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Calculating the consequences of global public bads such as climate change or pandemics helps uncover the scale, distribution and structure of their economic burdens. As violent conflict affects billions of people worldwide, whether directly or indirectly, this article sets out to estimate its global macro-economic repercussions. Using a novel methodology that accounts for multiple dimensions of war, the article finds that, in the absence of violent conflict since 1970, the level of global GDP in 2014 would have been, on average, 12% higher. When disaggregating these results by conflict type, civil conflicts are estimated to have been the costliest by far. Income growth is found to be altered up to four years following the end of a conflict, although the direction of this relationship depends on the intensity and type of conflict. Countries also suffer significantly from fighting in neighbouring countries, thereby showing the importance of mitigating spillovers rapidly. The largest absolute losses associated with violence emanate from Asia, while many high-income economies are found to benefit economically from participating in conflicts on foreign soil. This analysis thus shows that, despite some evidence of a faster post-conflict growth and possible benefits for external participants, violent conflict leads to net global losses that linger long after peace is achieved, reducing the peace dividend. The article concludes by discussing public policy options to strengthen the benefits of peace as a global public good., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

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Radical democracy was, at its inception, a polemical alternative to the hegemony of Marxism over the political discourse of the Left. This is particularly striking in the work of two of its figureheads, Miguel Abensour and Chantal Mouffe. Whereas C. Mouffe advocates for radical democracy to break free from the rigidness and the determinacy of Marxism, M. Abensour goes back to the young Marx’s plea for a “real democracy”. It results in radical democrats locating differently the radicality of their approaches. While post-Marxists emphasize the crucial and dynamic role of divisive conflicts within the political community and consequently grant the State a role as their arbitrator, “Young Marxists” emphasize a constant struggle against an abusive institutionalization of the State. As a result, they advocate for a form of political spontaneity that is complicated to reconcile with consideration of the political community’s inner conflicts. The regrouping of disparate critical works under a single label makes us shortsighted to some of its internal contradictions., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

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This article focuses on the cult of the Cairolis, a well-known family of Italian patriots from Pavia that became an icon of radical democracy, in order to shed light on patriotic martyrdom during the Risorgimento. Combining political history with cultural and gender history, I will use a wide and varied range of sources (letters, funeral brochures, prayer cards, reliquaries and so on) that will allow me to reconstruct the origins, dissemination, and evolution of the cult of the Cairolis: not only that of the four brothers but also that of the mother, Adelaide Bono–one of the very few female ‘martyrs’ of the Risorgimento. In this way, it is possible to examine in depth the ‘Garibaldian religion’ and, especially, the creation of a ‘pantheon’ of red shirts, namely those volunteers/apostles who, in the radicals’ eyes, followed the General/Christ., SCOPUS: ar.j, DecretOANoAutActif, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

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The identification-prejudice link describes the defensive stance toward immigrants held by strong national identifiers. Recent research refined this relationship by suggesting that defensive national identification (operationalized through national narcissism), but not secure national identification, was associated with prejudice. While previous research found intergroup threat and conspiracy beliefs to mediate the identification-prejudice link, the need to comprehensively and experimentally test the role of these defensive group beliefs remains in the context of the narcissistic identification-prejudice link. Furthermore, following the group-based control model, we proposed that these defensive group beliefs might be more pronounced among national narcissists compensating for a low personal control. In Study 1 (N = 1104, nationally representative sample), national narcissism, but not secure national identification, was related to prejudice against immigrants, and a serial model composed of perceived intergroup threat and conspiracy beliefs mediated this relationship. These relationships held when controlling for conspiracy mentality, supporting the notion that these conspiracy beliefs were motivated at the intergroup level. In Study 2 (N = 474, pre-registered), we experimentally induced intergroup threat and exposure to conspiracy theories about immigrants. Induced threat increased conspiracy beliefs, and both increased prejudice, corroborating their causal relationship. In Study 3 (N = 350, pre-registered), we induced low personal control and made national narcissism salient to test the group-based control hypothesis. The relationship between measured (but not manipulated) national narcissism and conspiracy beliefs was more pronounced under low personal control. We discuss the role of defensive group beliefs on group-based control and prejudice against immigrants., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

The three infrared atmospheric sounding interferometers (IASIs), launched in 2006, 2012, and 2018, are key instruments to weather forecasting, and most meteorological centres assimilate IASI nadir radiance data into atmospheric models to feed their forecasts. The European Organisation for the Exploitation of Meteorological Satellites (EUMETSAT) recently released a reprocessed homogeneous radiance record for the whole IASI observation period, from which 13 years (2008-2020) of temperature profiles can be obtained. In this work, atmospheric temperatures at different altitudes are retrieved from IASI radiances measured in the carbon dioxide absorption bands (654-800 and 2250-2400gcm-1) by selecting the channels that are the most sensitive to the temperature at different altitudes. We rely on an artificial neural network (ANN) to retrieve atmospheric temperatures from a selected set of IASI radiances. We trained the ANN with IASI radiances as input and the European Centre for Medium-Range Weather Forecasts (ECMWF) reanalysis version 5 (ERA5) as output. The retrieved temperatures were validated with ERA5, with in situ radiosonde temperatures from the Analysed RadioSoundings Archive (ARSA) network and with EUMETSAT temperatures retrieved from IASI radiances using a different method. Between 750 and 7ghPa, where IASI is most sensitive to temperature, a good agreement is observed between the three datasets: the differences between IASI on one hand and ERA5, ARSA, or EUMETSAT on the other hand are usually less than 0.5gK at these altitudes. At 2ghPa, as the IASI sensitivity decreases, we found differences up to 2gK between IASI and the three validation datasets. We then computed atmospheric temperature linear trends from atmospheric temperatures between 750 and 2ghPa. We found that in the past 13 years, there is a general warming trend of the troposphere that is more important at the poles and at mid-latitudes (0.5gK/decade at mid-latitudes, 1gK/decade at the North Pole). Th, SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

En 2010, le premier Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) est signé entre le gouvernement grec et la « troïka », un organe ad hoc chargé de gérer la crise économique en Grèce pour le compte des États membres de l’Union européenne. Un an plus tard, la « task force pour la Grèce » est créée à la Commission européenne pour aider à la mise en œuvre des réformes demandées dans ce cadre, mais aussi pour soutenir l’accélération de l’absorption des fonds européens. Cette thèse se penche sur ce service d’assistance technique mis sur pied au cœur de la crise. L’enquête part d’un écart énigmatique entre deux observations. D’un côté, on associe couramment la gestion de la crise grecque au tableau d’une Europe désunie, technocratique et austéritaire ;de l’autre, il apparaît sur le terrain que les personnels européens ont régulièrement dénoncé les débordements et les limites de cette gestion. Ce hiatus cristallise toute la complexité de l’intervention européenne dans la crise grecque, de son plus haut niveau de politisation jusqu’à l’ordinaire du travail normatif de ses responsables. Nous montrons que les membres de l’assistance technique ont été amenés à composer avec les termes équivoques, sinon contradictoires, d’un mandat marqué par l’exceptionnalité de la configuration politique globale :comment faire le lien entre les mesures budgétaires et les réformes de long cours, ou entre le temps de la crise et le temps démocratique ?Autrement dit, comment agir conformément aux règles juridico-morales qui gouvernent l’Union européenne dans une situation réputée y attenter du tout au tout ?Combinant entretiens, observations, documents officiels et internes ainsi qu’un corpus médiatique, cette thèse interroge la morale professionnelle des personnels européens à l’aune des épreuves qu’emporte cette intervention dans la crise et « à distance ». À l’aide des outils de la sociologie politique, de la sociologie des crises et de la sociologie des dispositifs, elle examine de façon relationnelle l, Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales, info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Since the 2000s, the reference to ‘values’ has become a key topic in the legitimation and politicization of the European Union (EU). This article studies to which extent and how members of the European Parliament (MEPs) mobilize values in their Facebook communication and whether it contributes to the politicization–understood as polarization–of their discourse. Our findings show that references to values are minor in MEPs’ Facebook discourse. Differences are visible along national and party lines and according to issues at stake. However, no clear patterns emerge to relate specific value narratives to stable coalition- or conflict-lines. Empirically, the article analyses Facebook posts by MEPs of four nationalities (France, Italy, Poland and Hungary) in pre- and post-electoral times (March 2019–March 2020). Theoretically, it contributes to the literature on the politicization and legitimation of the EU; and on MEPs’ communication and use of social networks., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

This article analyses the perception of the symbols of the European Union (EU) by citizens. Relying on a survey of a representative sample of the population in eight countries (France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Poland, Romania, Spain and the United Kingdom) carried out in December 2020, it investigates to which extent these symbols are considered as good representations of the EU and differences related to political, cultural, social and economic belongings. Empirically, our findings show a large acknowledgement of these symbols in congruence with general attitudes towards the EU. Theoretically, it offers some evidence of the existence of a “banal Europeanism” taking - to a certain extent - European symbolism as granted in contrast with its politicisation in elite discursive struggles., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Comment expliquer la communautarisation de la défense commerciale ?La littérature existante renvoie surtout aux jeux d’intérêts entre les États membres de l’Union européenne, ou aux pressions exercées par leurs industries. Elle interroge peu le rôle des fonctionnaires de la Commission européenne.La présente thèse étudie ce rôle dans le cadre de la défense commerciale. Au début des années 1970, cette politique, utilisée pour protéger les industries européennes de leur concurrence étrangère, était principalement l’affaire des administrations nationales. La Commission jouait un rôle secondaire. Deux décennies plus tard, au début des années 1990, la situation s’était inversée. Quelques fonctionnaires de la Commission avaient développé avec succès un nouveau directorat antidumping à l’intérieur de la direction–générale du commerce. Ce directorat était passé de trois à plus de 80 personnes en vingt ans.Pour éclairer cette montée en puissance, la thèse s’intéresse aux pratiques des fonctionnaires. Elle définit la réglementation antidumping comme un instrument à double tranchant, qui permet, autorise, tout autant qu’il force, contraint. Dans cette optique, la croissance de l’instrument se lit comme un déploiement d’un système de potentialités initial. Les choix qui menèrent au chemin effectivement suivi ne se firent pas sans heurt. Les fonctionnaires travaillaient à la croisée de pressions contraires, avec d’un côté les intérêts européens qu’ils devaient servir, et de l’autre les avocats qui représentaient les industries extra-européennes. Afin de maîtriser ces pressions, ils développèrent de nouvelles techniques d’interprétation juridique. La procéduralisation résultante déboucha sur un instrument communautarisé mais aussi dépolitisé, du moins en apparence. À présent, dans l’arène de l’antidumping, les fonctionnaires, avocats et lobbyistes s’affrontent à coup d’arguments comptables et juridiques propres à l’instrument. Les décisions politiques que ce personnel prend ne son, Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales, info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

With the introduction of Artificial Intelligence (AI) and related technologies in our daily lives, fear and anxiety about their misuse as well as their inherent biases, incorporated during their creation, have led to a demand for governance and associated regulation. Yet regulating an innovation process that is not well understood may stifle this process and reduce benefits that society may gain from the generated technology, even under the best intentions. Instruments to shed light on such processes are thus needed as they can ensure that imposed policies achieve the ambitions for which they were designed. Starting from a game-theoretical model that captures the fundamental dynamics of a race for domain supremacy using AI technology, we show how socially unwanted outcomes may be produced when sanctioning is applied unconditionally to risk-taking, i.e. potentially unsafe, behaviours. We demonstrate here the potential of a regulatory approach that combines a voluntary commitment approach reminiscent of soft law, wherein technologists have the freedom of choice between independently pursuing their course of actions or establishing binding agreements to act safely, with either a peer or governmental sanctioning system of those that do not abide by what they pledged. As commitments are binding and sanctioned, they go beyond the classic view of soft law, akin more closely to actual law-enforced regulation. Overall, this work reveals how voluntary but sanctionable commitments generate socially beneficial outcomes in all scenarios envisageable in a short-term race towards domain supremacy through AI technology. These results provide an original dynamic systems perspective of the governance potential of enforceable soft law techniques or co-regulatory mechanisms, showing how they may impact the ambitions of developers in the context of the AI-based applications., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

L’obligation de se réinventer, d’innover, de « faire mieux », d’être plus efficace, avec comme visée une meilleure compréhension des besoins et des personnes, devient pour les professionnels un impératif. Comment renforcer les expérimentations en cours ?Nous proposons un essai sur le développement des recherches collaboratives intégrant les méthodologies de design thinking afin de renforcer les capacités d’innovation des intervenants sociaux. Ce retour se fonde sur nos expérimentations en cours avec des intervenants des secteurs de l’insertion socioprofessionnelle et du social-santé en Région de Bruxelles-Capitale., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

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This article untangles competing conceptualisations of nostal- gia and identifies a specific form of collective-restorative nostalgia as politically significant. We argue that the link between resentment and this type of nostalgia emerges from their joint critique of the socio-political realities of the present. Nostalgia provides spatial and temporal orienta- tions for a group's experiences of resentment through highly selective recollections of the heartland and an idealised golden age. We hypothesize that nostalgia leverages the heartland and the golden age to formulate claims for recog- nition and restored status on behalf of those who feel left behind by late modernity. Next, the article uses structural equation modelling and the 2019 Belgian National Election Study to reveal how resentment (consisting of ontological insecurity, group relative deprivation, and powerlessness) mediates between structural characteristics and nostalgia. Our findings suggest that each component of resentment individually contributes to explaining the nostalgia of less educated and economically deprived individuals., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

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Life cycle assessment (LCA) is applied to assess large-scale systems supporting policymaking. However, most LCA studies focused on evaluating the impacts of policies and strategic planning on a static basis ignoring the dynamic nature of the territory in which the policies are implemented. This study aims to develop a dynamic territorial LCA approach, linking agent-based modeling (ABM) with the territorial LCA approach. ABM is a widely used tool to simulate dynamic emerging systems considering human factors, and the territorial LCA is a recently developed approach featuring assessing multi-functional territories. To prove the concept, the framework of the dynamic territorial LCA was implemented in a case study of promoting bioenergy crops in an agricultural territory of the southern region of Belgium (Wallonia), considering farm size, familiarity, and revenue. Geographical Information Systems (GIS) was employed to assess site-specific environmental impacts of individual decisions. The case study contrasts spatial and temporal dynamics of the territory if implementing demonstration farms at different locations, assuming adopters will be provided with subsidies over simulation time, and farmers’ familiarities increase when nearby farmers turn into adopters. The results show that different initial locations for demonstration farms would lead to different dynamic results at the territorial level. Such knowledge on the interactions between human behaviors and land-use scenarios could bring insights for policymaking, supporting reasonable land planning at the territorial level. Besides, by employing GIS to estimate spatially explicit inventory of unit processes, this work fills the research gap of the lack of application linking LCA, ABM, and GIS together. Further studies could be conducted to, e.g. explore the introduction of multiple land use functions (besides bioenergy production) and various policy schemes, enhance socio-economic impact assessment, and combine with o, SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

This PhD presents a compendium of six publications dealing with the process of Europeanisation of democracy at work, and within that overarching framework, the process of Europeanisation of worker representation on corporate boards of directors.The Europeanisation of codetermination rights at enterprise level is analysed from an institutional and socio-political perspective, interested in actors and institutions, and addressing codetermination as an area of EU social policy and EU trade union strategy. The publications are presented in three parts. One contextualises the research and the historical and legislative developments that have led codetermination to become a rather limited area of EU social policy under the shadow of the German model and actoral strategies, although significantly eroded by the effects of EU integration and corporate mobility. The second part addresses the process of top-down Europeanisation of worker representation on boards. It examines the implementation of the European Company (SE) Directive 2001/86 and how clauses of participation have been negotiated in SE agreements, generally weakening previous national models, as well as critically analyses the legal and political implications of the CJEU Case Erzberger, which constituted a sort of impasse for the development of Europeanisation of worker representation on boards in multinationals governed by national law. A final third part examines the process of bottom-up Europeanisation of these rights, according to national law and practice and independently of any EU regulation. The findings question the idea of a Europeanisation by stealth and tending to a Euro-democratic process. Without a proactive legal and political action from institutions and social actors at EU level, particularly trade unions, codetermination rights may lose from their democratic legitimacy component., Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales, info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Knowledge of sulfur dioxide layer height (SO2 LH) is important to understand volcanic eruption processes, the climate impact of SO2 emissions and to mitigate volcanic risk for civil aviation. However, the estimation of SO2 LH from ground-based instruments is challenging in particular for rapidly evolving and sustained eruptions. Satellite wide-swath nadir observations have the advantage to cover large-scale plumes and the potential to provide key information on SO2 LH. In the ultraviolet, SO2 LH retrievals leverage the fact that, for large SO2 columns, the light path and its associated air mass factor (AMF) depends on the SO2 absorption (and therefore on the vertical distribution of SO2), and SO2 LH information can be obtained from the analysis of measured back-scattered radiances coupled with radiative transfer simulations. However, existing algorithms are mainly sensitive to SO2 LH for SO2 vertical columns of at least 20 DU. Here we develop a new SO2 LH algorithm and apply it to observations from the high-spatial-resolution TROPOspheric Monitoring Instrument (TROPOMI). It is based on an SO2 optical depth look-up table and an iterative approach. The strength of this scheme lies in the fact that it is a Covariance-Based Retrieval Algorithm (COBRA; Theys et al. 2021). This means that the SO2-free contribution of the measured optical depth is treated in an optimal way, resulting in an improvement of the SO2 LH sensitivity to SO2 columns as low as 5 DU, with a precision better than 2 km. We demonstrate the value of this new data through a number of examples and comparison with satellite plume height estimates (from IASI and CALIOP), and back-trajectory analyses. The comparisons indicate an SO2 LH accuracy of 1–2 km, except for some difficult observation conditions, in particular for optically thick ash plumes or partially SO2-filled scenes., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Faire de la recherche collaborative, c’est avant tout une autre façon de faire de la recherche. C’est une volonté de faire tomber les barrières entre les chercheurs professionnels et l’ensemble des personnes qui participent à la recherche :intervenants sociaux, usagers, destinataires, experts, politiques, administratifs… C’est donc laisser un espace de dialogue et d’échanges entre les parties (Artois, Moriau & Wagener, 2022) quant aux questions de recherches mêmes et aux protocoles de recherche., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Ce numéro aborde les enjeux de la recherche collaborative de manière croisée et dynamique à partir de retours d’expériences. Il discute un ensemble d’enjeux épistémologiques, méthodologiques et politiques liés aux pratiques de recherche collaborative. Coécrit avec des intervenantes et intervenants sociaux, il permet aux lectrices et lecteurs de comprendre les particularités de la recherche collaborative à l’aune d’autres modèles (recherche-action, recherche participation, cocréation…), et de montrer leurs conséquences pratiques et théoriques., info:eu-repo/semantics/published, 1

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More openness in the daily operation of public administrations is expected to increase their legitimacy and citizen trust in their activities. However, the effects generated by transparency reforms have raised numerous debates. Firstly, the relationship between transparency and trust can be multidirectional. Secondly, this relationship refers to a fragile balance since too much communication about sensitive issues may reduce citizen trust in public organizations. Finally, trust stems from multiple factors, thereby diminishing the impact of transparency. These various issues are analyzed and exemplified through concrete cases, based on a literature review of both scientific and media articles., La transparence est un élément clé de la gouvernance dans le secteur public. Elle est ainsi régulièrement citée dans les plans d’action gouvernementaux, étudiée dans le champ scientifique, et réclamée par les citoyens. Il y a plusieurs raisons à cela, mais un point fondamental concerne la confiance qu’elle doit générer en rendant l’information visible, le secret étant souvent associé à la possibilité de dissimuler des mauvaises actions et ou d’éviter des reproches. Au niveau institutionnel, le traité fondateur de l’Union européenne (Traité de Maastricht), signé par les douze États membres de la Communauté économique européenne en 1992, fait explicitement référence au lien entre un secteur public plus ouvert et la confiance. Il a été déclaré à cette occasion que la transparence des processus de prise de décision augmentera la confiance des citoyens dans les administrations et permettra de renforcer la nature démocratique des institutions créées. Cette idée se retrouve dans les traités suivants qui jalonneront la construction européenne., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

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Since the 1990s, the European Union (EU) and its Member States have been funding information and awareness-raising initiatives to deter irregular immigration. These programmes increasingly rely on the involvement of intermediaries with a migration background in so-called “peer-to-peer” information dissemination activities. Their “peerness” is considered an efficient tool to gain (potential) migrants’ trust, and ultimately enforce migration and border control. However, while “peerness” between migrants and intermediaries is generally taken for granted by migration and border studies, it is crossed by conflicting dynamics and generates contrasted effects on the ground. This paper interrogates how various migration experiences are captured and defined as “peerness” for control purposes, and, simultaneously, how it is mobilized and enacted by migrant actors in different contexts. Empirical insights from three case studies are brought together, each of which engaging with an emblematic figure of “migrant intermediation”: the Senegalese “diaspora” in the EU, “transit migrants” in Morocco, and “returnees” in Senegal. The paper argues that “peer-to-peer” information dissemination entails inherent tensions and contradictions which can ultimately come to challenge borderwork. Finally, it demonstrates that beyond the question of its efficiency, “migrant intermediation” transforms and reinforces both social hierarchies and relations of power within local migration industries., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Cet état des lieux des dispositifs de prévention de la radicalisation et de l’extrémisme violents déployés en Belgique francophone et en région bruxelloise a pour première ambition d’être descriptif et synthétique. Il présente la forme actuelle qu’a prise la prévention de la radicalisation, les tensions qui continuent à la traverser, mais aussi les bonnes pratiques qui ont été mises en œuvre du point de vue des acteurs de terrain. Cette cartographie surplombante tâche de dégager la cohérence de ce qui a été réalisé en Belgique francophone en la matière., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

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