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The article discusses various topics related to news media and journalism. It mentions the resignation of Rupert Murdoch from his leadership role at Fox Corp. and News Corp, as well as the ongoing discussion about net neutrality regulations. The article also highlights the extensive coverage of the budding romance between Taylor Swift and Travis Kelce, which reflects the power of news consumers and its impact on journalistic norms. It further explores the divisive and misinformation aspects of news media. Additionally, the article provides a summary of research articles on topics such as Native women politicians, the use of databases in content analysis, linguistic variation in Pakistani English newspaper editorials, mobile news use in Sub-Saharan Africa, the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on weekly newspapers, and gendered election coverage in Taiwan. [Extracted from the article]

Hard Worker versus Pretty Eyes. Evaluating the Numerical and Substantive Representation of Flemish Ministers in Newspaper Articles: Previous research shows that female politicians receive less media coverage and that articles refer more often to women's family life, gender, personality, age and appearance. However, most research focuses solely on women as electoral candidates and is limited to campaign periods. Applying a broader timeframe is vital as voters' perceptions of politicians are mainly constructed during routine periods. And the question arises whether women occupying elite positions in politics encounter the same media bias. This article addresses both shortcomings by conducting a longitudinal quantitative and qualitative content analysis of 4,298 individual mentions of Flemish ministers in 3,528 newspaper articles during three distinct periods of the political cycle. Contrary to the numerical female underrepresentation among candidates, our findings suggest that the media tends to overrepresent female ministers. Furthermore, we notice a strong focus on women's gender throughout the political cycle and their physical appearance during election periods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The democratic-reconstruction measures that were employed in Afghanistan following the USled invasion in late 2001 were riddled with problems, one of which related to the composition of the new government. The inclusion of warlords in the nation-building process, although it made strategic sense for the fledgling government, resulted in the reproduction of cycles of violence and was particularly detrimental to the interests of women, whose supposed liberation was at the centre of the War on Terror discourse. This paper examines this phenomenon through the eyes of Malalai Joya, who, in her memoir A Woman Among Warlords provides an insightful account of the radical, misogynist warlords who occupied positions of power in the newly formed government. As a young female politician in a historically male domain, Joya is a rare voice of resistance against her government and the American military. In raising her voice against the power holders, Joya subverts the dominant narrative of the war, especially pertaining to the liberation of Afghan women. She argues that by colluding with the warlords, the US and the Karzai administration were complicit in allowing violence to continue in political and social spheres. This paper argues that the US-led invasion largely failed to make any concrete ideological transformation and instead aided the reestablishment of oppressive power structures, especially in Afghanistan's provinces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Female voters outnumber male voters. However, until now, many female politicians who had failed to compete in the general election with male politicians. However, what factors make women's voices in the 2019 general election whitewash, remains a questionable. The informants were taken from residents of DKI Jakarta, who represented Central Jakarta, Jakarta, South Jakarta, West Jakarta, North Jakarta, and East Jakarta that female voters chose female politicians based on attractive visuals, the party where the female politician joined, the vision and mission. There are also who choose based on advice from friends and some even choose on their own without a good reason. In addition, mass media and social media also play a role in influencing the election of female politicians. Framing carried out by the mass media or imaging in the media will greatly affect female voters in determining their choice. Meanwhile, for the mass media, it is clear that they are not in favor of women politicians. The framing given often focuses on the sexuality of female politicians rather than on their performance or intelligence. In social media, many politicians are highlighted by netizens from the point of view of their beauty. This has a negative impact that affects female voters in determining their choice in the 2019 election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the case of the 2019 European election, the study compares the visual self-depiction of female and male political candidates from all European Union's 28 member states on social networking sites and their depiction in the news coverage. It thereby investigates to what degree the news coverage and politicians' self-depiction employs visual gender stereotypes. Moreover, the study presents results on differences in the depiction of male and female candidates across party lines. With the help of computational vision, we demonstrate that, while differences between progressive and conservative candidates are scarce, there are clear differences in the depiction of female and male politicians. These differences resemble emotional gender stereotypes, especially since women are more often depicted as happy. Overall, the study demonstrates that female political communication is still distinct from male political communication for both their self-representation as well as the media's portrayal of political candidates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Italian parliamentary election of 2022 was called following Mario Draghi's resignation in June. The campaign took place – for the first time in Italian history – over the summer. Yet, its crucial moments occurred in the very first days, when parties had to present the respective coalition strategies. In a matter of weeks, Italy's political system moved from the embryonic tripolarism inaugurated in 2013 to a full-fledged quadripolarism. The election saw less than two thirds of the eligible voting population participate – a new all-time low for Italian general elections. The result awarded a clear victory to the center-right coalition, due to its successes in most FPTP constituencies. Given the clear indications which emerged from the election results, the process of government formation took less than a month overall. This election can be considered historical in at least two ways. The first is the formation of a government led for the first time by a female politician, Giorgia Meloni. The second is the political composition of her government, with two populist radical right parties in control of about 80 percent of the votes cast in favour of the governing coalition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women politicians face two distinct glass ceilings – when becoming candidates and when turning these candidacies into elected offices. While existing research posits important explanatory accounts of both these processes, both stages are often studied separately when the determinants of women's descriptive representation are analyzed. This generates possible inferential issues, because one stage conditions the other and individual variables might pull in opposing directions in both stages. Drawing on a novel data set of mayoral elections in almost 10,000 municipalities across 15 Latin American countries, we build on existing research to identify the distinct components of glass ceilings at both stages, propose a methodological solution to this problem, illustrate how certain variables have different effects in each stage, and draw implications for theory building in the research on women's descriptive representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women are extremely underrepresented in Japanese political life. One possible reason for this is that voters are biased against women. Compared to American voters, to what extent are Japanese voters opposed to women political leaders? What kinds of stereotypes do they have about women politicians? To answer these questions and probe the external validity of American studies on this topic, we conducted a survey that elicits respondents' attitudes toward women political leaders. First, our list experiment outcomes revealed that approximately 10% of Japanese, and 20% of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) supporters, oppose a woman becoming prime minister. Second, we also identified respondents' gender stereotypes by asking them directly about their impressions of politicians, which revealed that Japanese voters have strong stereotypes for men and women politicians regarding their policy areas of expertise and personal characteristics. These stereotypes are strongest among men and older voters as well as voters who support the LDP. Our findings have broad implications for the literature on gender and politics beyond the study of Japanese politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several studies show that female politicians face greater obstacles in their access to power that are normalized and enhanced by the role of the media. Contrary to their male counterparts, women in politics tend to receive different treatment by the media. This article analyzes the problem of gender stereotypes as drivers that frame opinion through the media coverage of the electoral campaigns and periods of government of Claudia López in Colombia and Manuela Carmena in Spain. The methodology used is mixed, and a total of 394 publications from the two most widely read digital newspapers in each country are analyzed, with the aim of identifying stereotypical frames. Following this, the analysis elaborates two variables: the intimate sphere and the traits related with gender roles and leadership. It can be seen from the results that eltiempo. com and semana.com in Colombia, as well as elmundo.es and elpais.es in Spain, demonstrate that the media continue to use frames that reinforce sexism, translated into differentiated media coverage, which also varies in times of campaign and government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine the correlation between gender and bureaucratic corruption using two distinct datasets, from Italy and from China. In each case, we find that women are far less likely to be investigated for corruption than men. In our Italian data, female procurement officials are 22% less likely than men to be investigated for corruption by enforcement authorities; in China, female prefectural leaders are 81% less likely to be arrested for corruption than men. While these represent correlations (rather than definitive causal effects), both are very robust relationships, which survive the inclusion of fine-grained individual and geographic controls, and based on Oster's (2019. "Unobservable Selection and Coefficient Stability: Theory and Evidence," 37 Journal of Business & Economic Statistics 187–204.) test unlikely to be driven by unobservables. Using data from a survey of Italian procurement officials, we present tentative evidence on mechanism: the gender gap is partly due to women acting more "defensively" in administering their duties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectification and dehumanization are topics often discussed within the social psychology and feminist theory literature. Research on objectification has largely focused on the sexual objectification of women's bodies, whereas the dehumanization literature has focused on dehumanization in the context of racial and ethnic groups. Extant political science research has only recently begun to engage with these concepts. In this manuscript, we build upon these literatures and apply these insights to questions relevant to politics. In particular, we argue that objectifying and dehumanizing portrayals of women impact how voters evaluate women politicians and how much they support gender parity in politics. Through a proposed experimental design, we test our hypothesis that the objectification of women as a group can decrease positive evaluations and likelihood of electoral support for women political candidates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emotional appeals are powerful motivators of political action. Yet the gender of a politician and the existing stereotypes held by audiences complicate the determination of which type of emotional appeal is best suited for different issue areas. In what ways do politicians' emotional appeals serve to mitigate or exacerbate the impact of gender stereotypes across different policy domains? This research examines when politicians pay penalties or gain rewards for their emotional expressions using a survey experiment on a diverse national sample. We find evidence that women politicians are on equal footing or stand to benefit when expressing masculine emotions while also having greater emotional freedom across policy domains. Men politicians, on the other hand, are significantly punished for not acting "manly" enough in masculine policy domains. Nonetheless, these patterns become complicated by both situational context and partisan expectations. The results provide promise for the future prospects of women politicians while pointing to the continued relevance of gendered stereotypes about emotionality in today's political world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research about women's representation in county governments and whether women's representation at the local level translates into different policy outcomes has been relatively unexplored (Holman 2017). Thus, we ask whether electing a woman to the county legislative body leads to different policy outputs, specifically in areas like education, health, hospitals, housing, and welfare. Our dataset builds on de Benedictis-Kessner and Warshaw's (2020) work on county legislative elections by gender coding candidates, leading to a full dataset of nearly 16,500 gender-coded races for county legislative positions, thus creating the most comprehensive, gender-coded dataset of elections in county governments. Using a regression discontinuity design, we find that electing a woman to the county's governing body does not lead to greater spending generally or on social and redistributive policy. Yet there are specific conditions in which they can more easily advocate for their preferred fiscal preferences. For instance, under commission forms of government, electing a woman leads to increased expenditures on welfare. Moreover, electing women has a positive effect on spending when the county is receiving a greater proportion of revenue from higher levels of government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2015, the Israeli newspaper Yedioth Ahronoth began a campaign against Sweden's Foreign Minister, Margot Wallström, who is considered a prominent critic of Israeli policy in Palestine. The campaign included various aspects of media bias on both the gender and the ethnopolitical levels and thus raised the question of a possible relationship between these two types of biases. Studies in relation to political communication and gender have traditionally focused on the media coverage of domestic male and female politicians. The present study attempts to examine the gender media coverage of prominent international political actors. It performs a mixed content analysis of 529 news items from three Israeli online newspapers, reports, and articles, which cover world-renowned public figures (among them, Wallström). Each news item is coded into three gender-coverage frames. Additionally, a critical reading of the journalistic texts is conducted. The findings reveal that the combination of the two types of biases, the gender and the political, escalates the media sensation and stereotyping. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do voters rely on gendered stereotypes when evaluating candidates in Brazil? The literature shows that gendered stereotypes about politicians can result in women being consistently judged as unfit for office. This article investigates the influence of gendered stereotypes on voters' preferences in a context that combines severe female underrepresentation and incentives for voters to rely on politicians' personal attributes. In two survey experiments, I identify the gendered stereotypes of politicians in Brazil and estimate how they influence voters' behavior toward hypothetical candidates who do or do not comply with those stereotypes. The findings suggest that voters hold positive stereotypes of women and a broad pro-female bias. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women's political empowerment strategies have produced important policy and institutional changes, including increased women's political representation in postwar Sierra Leone, notably at the appointment level. However, these advances seem to be consistently met with different forms of resistance, including violence. The awareness among women and men of the importance of women's political representation is not reflected in the number of women nominated by their political parties even as many women continue to aspire for elected positions. This article examines reasons for this trend, focusing on the firsthand perspectives from both male and female politicians on the policies and programs of women's advocacy organizations geared at increasing women's political participation using the 50/50 Group, one of the oldest women's advocacy organizations in Sierra Leone, as a case study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]