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Copyright of Human Review is the property of Eagora Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Over the past four decades, Intellectual Property (IP) has been one of the main controversies of US-China trade relations. But the current US-China trade war contains a new focus - technology transfer. This article adopts a socio-legal and economic approach to examine the current technology and trade tensions between these two countries and why China became an Information Technology (IT) powerhouse. It first provides an overview of IP and technology transfer rules under the Phase One US-China Economic and Trade Agreement (POA). It then explores different forms of forced technology transfer activities and the in-depth reasons for the US to shift its main IP concerns from IP enforcement to technology transfer. It explains why the US and China trade war is inevitable, why the current US-China IP-trade war is significantly different from previous ones, and the economic and political reasons behind the global technology leadership competition by the two countries. Finally, the author concludes that the POA and its technology transfer rules are not the ends of the game but just the start of the global technology leadership competition between the US and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US-China trade war, initiated in March 2018, substantially transformed the trading partnership between the two largest economic powers. It directly influenced the profitability of domestic enterprises related to the export chain and harmed the domestic economy in China and its stock market. This study empirically examines the effects of the trade war on China's stock market based on chronological events and tests whether it is the contagion effect or the present value effect. The empirical study supports the contagion effect because the impact of the US-China trade war differed significantly in different sectors only when the US announced its imposition of more tariffs on US$50 billion worth of Chinese products. However, there is no apparent difference between the industries for other events, nor is there any significant difference between the industries in terms of long-term impact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Multinational corporations have benefited tremendously from free trade in the past few decades. However, the dynamism of international relations, paired with the global recession, has rekindled the debate over frictionless trade. In this study, we examine how trade friction, created by tariff trade barriers, affects the operational performance of domestic firms which source from the affected countries. We also investigate how various supply chain characteristics and strategies can moderate the impact of such trade friction. Motivated by the 2018 U.S.–China trade war, we conducted a difference‐in‐difference analysis to examine the impact of trade tariffs on performance indicators of U.S. firms with direct supplier connections in China. Specifically, we found that U.S. firms with direct supply partners (i.e., first‐tier suppliers) in China had a worse performance than the U.S. firms without direct supply partners in China in terms of inventory (i.e., days of supply) and profitability (return‐on‐assets). We further found that the negative impacts were more severe for firms with a higher degree of outsourcing, and horizontal and spatial supply base complexity. We discuss the implications for international operations management, supply chain networks, supply risk management, and provide suggestions to supply chain practitioners and trade policymakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article constructs a measure of geopolitical and economic tensions in US–China relations based on the sentiment expressed in major US news media and utilizes it to analyze the impact of bilateral tensions on US imports from China between 2002 and 2019. Our results suggest that bilateral tensions have had a negative effect on US imports. Additional analyses of the impact of bilateral tensions for industries with varying levels of supply chain linkages to China suggest that, contrary to expectations, they have more disproportionately affected industries highly integrated with the Chinese market. This pattern continues to hold during the trade war period. Not only were bilateral tensions associated with higher tariffs for industries with high levels of global value chain linkages to China, but the tariff hikes have also had a more sustained impact on such industries. Overall, our findings indicate that potential "sunk costs" considerations may not have been strong enough to forestall the downward trend in bilateral trade relations under both routine diplomacy and trade war conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes the economic consequences of the US–China trade war on economics in ASEAN-4. The analysis uses the Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) model. The simulation scenarios depicted short-run potential effects of manufacturing protection with appropriate retaliation response from China. The results showed escalation of trade wars has an impact on various countries, that is on exports, investment and domestic-sector growth. The US and China trade war has resulted in shifts in US imports by country of origin, Indonesia's GDP and investments have increased, but are still relatively lower compared to other ASEAN-4 countries (Malaysia, Thailand and Vietnam) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the beginning of the 21st century, China has been accelerating its transition to an innovative economy. Several breakthrough inventions by Chinese engineers and designers have demonstrated that this country is not only a "world factory" but also a competitive developer of high-tech products. China's development has begun to threaten the technological leadership of Western countries. The competitiveness of Chinese scientific and technological developments in the world market is analyzed, and the position of the so-called unicorn companies in the global startup market is evaluated. Government support measures that contribute to the growth of research and development costs are characterized, and the main risks and threats faced by China in its transition to a new technological order are highlighted. The author of the article comes to the following conclusions. The policy of containment of China pursued by Western countries is determined by the growth of the competitiveness of Chinese developments and is primarily aimed at industries in which the country has managed to take a leading position. The high share of R&D spending in China is supported by a preferential tax policy. The effectiveness of Chinese developments is determined by the strategic planning of research areas by the authorities. The main risks in the development of Chinese science are associated with sanctions pressure on sensitive sectors of the national economy, among which the ban on the supply of semiconductor products to Chinese companies poses the greatest threat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To this end, mathematical and statistical methods are used to model the effect of tariffs, ex-ante and ex-post, after implementing this trade policy, on exports of aluminum and steel from Mexico to the United States, versus US imports of these metals from the ROW. The results show that the protectionist tariff policy had a structural effect on US imports; likewise, the tariff shock implemented by the United States in June 2018 adversely affected its imports of these goods, both in terms of volume and value. This suggests that bilateral trade may be affected, but the effect is differentiated. The United States may be achieving its objective of protecting its domestic industry or it may impact upwards on the domestic prices of these metals, which could influence the prices paid by the final consumer. For Mexico, trade may be diverted or its export capacity reduced, adversely affecting its trade balance of these metals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Global value chains have been a major means of manufacturing and trading goods internationally. Economic efficiency was the sole factor driving the proliferation of GVCs and the China-centered GVCs were established in a variety of manufactured products. In recent years, the China–US trade war and the unfolding COVID-19 pandemic have sent shock waves and disrupted smooth operations of GVCs, which has triggered the geographic restructuring of GVCs, in particular value chain diversification away from China. This paper analyzes the centrality of China in value chains and the vulnerabilities of GVCs exposed to the trade war and the pandemic. This paper provides comprehensive empirical evidence on GVC restructuring from different perspectives and discusses policy options that China could cope with the tide of the value chain diversification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Extant research remains relatively silent on the polarizing attitudes stemming from large-scale conflict events, such as trade wars. Information cocoons, which highlight unilateral information, have been shown to amplify polarized opinions and behaviors. This paper aims to integrate mixed methods with social identity, system justification, and cognitive dissonance theories across four interrelated studies to understand the impact of conflict events and subsequent information cocoons on tourist decision-making. Study 1 leverages the elastic net synthetic control method to compare the actual Chinese tourist travel to the US with a predicted counterfactual scenario without the trade war. Studies 2 through 5, with 300, 423, 517, and 201 respondents respectively, examined tourists' competing reasonings and approach-avoidance tendencies regarding information cocoons about destinations involved in the trade war. The findings deepen our understanding of how information cocoons amplify polarized thinking and behaviors, which can be partially mitigated by travel experiences to conflicting countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's consistent message to the U.S. since Donald Trump's election is the need for deeper cooperation. But Trump and his hawkish advisers and Congressmembers seem bent on a trade war and closer ties to Taiwan. His strategy is that once the Middle East and Ukraine are "solved," he will be positioned to force Xi Jinping's hand. But the Chinese have options for dealing with U.S. economic pressure. Still, Trump might bargain on U.S. security ties if he can get a deal on trade. The most likely outcome is more tension in U.S.-China relations and a further drift toward Cold War-era competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the indirect link between the trade war between China-US and deforestation in Brazil. China imposed tariffs that have eliminated American soy exports by November 2018. Higher soybean prices usually increase deforestation in Brazil. We estimate nonlinear autoregressive distributed lag models combined with multiple breakpoint tests to analyze price transmission changes over time. We show that market power emerges in the short run, while long-run price pass-through is close to complete. Extra profits from unexpected market power should induce land clearing for expanding soy production, a problem compounded by lax regulation, and reduced budgets for combating deforestation in Brazil. Results also suggest that effects on deforestation rates should be temporary. Given that the covid19 pandemic brings about a similar shock to global food markers, particularly demand for Brazilian soy, we expect a similar pattern of emergence of market power in the short but not long-run. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of globalization that is increasingly developing today is a serious concern for every country. Including developments in the defense sector that need to be properly addressed and observed because the influence of the interaction of major countries in the world such as America, China, Russia, Japan, India and others will replicate the economy in Indonesia, especially in world trade. The level of the economy of a country that is part of that important country is of course very significant to be developed and maintained so that the economy is getting better. Indonesia, which has relations with other countries, needs to improve its economic development in efforts to develop the national economy, which is also part of efforts for national resilience. For this reason, a strategy is needed for the Indonesian state in the trade sector to reduce all forms of threats from other countries that are Indonesia's competitors in world trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US government has been promoting a new cold war against China for some time. It began before former President Donald Trump initiated a trade war against China and has continued under President Biden. The underlying reason for this policy is the drive of the US government to maintain a position of global domination and to prevent any other country from rising to a position of equal, or near equal, economic, political, or military strength with the US. This cold war is unjustified and poses serious dangers for people around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Berliner Journal für Soziologie is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In international conflicts, national governments establish the legitimacy of their positions or policies through news announcements. This study examines how the news media in each country, through alignment with their government's foreign policies, mobilised public support for the U.S.–China trade war. Furthermore, we explain the intricacies of the relationship among government policy and the news media, by showing how the government plays an important role as a news source for the news media. We analyse how the news media's frames of reporting are influenced by the government and how the news media shape the public's understanding of the conflict. We utilise a comparative content analysis of four mainstream news media in China and seven mainstream news media in the U.S. to show how both governments provide the frames of the trade conflict and dependence of the news media on elite news sources help mobilise support of their audiences following the government's framing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analysed the dynamics of the international soybean market using econometric techniques and economic models to study the impacts of the US–China trade war. It considered the analysis of "spatial" (horizontal) price transmission during an approximately ten-year period from September 2009 to May 2019 using monthly time-series data. The research focused on the leaders in the international soybean market, namely, China, the USA, the EU, Brazil and Argentina. Several econometric techniques were employed. The stationarity of the price time series was determined using the augmented Dickey–Fuller (ADF) unit root test. Structural breaks were inferred using the ADF test with a breaks test and a Bai–Perron multiple break test. The long-term relation/cointegration amongst the series was determined using the Johansen cointegration test (1988), with the previous breaks input as dummy variables. The direction of the causality was inferred using the Granger causality test (1969). The long-term and short-term causal relations were determined using the vector autoregression model (VAR) and the vector error correction model (VECM). The results showed a highly efficient and cointegrated market. The incidents of the trade war, as represented by tariffs and subsidies, had minor effects on the market efficacy, cointegration and price transmission. The arbitrage process of the studied market managed to get around the tariffs. In other words, there was no empirical evidence to support the claim that the law of one price (LOOP) did not hold. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The primary goal of this paper is to provide empirical evidence for how non-trade factors attribute to the China-US trade war. Trump's tweets provide us with a unique perspective. After analysing 31,166 Trump's tweets, we have the following findings: (1) It's non-trade factors rather than trade-related factors that can significantly predict whether Trump posts negative tweets involving China's economic and trade issues. For every 1 % increase in Trump's disapproval rating and VIX index, the likelihood of Trump posting negative tweets involving China's economic and trade issues increases by 0.61 % and 0.16 % respectively. (2) Tweeting against China sometimes becomes a tool to divert domestic criticism. After the COVID-19 outbreak, the higher growth rate of cumulative COVID-19 confirmed cases, the higher likelihood of Trump tweeting against China. (3) Tweeting against China can win public support and attention. Holding everything else constant, the number of likes and retweets of negative tweets about China are 10.2 % and 14.6 % more than those of positive tweets about China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The escalating Sino-American trade war is forcing countries to take sides. Several governments, including Singapore's, are following a neutral path. Little is known about the trade war's effects on neutral-country consumers' perceptions. We sample Singaporean consumers who rate the attributes of different products associated with the country brands of the two belligerents (the P RC and the USA), as well as Japan. Conjoint and ANOVA quantify main and interaction effects. Respondents evaluate products from the USA higher relative to China, but the Japan country brand earns the highest overall evaluations. Respondents highly rate Japanese products on quality and value, but low on product image, like Chinese products. The USA country brand is rated highest on product image but low on product quality and value. Despite Singapore's neutral policy, consumers have strong impressions of country brands in the Sino-American trade war. Findings have implications for marketing practitioners navigating geopolitical forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With an event study approach, this study examines the valuation effects of the US–China trade war. It is found that Chinese listed firms with American managers record lower announcement returns than their counterparts. This effect is heterogenous for firms with different foreign exposures. Specifically, the negative effect is more pronounced for firms exporting to the US market, while other foreign exposures, such as overseas direct investments and foreign shareholders mitigate the negative effects of American managers. These findings provide micro‐level evaluation of trade policy with the combination of stock market and corporate governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan and the Republic of Korea signed the normalization treaty and related documents on June 22, 1965, in Tokyo. Since then, the economy has been the most important field showing the stable and peaceful cooperation between the two countries. If history and politics are the factors that make the two countries' relations often tense, the economy is the bridge to resolve disagreements for Japan - South Korea relationship. However, relations between the two countries deteriorated in 2018 because of historical problems during the period when the Japanese Empire occupied the Korean peninsula (1910-1945) and caused a trade dispute between the two countries. Since then, although each side has taken positive actions to resume relations, it is still very difficult to resolve the problem. The dispute not only affects Japan and South Korea, but also affects a number of countries and the security environment of the region. Through research methods such as historical method, policy analysis, logic, synthesis, statistics, comparison, the research article clarifies the current situation and causes of Japan's trade dispute with South Korea from 2018 to 2021, and make policy recommendations for Vietnam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the impact of the pandemic coronavirus (COVID-19) on Sino-US relations. It describes Sino-US relations before and after the outbreak of the coronavirus pandemic. Particular attention is paid to the ongoing trade war between the PRC and the US, as well as the development of the information war caused by the politicization of the epidemic. The reasons for the deterioration of Sino-US relations under the influence of the coronavirus are considered. The author highlighted the following factors: US fears about the transition of world economic and political leadership from Washington to Beijing; the disagreement between China and the United States over the anti-epidemic in the framework of multilateral cooperation; problems caused by objectively accelerated changes in the world order. It is concluded that the epidemic plays a limited role in the deterioration of economic and political relations between China and the US. The fundamental reason remains the discrepancy between the unilateralism advocated by the US and multilateralism called for by China.

This article analyzes trends in international trade regarding trade contradictions and attempts to define "trade wars". The growth of global trade has changed the economic impact and political contours of trade protection. The study revealed that today trade disputes and wars, which have turned into the biggest problems for the global trading system, this is a matter of great concern, and certain contradictions in trade relations between states are characterized as “trade wars”. Since the establishment and development of international trade relations, in the context of competition between countries for markets, serious trade conflicts have begun to arise and escalate, and in connection with the development of the international trading system, the consequences of trade clashes have become increasingly large-scale. Countries have used a variety of methods - from diplomacy to military intervention-to protect their own markets from foreign competitors ' goods and strengthen their positions in foreign markets. The article examines the history of development and the reasons of world trade wars. The study of the evolution of international trade contradictions and disputes from the time of Ancient Greece to the present day, showed that the objects of disputes were different, different methods and tools were used during trade wars. Although trade wars have always been destructive, at the present stage, these conflicts causing divisions can escalate into new geopolitical confrontations and lead to a prolonged global recession.

This paper examines how power transition theory could provide insights into the trade war between the United States and China. The paper shows that the trade war between the United States and China is a manifestation of power transition in the international system. As a rising power with growing economic might, China seeks to increase its influence and position in the international system through various global initiatives. In responding to this, the United States tries to maintain its position as a global leader by imposing trade barriers to suppress the rise of China. This strategy intends to slow the U.S.’ decline as a global hegemon. This article aims to contribute to understanding the relations between power transition, hegemony, and trade wars.

Donald Trump got more than 74 million votes in the 2020 presidential election, making a record for the defeated presidential candidate in the United States history. Trump managed to get this result, while he and his administration had been under a wave of accusations including racism, populism, and mismanagement at home and abroad. The 2020 election results indicated that Trump's nationalist discourse despite rejecting the values of a liberal international order, has taken deep roots across the US society. This article aims to answer the question of why the United States during the Trump presidency turned against the US-led liberal international order. In response, this article focuses on the increasing costs of US hegemonic role in international relations. The article as a mixed-method research focuses on the theory of hegemonic stability, arguing that Trumpism has been a result of American hegemonic foreign policy during recent decades.