of those racialized as "Eastern European," and restricts the movement of those racialized as "non-European." This racial imaginary does not only operate via binary distinctions of (non)-Britishness but puts people in complex hierarchical relations to "Europeanness." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within food systems governance spaces, civil society organizations (CSOs) play important roles in addressing power structures and shaping decisions. In Canada, CSO food systems actors increasingly understand the importance of building relationships among settler and Indigenous peoples in their work. Efforts to make food systems more sustainable and just necessarily mean confronting the realities that most of what is known as Canada is unceded Indigenous territory, stolen land, land acquired through coercive means, and/or land bound by treaty between specific Indigenous groups and the Crown. CSOs that aim to build more equitable food systems must thus engage with the ongoing impacts of settler colonialism, learn/unlearn colonial histories, and build meaningful relationships with Indigenous peoples. This paper explores how settler-led CSOs engage with Indigenous communities and organizations in their food systems governance work. The research draws on 71 semi-structured interviews with CSO leaders engaged in food systems work from across Canada. Our analysis presents an illustrative snapshot of the complex and ongoing processes of settler-Indigenous engagement, where many settler-led CSOs aim to work more closely with Indigenous communities and organizations. However, participants also recognize that most existing engagements remain insufficient. We share CSOs' practices, tensions, and lessons learned as reflections for scholars and practitioners interested in the continuous journey of building settler-Indigenous partnerships and reimagining more just and sustainable food systems, work which requires iterative and critically reflexive learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Julia Prest's book, "Public Theatre and the Enslaved People of Colonial Saint-Domingue," offers new insights into the history of slavery and enslaved individuals in eighteenth-century Saint-Domingue. The book examines the role of public theaters in displaying, resisting, and denying the violence of slavery. Prest's interdisciplinary approach draws on diverse fields and analyzes a range of sources, including theatrical works, performance records, newspapers, and legal documents. The book highlights the presence and contributions of enslaved people in the theater, complicating the narrative of white enslavers as the sole participants. Prest's work encourages further research and opens up new avenues for studying theater in French colonies and the francophone world. [Extracted from the article]

Julia Prest's book, "Public Theatre and the Enslaved People of Colonial Saint-Domingue," provides a comprehensive examination of the history of theater in eighteenth-century Saint-Domingue. By analyzing local newspaper theater announcements, Prest uncovers the involvement of enslaved people, particularly urban domestics, in theater production. The book delves into the complexities of race and power dynamics within performances, highlighting the limits of speculation and the ethical responsibilities of historians. Additionally, the text explores the concept of mitigation and challenges assumptions about the homogeneity of the theater audience, while also examining the role of disability in the archives and its connection to violence and oppression. The author suggests that the public theater may have served as a means to alleviate societal tensions and reinforce hierarchies of ability. [Extracted from the article]

Julia Prest's book, "Public Theatre and the Enslaved People of Colonial Saint-Domingue," explores the relationship between theater and enslavement in colonial Saint-Domingue. The book examines the roles played by enslaved people in theater production and spectatorship, highlighting their contributions to the vibrant theatrical culture of the colony. Prest also discusses the ways in which enslaved people engaged with theatrical performances through "mitigated spectatorship," where they gained aural and sometimes visual access to the shows. The book also explores the themes of freedom and enslavement in the colonial repertory and the challenges of representing enslavement on stage. It concludes by discussing the transformations in theater repertory following the Haitian Revolution and the exodus of theatrical performers. [Extracted from the article]

This article considers if sport, broadly defined, can be constructed as a decolonizing practice for Indigenous Peoples incarcerated in Canadian prisons. Situating our analysis within transformative and decolonizing approaches to sport for development, we bring together disparate literatures—on settler colonialism and Indigenous incarceration, decolonization and Indigenous resurgence, and sport and incarceration—to critically analyze possibilities and limitations of sport as a vehicle for decolonization in an inherently colonial institution. Recognizing the structural constraints to such a process, we also critique the settler colonial state and criminal justice system in which many Indigenous Peoples are enmeshed. The article contributes to sport for development's ongoing engagement with issues of decolonization and criminal justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Colonial powers have long used islands and island forms for imperial projects, including military bases, weapons testing, resource mining and migrant detention. In order to pursue these interests, colonial powers have often sought geographically remote sites, but they further rely on the construction of remoteness. This article reflects on the colonial construction of remoteness by analysing the case study of Diego Garcia. The militarised atoll of Diego Garcia is one in a chain of islands that make up the British Indian Ocean Territory, the last colony created by the British government. While Diego Garcia is now under British sovereign control, the island was brutally cleared of its Indigenous inhabitants to make way for a joint British‐American military base. By detailing the ways in which 'remoteness' has affected the Indigenous Chagossians, 'war on terror' detainees, asylum‐seekers and migrant workers, this article demonstrates how colonial powers deploy remoteness as a way of distancing groups deemed 'other' from rights. Additionally, colonial powers use 'remoteness' to paradoxically protect their own proximity to colonial interests, including geopolitically significant sites for military installations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the contestation about khwajasara corporeality—legal, medical and activist claims about the khwajasara body—and how it has been subjected to state projects of welfare and citizenship in South Asia. The khwajasara/hijra body was a suspicious and a transgressive body for the colonial state, but it has become a target of legal and medical forms of knowledge with the transformation of the "transgender" as a new subject of citizenship in South Asia. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in the khwajasara community in Pakistan, this paper examines how new "grid[s] of intelligibility" (Butler, 2001: 629) informed by legal and medical forms of expertise mediate rights claims as well as fuel social imaginary about khwajasaras—making the body of khwajasara legible as a Gender X citizen while also providing a new political context to which khwajasaras diversely respond. My analysis suggests that the new "citational apparatus" (Mitra, 2020: 111) concerning khwajasara corporeality makes khwajasaras "deserving" subjects of state welfare and protection, but only through introducing new forms of welfare surveillance, mediated by legal and medical experts. The paper suggests that as an object of state intervention as well as a means to elude legibility and demand equality and rights, the body remains central to governmental projects of welfare, governance and citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to theorising colonialism and capitalism within the same analytic frame through a critical engagement with the uses of colonial history in new institutional economics (NIE). The 'colonial turn' in NIE holds significant diagnostic value because although it incorporates colonialism into its account of the 'great divergence', it maintains a liberal conception of capitalism predicated on private property, competitive markets, and the rule of law. It is argued that NIE achieves this effect by admitting colonialism into its history of capitalism while excluding it from its theory of capitalism. By filtering colonialism through the dichotomy between 'inclusive' and 'extractive' institutions, NIE upholds the categorical association of capitalist growth with inclusive institutions. Drawing on critical theories of political economy, the article shows the limits of the NIE framework by identifying forms of colonial capitalism that do not resolve into a stylised opposition between inclusion and extraction. Colonial slavery, commercial imperialism, and settler colonialism strain the inclusive/extractive binary by highlighting (1) the interdependence of inclusive and extractive institutions in imperial networks accumulation, and (2) the violent expropriations at the origins of inclusive institutions, above all private property. Proposing to view NIE's critique of colonialism as a 'liberal critique of capitalist unevenness', the article concludes on broader questions about inclusion and exclusion under 'actually existing capitalism'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This comment piece, prompted by the ongoing conflict in Gaza and the terrible toll of lives of Gazan people following the Hamas attack on Israel on 7 October 2023, argues that the field of cultural studies has its origins in a notion of post-war peacetime and that this has created a vocabulary deficit in regard to war, genocide and state violence. Paul Gilroy and Stuart Hall have confronted patterns of violence in regard to the urban environment and the policing of Black youth as well as the escalation in day-to-day authoritarianism and the rise of the right. There is a strong case to be made however for the field of cultural studies to more fully draw on political philosophy including Middle East scholarship to engage more directly with the politics of occupation, settler colonialism, neo-nationalism and the far right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the final decade of the Dutch colonial era, Indonesia witnessed a heated conflict over the relationship between Islam and nationalism. This paper examines several opinions within the Indonesian Islamic movement during the conflict, considering the influence of the Arab Middle East. Around 1930, behind the conflict with secular nationalists, a movement of Islamic groups sympathetic to nationalism emerged, resulting in a fierce debate from the latter half of the 1930s. At the end, those who accepted nationalism while demanding an Islamic movement and an Islamic state became the mainstream position. The rise of Indonesian Islamic nationalism was influenced by the Arab Middle East via Cairo-educated Indonesians and the writings of Arab Middle Eastern intellectuals. However, the acceptance of the influence depended on regional factors. It took some time before those writings became a contentious issue in Indonesia, and Indonesian Muslims selectively utilized the writings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Place and the intergenerational transmission of cultural knowledge are deeply intertwined among Indigenous groups due to the significance of the environment and land within Indigenous ideologies, and the legacies of displacement wrought by settler colonialism. Little research explores this topic among Indigenous tribes in the Gulf South, who face unique environmental challenges related to climate change, land loss, oil extraction, and who depend on the coastal environment for cultural and subsistence resources. Scholarship on this topic among tribes that are not federally recognized is similarly limited. Using semi-structured interviews among 31 self-identified women members of a U.S. Gulf South tribe, we show how gendered and place-based knowledges manifest within the embodied and material experiences of tribal members, as well as the ways that those experiences and the transmission of knowledge are mediated by political and environmental changes through the example of traditional health and healing practices and knowledges. Key findings that emerged include: (a) Place-Based Concerns about Environmental Change and Displacement; (b) Concerns about Future Generational Changes in Knowledge Transmission; (c) Loss of Indigenous Health Knowledge. We suggest that there are significant impediments to the sociocultural reproduction of traditional health and healing practices and knowledges within the tribe brought about by environmental changes (e.g. saltwater intrusion, land loss, etc.) and the continuing influx of Western medicinal knowledge and practices. In contextualizing these findings within the environmental reproductive justice framework, we echo extant intersectional environmental research suggesting that environmental degradation and legacies of settler colonialism, by virtue of place-based and gendered knowledges and labor, disproportionately burden women, especially Indigenous women. We also note that despite significant material and cultural threats, tribal members demonstrate resilience and resistance to the macro-scale forces obstructing Indigenous ways of life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the experiences of First Nations participants as the #BlackLivesMatter protests burst onto Australian mainstream and social media platforms and onto Australian streets in 2020. We explore First Nations participants' perceptions about the significance and relevance of #BlackLivesMatter in Australia to support First Nations existing political campaigns to address structural racism and settler colonialism in the Australian context. We consider the twin structures of racism and settler colonialism to comparatively analyse the historical experiences of First Nations, in Australia and the US, and Black people in the US in an effort to understand convergences and divergences in the contemporary activist imperatives and aspirations of each group. We conclude by acknowledging that while #BlackLivesMatter activism does have the potential to productively complement First Nations anti-racism activist imperatives and aspirations, it falls short of addressing First Nations anti-colonial imperatives and aspirations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In settler colonial societies, settlers employ various practices to eliminate, replace, and erase Indigenous Peoples. We posit that the rarity of representations of contemporary American Indians in mainstream US culture legitimates other settler colonial practices in US society. We studied whether less exposure to representations of contemporary American Indians is associated with less support for challenges to other settler colonial practices. Using survey data from 903 White Americans, we examined associations between exposure to representations of contemporary American Indians, belief that American Indians are "a people of the past", and support for challenges to settler colonial practices. We found that less exposure to representations of contemporary American Indians was indirectly associated with less support for challenges to settler colonial practices. This association occurs via double mediation – first through belief that American Indian Peoples are not contemporary and second through belief they are "a people of the past". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides an overview of current topics in Russian and foreign research on indigenous issues, on the basis of which the interest and low study degree of collaboration of the British Commonwealth of Nations countries on the issue of preserving the indigenous peoples’ cultural heritage is shown. Using materials from original sources, the article highlights the history of relations among the native peoples and colonists of Australia, Canada and New Zealand in the 18th – 21st centuries. The historical events influenced the formation and underlie modern cooperation among countries on issues of preserving cultural heritage. The evolution and main areas of cooperation are shown, without which it is impossible to implement the concept of maintaining cultural diversity and cooperation on issues of preserving the aboriginal peoples’ material and non-material culture, as well as the formation of a new humanitarian direction in the foreign policy activities of these countries with the direct participation of the First nations.

For Black, Indigenous, and other colonised peoples, decolonisation and racial justice are urgent imperatives, but their demands are often dismissed as utopian, impossible, or otherwise out‐of‐time. This article therefore introduces the coloniality of age as a theoretical framework that aims to open up possibilities for otherwise worlds. Departing from established accounts of the coloniality of time, the coloniality of age grounds the analysis of racialised time in the chronopolitical formations of tempus nullius and the paternalistic paradigm. Alongside the doctrine of terra nullius or ‘uninhabited land’, the doctrine of tempus nullius or ‘uninhabited time’ works to deny Black peoples the ability to make and remake history on their own terms. Supplementing theories of the barbarian other, the paternalistic paradigm identifies patriarchal father/child relations as a conceptual and historical precedent to race. The coloniality of age directs the analysis to the temporal limits of coloniality. I argue that the temporal limits of coloniality are constituted by Black childhood; the coloniality of age figures Black childhood as an age with no future. This framework is then applied to analyse young Black peoples' counter‐narratives of Black childhood. The counter‐narratives of being ‘stuck’, ‘growing up’, the ‘pace’ of racism, and ‘regressing’ centre the temporal agency of Black children as they navigate the chronopolitics of Black childhood. Each of these counter‐narratives unsettles the coloniality of age. Read together, the counter‐narratives tell a larger story of Black children confronting the temporal limits of coloniality, refusing the terms of White futurity, and instead opting to grow otherwise. The article concludes that Black childhood might be reframed as an age with otherwise futures beyond the temporal limits of coloniality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes the concept of ‘chronopolitics’ as a heuristic for a kind of decolonial imagination in migration studies, one that insists on structural changes as opposed to those relational ones that dominate the field. The article argues that migration scholars should question the coloniality of key concepts they use in their work to understand how the ‘solutions’ they propose (re)embed a colonial world and view. Building on previous critiques of migration studies, the article proposes that a chronopolitical argument to decolonising migration studies reveals the intrinsic connectivity of temporal and geographical linkages, in order to relate migration research epistemologies to ontological problems. This can allow the migration discourse to move beyond the centre, to address the current ‘black burden’ of ambivalent academic positioning and predominant methodological and conceptual approaches to migration studies. In these ways, chronopolitics adds conceptually to an underexplored debate in the field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper traces the temporal tactics of continually renewed coloniality—where some impasses are made to appear insurmountable while others demand swift solutions—in relation to housing and mining at Borroloola in Australia's Northern Territory. Distinct policy and regulatory regimes encourage analyses that set housing and mining apart. Yet together they signal the settler state's simultaneous remedial and extractive orientations to remote Aboriginal communities. Mining leeches into housing, and housing is a promise extracted from late liberal recognition, for community members forced to wait for promised amenities while fighting for long‐term environmental protections. The analysis demonstrates the central significance of temporal control to settler colonialism: by selectively deferring action; by producing the appearance of actions that are not actually taken; and by intervening to expedite processes that serve the interests of extractive capital. We argue that the confection of intermittent urgency to intervene is a key feature of the deferrals enacted by Australian settler governance, as it rations remedial solutions and displaces harms into mortgaged futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThis essay, a collaboration between a Euro-Canadian academic and an Indigenous (Blackfoot) educator, opens a window into the cultural persistence of the Blackfoot people through a photograph of leisure practices from 1944. This image, found in the Alberta provincial archives, shows a social dance held on the Blackfoot Reserve (now the Siksika Nation) during an era when Canada’s Department of Indian Affairs and their Christian missionary affiliates attempted to eradicate the cultural traditions of Indigenous peoples. In the prairies, they focused on eliminating the Sundance and related physical cultural practices. At first glance, this photograph might seem to be an unusual way to understand Blackfoot cultural resilience as it shows a social (recreational) dance, not a sacred occasion. Yet this image offers an entry point to examine not only how the Blackfoot resisted cultural repression, but also sheds light on the depth of Blackfoot history and the expansiveness of Blackfoot epistemologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This review essay examines how studies of transpacific modernity take up the entanglements between settler coloniality in Latin America and Japanese imperialism to grapple with formations of racism and modes of colonial dispossession that emerge outside the traditional purview of US-centric accounts of the transpacific. In their studies, Torres-Rodríguez, Le, Chang, and the contributors to Iacobbelli, and Lu’s volume develop powerful vantage points that demonstrate transpacific attachments to settler and imperial national modern formations, offering key terms for amplifying our approaches to the study of Asia-Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the stories of women migrants from Latin America who found themselves living precarious lives and struggling to sustain former idealised notions of their racial and class identities in London. Dispossessed of previous class membership due to an onward feminised precarity, a diminished social capital, undocumented legal statuses, and menial stigmatised jobs, women clung to an idealised perception of social status (shaped by white Eurocentric aspirations) to negotiate and reconfigure class and racial anxieties in London. They engage in various strategies that include processes of whitening through marriage and children, performances of taste and beauty, and negotiating their racialisation at work. These cases reflect the relevance of the coloniality of power, its influence in the subsistence of racial and class ideologies in Latin America, and in a global economy of care that produces and reproduces postcolonial forms of intersectional racialised and gendered exploitation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the Mediterranean initiatives organized by the Accademia del Mediterraneo, founded at the University of Palermo in 1951. Superposing the histories of Sicily and Italy with those of Europe's relationship with the Arab-Muslim world during the transition from the colonial to the postcolonial age, the Accademia became one of the liveliest cultural institutions supporting the Italian Republic's early foreign policy. It promoted a cooperative political and economic project addressing the Mediterranean countries then emerging or aspiring to independence and aimed to make Palermo "the capital city of the Mediterranean." The article first reconstructs the Accademia's institutional history in the context of Italy's "Mediterranean vocation" in foreign policy during the 1950s. It then outlines the salient features of the Mediterranean culture it proposed by surveying the contents of its publications, pointing out the similarities and substantial differences with the Mediterranean culture proposed by Italy's postcolonial thinkers around the 2000s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In their claim to distance from reality, maps seek power from representation. Maps are constituted by a particular set of practices that are enmeshed within wider social relations. Maps, then, are a powerful vantage point for understanding the geometries of power. Under settler colonialism, geography is constantly reshaped and reconfigured by expansionist and eliminatory logics. Such is the case in Palestine, where Israeli settler colonialism has fragmented the map of historic Palestine into messily separated archipelagos. As Palestinian geographies are constantly being reconfigured under Israeli settler colonialism, can maps catch up? How do we locate Palestine on the map? I take up these questions by focusing on the 1948 and 1967 Palestinian territories as two spatio‐temporally differentiated locations of settler colonial spatial reconfiguration. Using a counter‐map designed by Palestinian artist Haya Zaatry, I highlight the importance of counter‐mapping in bringing into sharp relief the conjunctural layering of dispossession in Palestine. If dominant colonial maps are about the neat packaging of lived realities into dominant spatio‐temporal demarcations, counter‐maps are about highlighting the ghostly stories and embodied spatial practices and processes of living within and beyond such demarcations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]