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SUMMARY People convicted of drunk-driving offenses have an 80% higher likelihood of being involved in fatal crashes. License suspension is an effective but incomplete sanction as many offenders continue to drive unlicensed. Breath alcohol ignition interlock devices, which require a low alcohol breath sample before a car will start, hold promise for the control of some drunk driving offenders. Evidence shows these devices are effective while installed on the cars of those who elect to install them, but that elective use is still low, and even if installed recidivism rates climb once the interlock period is completed. This paper reviews interlock program problem areas and presents a plan for a brief intervention/case management program which is currently being tested in Alberta, Canada.

This report covers an evaluation of programs designed to reduce unlawful driving in the states of Washington and Oregon by providing for the marking of the license plate of a vehicle when its operator was apprehended driving while suspended. In both states, the records of 101,000 drivers convicted of a drunk-driving offense who were potentially at risk for this sanction were analyzed using time series analysis to determine the general deterrent effect of the law. In addition, the specific deterrent effect of having one's vehicle marked was studied in Oregon using analysis of covariance. Results of these analyses indicated that the law had both a general and specific deterrence effect in Oregon but no measurable effect in Washington.

Driving while suspended is a growing problem in most states. To deal with this problem, a number of jurisdictions are impounding and/or immobilizing the vehicles of driving while suspended or multiple driving under the influence offenders. This study evaluates the first 2 years of the implementation of this type of law in Franklin County (Columbus), OH. Variations in police enforcement and judicial sentencing policies resulted in some offenders, though eligible for impoundment or immobilization, not receiving the sanction. The recidivism rates of these offenders were compared with offenders who did receive a vehicle sanction. Tracking these two groups of offenders for up to 2 years demonstrated that the offenders who received the sanction had lower recidivism rates, both before and after they reclaimed their vehicles.

The 5-year "Preventing Alcohol Trauma: A Community Trial" project in the United States was designed to reduce alcohol-involved injuries and death in three experimental communities. The project consisted of five mutually reinforcing components: (1) Community Mobilization Component to develop community organization and support, (2) Responsible Beverage Service Component to establish standards for servers and owner/managers of on-premise alcohol outlets to reduce their risk of having intoxicated and/or underage customers in bars and restaurants, (3) Drinking and Driving Component to increase local DWI enforcement efficiency and to increase the actual and perceived risk that drinking drivers would be detected, (4) Underage Drinking Component to reduce retail availability of alcohol to minors, and (5) Alcohol Access Component to use local zoning powers and other municipal controls of outlet number and density to reduce the availability of alcohol. This paper gives an overview of the rationale and causal model, the research design and outline of each intervention component for the entire prevention trial.

This paper presents the findings and lessons from a community prevention trial involving three experimental communities in the United States to reduce alcohol-involved trauma. The paper provides recommendations for other community prevention efforts. Effectiveness was demonstrated by: (a) 78 fewer alcohol-involved traffic crashes as a result of the Drinking and Driving Component alone (approximately a 10% reduction); (b) a significant reduction in underage sales of alcohol, i.e. off-premise outlets sold to minors about one-half as often as in comparison communities; (c) increased implementation of responsible beverage service policies by bars and restaurants; and (d) increased adoption of local ordinances and regulations to reduce concentrations of alcohol outlets.

The Drinking and Driving Component, one of five elements of the Community Trials Project, involved the implementation of a special drink driving countermeasure in the three experimental communities, one in Northern California, one in Southern California and another in South Carolina. This intensified enforcement of driving under the influence (DUI) was designed to deter potential drinking drivers by increasing their perception of the risk of being arrested leading to a reduction in the consumption of alcohol before driving. See component detailed description in Voas (1997, this issue). The evaluation found that media advocacy training and technical assistance resulted in increased DUI news coverage and that additional police officer hours for DUI enforcement, greater use of breathalyzer equipment, increased officer training and more checkpoints produced increased DUI enforcement. The combined effects of increased DUI news coverage and DUI enforcement yielded increased public perceived risk of arrest and subsequently less drinking and driving. Overall the evaluation found that alcohol-involved traffic crashes were reduced as a result of this component in the experimental communities as contrasted with the matched comparison communities.

This paper describes the rationale, development and implementation of the Drinking and Driving Component, which is one of five components of the Community Trials Project conducted by the Prevention Research Center, Berkeley, California (USA). It traces the background of drunk driving enforcement technology and practice against which the programs at the three sites were implemented. A conceptual model for the enforcement component of a comprehensive community alcohol-related trauma project is presented and its implementation at the three sites is described. Limitations in the available police department resources delayed the implementation of local programs. Media advocacy tied to specific operations proved to be successful in publicizing sensors and sobriety checkpoints were only partially accepted. Overall, the community trials sites increased or held steady their arrest rates in contrast to the comparison sites where DUI arrests declined.

Alcohol-related crashes cluster on Friday and Saturday evenings. One objective of this study was to contrast the demographic characteristics of operators who drive at these times with those who do not, through the comparison of data from two of the most widely used methods for gathering information on drinking and driving: Random Digit Dialing Telephone Surveys and Roadside Voluntary Breath Test Surveys. Roadside surveys set up at locations where alcohol-re lated crashes occur provide a better sample of those drivers most at risk of crash involvement. Telephone surveys, because they do not generally measure the exposure of drivers both in the location of driving and the number of miles driven, are less suited to identifying the drivers at risk However, they highlight the large number of individuals who drive during high-risk times but avoid high-risk locations.

Progress in reducing alcohol-impaired driving crash fatalities in the United States has stagnated over the last 15 years. This article reviews 2 current U.S. driving-while-intoxicated (DWI) laws and their enforcement with an aim toward generating opportunities to improve their enforcement approaches.Impaired-driving enforcement methods in Europe and Australia are compared with those in the United States, and the legal basis for current DWI criminal procedures is examined.An examination of relevant U.S. Supreme Court decisions and current legal practices indicates that the requirements for use of breath test technology to determine blood alcohol concentrations of drivers on public roads are not entirely clear. Several potential methods for using field breath test technology to improve the detection of impaired drivers are suggested. These include (a) breath testing all drivers stopped for certain violations that have a high probability of involving an impaired driver, (b) breath testing all drivers at sobriety checkpoints, and (c) breath testing all drivers involved in fatal and serious injury crashes.Breath test technology has enabled other countries around the world to adopt and implement enforcement strategies that serve as both general and specific deterrents to alcohol-impaired driving. Many of these enforcement strategies have been shown to be effective. If any one of these strategies can be adopted in the United States, further progress in reducing impaired driving is probable. It may be necessary to provide the U.S. Supreme Court with a test case of breath testing all drivers at a sobriety checkpoint, depending upon whether or not a police agency is willing to use that strategy.

Background In 2005 a Bill was introduced to the New Zealand parliament to increase the alcohol minimum purchasing age (MPA) from 18 to 20 years and submissions were invited from interested parties. We sought to characterise and critique the arguments tendered for and against the proposal. Methods We used template analysis to study written submissions on the Bill from 178 people and organisations in New Zealand. Independent raters coded submissions according to the source, whether for or opposed, and the arguments employed. Results The most common sources of submissions were members of the public (28%), the alcohol industry (20%), and NGOs (20%). Overall, 40% opposed increasing the MPA, 40% were in favour, 4% supported a split MPA (18 years for on-premise, 20 years for off-premise), 7% were equivocal, and 8% offered no comment. The most common proponents of increasing the MPA were NGOs (36%) and members of the public (30%) and their arguments concerned the expected positive effects on public health (36%) and public disorder/property damage (16%), while 24% argued that other strategies should be used as well. The most common sources of opposition to increasing the MPA were the alcohol industry (50%) and the public (20%). It was commonly claimed that the proposed law change would be ineffective in reducing harm (22%), that other strategies should be used instead (16%), that it would infringe adult rights (15%), and that licensed premises are safe environments for young people (14%). There were noteworthy examples of NGOs and government agencies opposing the law change. The alcohol industry maximised its impact via multiple submissions appealing to individual rights while neglecting to report or accurately characterise the scientific evidence. Several health and welfare agencies presented confused logic and/or were selective in their use of scientific evidence. Conclusion In contrast to the fragmented and inconsistent response from government and NGOs, the alcohol industry was organised and united, with multiple submissions from the sector with most at stake, namely the hospitality industry, and supporting submissions from the manufacturing, import, and wholesale sectors. Systematic reviews of research evidence should be routinely undertaken to guide the legislature and submissions should be categorised on the basis of pecuniary interest.

This article has been retracted: please see Elsevier Policy on Article Withdrawal ( http://www.elsevier.com/locate/withdrawalpolicy ). This reprinted article has been retracted at the request of the Publisher. The online version of this reprint has been withdrawn as it was a redundant duplicate of the original article. The Publisher apologizes for any inconvenience this may cause.

Introduction The literature presents a puzzling picture of Latinos being overrepresented in alcohol-related crashes, but not in noncrash drinking and driving. This report examines if, like other demographic variables in which some groups are at a higher crash risk than others (e.g., young drivers), different racial/ethnic groups face different crash risks. Method This study compares blood-alcohol information from the 2006–2007 U.S. Fatality Analysis Reporting System (FARS) with control data from the 2007 U.S. National Roadside Survey. Logistic regression, including a dual interaction between BAC and race/ethnicity, was used to estimate crash risk at different BAC levels. Results It was found that, although Hispanic and African-American drivers were less likely to be involved in single-vehicle crashes than their White counterparts, all drivers face similar BAC relative crash risk regardless of their group membership. The overrepresentation of Latino drivers in alcohol-related crashes could be explained by differences in patterns of consumption, driving exposure, lack of awareness of driving rules, and/or socioeconomics.

Alcohol-related health policy research is responsible for guiding the implementation of laws and public health policies that have reduced alcohol-related highway injuries and deaths, as well as other alcohol-related problems over the last 40 years. This research, which tests theories about potential policy changes and responds to specific problems, has examined a vast array of prevention programs. This article briefly identifies 10 program categories and highlights four programs to illustrate the scope and complexity of the individual health policy areas within the categories.

This article examines effects of the social group on individual alcohol and drug use upon entry and exit from the club. Based on collected biological measurements of alcohol and other drug use, this study explores whether social group indicators (e.g., group characteristics) are predictive of alcohol and other drug use for individual club patrons.A total of 368 social groups, representing 986 individuals (50.7% female), were anonymously surveyed, and biological measures of alcohol and other drug use were collected at entrance and exit to clubs on a single evening. Both individual and group-level indicators were assessed. Because data were clustered by club, event, and group, mixed-model regressions were conducted to account for non-independence.Group indicators of high blood alcohol concentration were being in a group that intends to get drunk, that has at least one member who regularly gets drunk, and that has discrepancies in its expectations regarding drug use. Group indicators related to cocaine use were high levels of drug use expected among group members, little discrepancy among the group members regarding the drug use expected, and high levels of intentions to get drunk. In addition, older groups were more likely to have higher levels of cocaine use. There were less consistent findings regarding group effects on marijuana use. The most consistent finding was that high drug use expectations were related to higher levels of marijuana use.Together, these data suggest that strategies should focus on recognizing group indicators as risks for group members. Promoting social responsibility for group members may create safer club experiences among young adults. These efforts could model designated-driver programs as a way to increase safety and social responsibility.

BACKGROUND: Interlocks reduce driving-under-the-influence (DUI) recidivism by 64%, but offenders resist installing them, preferring to risk driving while their driver's licenses are revoked. One method of motivating offenders to install an interlock is require it for reinstatement of their driver's license. This report updates an earlier evaluation of the administrative reinstatement interlock program (ARIP) procedure implemented in Florida in 2002. METHODS: Driver records and interlock program records covering 120,000 DUI offenders were followed over 10 years. The flow through the sanction system-conviction, reinstatement, interlock program, and postinterlock period-is described. Logistical regression was used to identify the characteristics of offenders who installed interlocks, and survival analysis was used to evaluate the recidivism of offenders in the various stages in the ARIP. RESULTS: At any given time, approximately one-third of the convicted offenders were serving their license-revocation periods. Half of the offenders who completed their revocation periods remain unqualified for reinstatement because they do not fulfill other requirements. ARIP offenders who do qualify for reinstatement and install interlocks have lower recidivism rates while the devices are on their vehicles. CONCLUSIONS: After 10 years, Florida's ARIP is a mature system that succeeds in forcing all offenders in the program who qualify for reinstatement to install an interlock for at least 6 months. However, half of all offenders who complete their mandatory revocation period are either unable to or choose not to qualify for reinstatement. Language: en

The objectives of this study were to (a) use data from the 2007 National Roadside Survey (NRS) to determine the characteristics of weekend nighttime drivers with positive blood alcohol concentrations (BACs) on U.S. roads in 2007; (b) determine the relationship of the driving environment and trip characteristics associated with drinking drivers; and (c) compare the findings for the 2007 NRS with those for the 1996 NRS.Like the 1996 NRS, the 2007 NRS used a stratified random national roadside survey sample of the contiguous 48 states and collected nighttime data on Fridays and Saturdays between 10 p.m. and 3 a.m. Officers directed 8384 drivers into off-road parking areas where our research team asked them to participate in the survey.Of those approached, 7159 (85.4%) provided a breath test. Results revealed that 12 percent of the nighttime drivers had positive BACs, and of those, 2 percent were higher than the 0.08 BAC illegal limit in the United States. Since the 1996 NRS, we found significant reductions in the percentage of BAC-positive drivers across different demographic groups. Age was among the most significant factors associated with a weekend driver having a positive BAC. The probability that a driver would be drinking peaked in the 21- to 25-year-old age group. Male drivers were more likely than female drivers to be drinking, and Asian and Hispanic drivers were less likely than white drivers to be drinking. Drinking drivers were more likely to be driving short distances (5 or fewer miles) late at night (between 1 and 3 a.m.) and to be coming from a bar or restaurant. Finally, 26 percent of the drivers who reported that they would drive less than 5 miles on the night of the survey had positive BACs, compared to only 16 percent who indicated that they would drive between 6 and 20 miles and 10 percent who planned to drive more than 20 miles.The 2007 NRS provides another benchmark in the 4-decade record of drinking drivers on American roads and provides a basis for measuring progress in combating driving under the influence during the coming decade.

Background Ignition interlocks, when installed on vehicles of drivers convicted of alcohol-impaired driving (AID), reduce repeat arrest by 67%. However post-interlock removal, recidivism (AID re-arrest) among previous interlock users equals that of AID-convicted drivers who never used interlocks. Also, the low numbers of offenders installing interlocks limits the impact. Study objectives include determining interlock program characteristics associated with increased interlock use and evaluating including alcohol treatment in the program to reduce post-interlock recidivism. Methods To determine effective program characteristics, eight interlock program keys (e.g. requirement to instal interlocks) were identified and each rated on 1–5 scale for 28 U.S. state interlock programs. Correlation analysis between rate of interlocks in use/10,000 population, and program key rating was conducted. To evaluate treatment in the one state with a treatment program, survival analysis using Cox regression proportional hazards model was performed with post-interlock recidivism as the terminal event. The treatment group (n = 640) were offenders with three or more violations (two alcohol-positive start attempts within four hours) who completed alcohol treatment. A comparison group (n = 806) of those with one or two violations who did not attend alcohol treatment was created by matching to the treatment group on demographic and risk factors. Results The program keys most correlated with higher interlock rates were having a requirement to instal interlocks (r = 0.63), and monitoring to ensure interlocks are installed and used (r = 0.56). Incorporating alcohol treatment into an interlock program was effective with the treatment group experiencing 32% lower recidivism following interlock removal compared with the non-treatment group. Conclusions Strengthening program keys and incorporating treatment into interlock programs increases use of interlocks and reduces AID re-arrest.

The 2007 National Roadside Survey found that the prevalence of drugs in weekend nighttime drivers in the USA was 16.4%—higher than 12.3% who tested positive for alcohol—bringing attention to the large potential for drugged driving.1 Research and public attention related to drugged driving was stimulated by the Office of National Drug Control Policy in its 2010 National Drug Control Strategy , encouraging all states to enact per se drugged driving laws.2 National attention on drugged driving led to calls for the testing for drugs as well as alcohol of all drivers arrested for suspicion of impaired driving.3 Wider use of drug testing has facilitated the recent development of more sensitive on-site drug tests which police officers can use at the station house or at the roadside to immediately test drivers for recent drug use.3 These factors suggest that there will be a significant increase in the numbers of individuals identified, prosecuted and convicted of drugged driving. This article focuses on the impact of this trend on prescribed medicines and how their identification among drivers can be successfully managed under traditional impairment and per se drugged driving laws. The prevalence of prescribed controlled substances among drivers has been well-documented among fatally injured drivers, drivers involved in crashes, and drivers suspected of driving under the influence (DUI); among these groups, particular attention has been paid to the potential impairing effects on driving of benzodiazepines and z-hypnotics, marijuana, central nervous system stimulants, gamma-hydroxybutyrate (GHB), hallucinogens and opioids.4 ,5 There remains a current need for new research on the impairing effects of prescription drugs on driving.6 DUI of prescription drugs must consider four categories of drug use: (1) drivers who use prescribed controlled substances only as directed by their physician and not in combination with alcohol or …

The purpose of this study was to determine whether the relative risk of being involved in an alcohol-related crash has changed over the decade from 1996 to 2007, a period during which there has been little evidence of a reduction in the percentage of all fatal crashes involving alcohol.We compared blood-alcohol information for the 2006 and 2007 crash cases (N = 6,863, 22.8% of them women) drawn from the U.S. Fatality Analysis Reporting System (FARS) with control blood-alcohol data from participants in the 2007 U.S. National Roadside Survey (N = 6,823). Risk estimates were computed and compared with those previously obtained from the 1996 FARS and roadside survey data.Although the adult relative risk of being involved in a fatal alcohol-related crash apparently did not change from 1996 to 2007, the risk for involvement in an alcohol-related crash for underage women has increased to the point where it has become the same as that for underage men. Further, the risk that sober underage men will become involved in a fatal crash has doubled over the 1996-2007 period.Compared with estimates obtained from a decade earlier, young women in this study are at an increased risk of involvement in alcohol-related crashes. Similarly, underage sober drivers in this study are more at risk of involvement in a crash than they were a decade earlier.

Triggered by the new federal commitment announced by the Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONCDP) to encourage states to enact drugged driving per se laws, this article reviews the reasons to establish such laws and the issues that may arise when trying to enforce them.A review of the state of drunk driving per se laws and their implications for drugged driving is presented, with a review of impaired driving enforcement procedures and drug testing technology.Currently, enforcement of drugged driving laws is an adjunct to the enforcement of laws regarding alcohol impairment. Drivers are apprehended when showing signs of alcohol intoxication and only in the relatively few cases where the blood alcohol concentration of the arrested driver does not account for the observed behavior is the possibility of drug impairment pursued. In most states, the term impaired driving covers both alcohol and drug impairment; thus, driver conviction records may not distinguish between the two different sources of impairment. As a result, enforcement statistics do not reflect the prevalence of drugged driving.Based on the analysis presented, this article recommends a number of steps that can be taken to evaluate current drugged driving enforcement procedures and to move toward the enactment of drug per se laws.

This article describes the methodology used in the 2007 U.S. National Roadside Survey to estimate the prevalence of alcohol- and drug-impaired driving and alcohol- and drug-involved driving. This study involved randomly stopping drivers at 300 locations across the 48 continental U.S. states at sites selected through a stratified random sampling procedure. Data were collected during a 2-hr Friday daytime session at 60 locations and during 2-hr nighttime weekend periods at 240 locations. Both self-report and biological measures were taken. Biological measures included breath alcohol measurements from 9,413 respondents, oral fluid samples from 7,719 respondents, and blood samples from 3,276 respondents.

Graduated driver licensing (GDL) systems are designed to reduce the high crash risk of young novice drivers. Almost all states in the United States have some form of a 3-phase GDL system with various restrictions in the intermediate phase. Studies of the effects of GDL in various states show significant reductions in fatal crash involvements of 16- and 17-year-old drivers; however, only a few national studies of GDL effects have been published. The objective of this national panel study was to evaluate the effect of GDL laws on the fatal crash involvements of novice drivers while controlling for possible confounding factors not accounted for in prior studies.The Fatality Analysis Reporting System (FARS) was used to examine 16- and 17-year-old driver involvement in fatal crashes (where GDL laws are applied) relative to 2 young driver age groups (19-20, 21-25) where GDL would not be expected to have an effect. Dates when various GDL laws were adopted in the states between 1990 and 2007 were coded from a variety of sources. Covariates in the longitudinal panel regression analyses conducted included 4 laws that could have an effect on 16- and 17-year-old drivers: primary enforcement seat belt laws, zero-tolerance (ZT) alcohol laws for drivers younger than age 21, lowering the blood alcohol concentration limit for driving to 0.08, and so-called use and lose laws where drivers aged 20 and younger lose their licenses for underage drinking violations.The adoption of a GDL law of average strength was associated with a significant decrease in fatal crash involvements of 16- and 17-year-old drivers relative to fatal crash involvements of one of the 2 comparison groups. GDL laws rated as "good" showed stronger relationships to fatal crash reductions, and laws rated as "less than good" showed no reductions in crash involvements relative to the older driver comparison groups.States that adopt a basic GDL law can expect a decrease of 8 to 14 percent in the proportion of 16- and 17-year-old drivers involved in fatal crashes (relative to 21- to 25-year-old drivers), depending upon their other existing laws that affect novice drivers, such as those used in these analyses. This finding is consistent with recent national studies that used different outcome measures and covariates. The results of this study provide additional support for states to adopt, maintain, and upgrade GDL systems to reduce youthful traffic crash fatalities.

Background Various national surveys suggest that cannabis use is rising nationally and many States have passed legislation that has potential to increase usage even further. This presents a problem for public roadways, as research suggests that cannabis impairs driving ability. Methods Anonymous oral fluid samples and breath tests were obtained from more than 900 weekend nighttime drivers randomly sampled from six jurisdictions in California. Oral fluid samples were assayed for the presence of Schedule I drugs. Drivers also completed information on self-reported drug use and possession of a medical cannabis permit. Data from the 2007 National Roadside Survey (collected using comparable methods) were used as a comparison. Results Using the 2010 data, a total of 14.4% of weekend nighttime drivers tested positive for illegal drugs, with 8.5% testing positive for delta-9-tetrahydrocannabinol (THC). THC-positive rates varied considerably among jurisdictions, from a low of 4.3% in Fresno to a high of 18.3% in Eureka. A comparison with the 2007 NRS data found an increase in THC-positive drivers in 2010, but no increase in illegal drugs other than cannabis. Drivers who reported having a medical cannabis permit were significantly more likely to test positive for THC. Conclusions Cannabis-involved driving has increased in California since 2007. Nearly 1-in-10 weekend, nighttime drivers tested positive for THC, and in some jurisdictions, the rate was nearly 1-in-5. The possible contribution of cannabis legislation, such as decriminalization and medical cannabis usage, is discussed.

The aim of this study was to explore the relationship of drunk and drugged driving to the occurrence of fatal crashes associated with speeding, failure to obey/yield, inattention, and seat belt nonuse.We examined data for fatally injured drivers involved in single-vehicle crashes killed in states in which more than 79% of the drivers were tested for drugs other than alcohol and had a known result.About 25% of the drivers tested positive for drugs, a figure almost double that estimated by the 2007 National Roadside Survey. Cannabinoids and stimulants each contributed to about 23% of the drugpositive results (6% among all fatally injured single-vehicle drivers). Stimulants more than cannabinoids were found to be associated with the four types of crashes under study. Some drugs showed a protective effect over the four crash types under study. Significant interactions between drugs and alcohol were observed. Stimulants contributed to the different types of fatal crashes irrespective of the levels of alcohol consumed by the drivers.This study provides further evidence of a link between drug consumption and fatal crashes. It also opens the door to some interesting and sometimes unexpected questions regarding the way drugs contribute to crashes, which we found varies depending on the type of crash considered, the class of drug, and the presence of alcohol. Research is also needed on drugs that could have a protective effect on the occurrence of fatal crashes. These findings could be highly relevant to the design of drug-related traffic laws and programs targeted at curbing drugged driving.

The objective of this study was to establish the extent of alcohol use disorders (AUDs) among drivers at risk for alcohol-related crashes. The prevalence of drivers with AUDs on US roads on weekend evenings when alcohol-related crashes are most frequent is unknown. This study will inform laws and programs designed to reduce alcohol-involved crashes.Interviews using a 15-item AUD questionnaire with a stratified random sample of non-commercial drivers at 60 primary sampling locations in the 48 contiguous states on Fridays and Saturdays between 10 p.m. and 3 a.m. from July to November 2007.Off-road locations into which a police officer directed a random selection of motorist passing the site.A total of 4614 drivers of non-commercial vehicles.AUDs, including heavy drinking, alcohol abuse, and alcohol dependence.Of the participating drivers, 73.7% were current drinkers (reported drinking in the last year). Among those drinkers, 14% were classifiable either as dependent drinkers or as abusive drinkers based on self-reports of drinking. Another 10% of the drivers were classified as heavy drinkers. Nearly half of the drivers in the survey who had blood alcohol concentrations (BACs) at or higher than the 0.08 g per deciliter legal limit fell into one of those three AUD categories.Survey data suggest that the majority of high-blood alcohol concentration drivers on US roads show no clinical signs of an alcohol use disorder, but they are categorized as heavy drinkers. This suggests that environmental programs directed at reducing heavy drinking and brief behavioral interventions aimed at reducing episodes of excessive consumption have promise for reducing alcohol-related crashes.

Are drivers arrested for driving while intoxicated (DWI) most likely to be the drinking drivers who are involved in fatal and serious injury crashes? This study determined the drinking characteristics of drivers arrested for DWI or driving under the influence (DUI) and the proportion classified as problem drinkers and hardcore drinking drivers in two police jurisdictions. In addition to determining the drinking characteristics of DWI arrestees, the results were compared to the drinking characteristics of intoxicated drivers killed in traffic crashes.Police officers gathered data at the time of arrest from 1027 drivers apprehended for DWI or DUI in the two communities on their alcohol consumption, their drinking-and-driving frequency, their self-reported alcohol problems, their place of drinking and types of drinks before the arrest, and their perceptions of impaired-driving enforcement intensity.Data analyses indicated that 52 percent of the arrested DWI offenders were considered problem drinkers, 46 percent were repeat offenders, 57 percent were classified as hardcore drinking drivers, 51 percent were drinking at a bar or restaurant before their arrest, and 72 percent were drinking beer before their arrest.Compared to highly intoxicated (blood alcohol concentration [BAC] ≥.15) drivers killed in traffic crashes, the high-BAC arrestees were substantially more likely to be problem drinkers and to report drinking and driving more often. The limited resources available for combating impaired driving should not be solely allocated to problem drinkers, hardcore drinkers, or repeat offenders because, at most, they constitute only about half of the impaired-driving problem in the United States. General deterrent strategies have the best chance of impacting the total population of at-risk drinking drivers.

Data availability has forced researchers to examine separately the role of alcohol among drivers who crashed and drivers who did not crash. Such a separation fails to account fully for the transition from impaired driving to an alcohol-related crash.In this study, we analyzed recent data to investigate how traffic-related environments, conditions, and drivers' demographics shape the likelihood of a driver being either involved in a crash (alcohol impaired or not) or not involved in a crash (alcohol impaired or not). Our data, from a recent case-control study, included a comprehensive sampling of the drivers in nonfatal crashes and a matched set of comparison drivers in two U.S. locations. Multinomial logistic regression was applied to investigate the likelihood that a driver would crash or would not crash, either with a blood alcohol concentration (BAC)=.00 or with a BAC≥.05.To our knowledge, this study is the first to examine how different driver characteristics and environmental factors simultaneously contribute to alcohol use by crash-involved and non-crash-involved drivers. This effort calls attention to the need for research on the simultaneous roles played by all the factors that may contribute to motor vehicle crashes.

To evaluate a new method being used by some states for motivating interlock installation by requiring it as a prerequisite to reinstatement of the driver's license.The driving records of Florida DWI offenders convicted between July 2002 and June 2008 were analyzed to determine the proportion of offenders subject to the interlock requirement who installed interlocks.Most driving-while-impaired (DWI) offenders succeed in avoiding state laws requiring the installation of a vehicle alcohol interlock.A total of 82 318 Florida DWI offenders.Due to long periods of complete suspension when no driving was permitted and the failure to complete all the requirements imposed by the court, only 21 377 of the 82 318 offenders studied qualified for reinstatement, but 93% of those who qualified did install interlocks to be reinstated.Because of the lengthy license suspensions and other barriers that the offenders face in qualifying for reinstatement, it is not clear that requiring a period on the interlock as a prerequisite to reinstating will greatly increase the current installment rate.

We examined the extent to which driving under the influence (DUI) offenders delay reinstatement, the reasons for that delay, and the relationship of the delay to recidivism. Analyzed were the driving records of 40 million drivers (3 million convicted of DUI) from 7 of the largest states spanning 7 to 14 years. License suspension effectively reduces, but does not eliminate, impaired driving. Apparently, many feel they can avoid apprehension for unlicensed driving; the limited research to date suggests that up to 75% of convicted offenders continue to drive and up to 84% delay reinstatement for 3 or more years.ANOVA and regression procedures were used to determine the relationship of prior driving record and sentence length to the DUI offender's delay in reinstatement. Meta-analysis was used to summarize results across the 7 states and survival analysis to determine the effect of the delay on recidivism.Forty-two percent of first offenders and 55% of multiple offenders convicted for DUI delay reinstatement for more than a year. For a third of the offenders, there were no records of their having reinstated within 5 years of becoming eligible. Both factors-more than one prior offense and the length of suspension imposed-were related to delay in reinstatement. Offenders who delayed reinstatement were more likely to recidivate both while they delayed before reinstating and after they reinstated.DUI offenders who delay reinstatement after they become eligible are high-risk drivers. Offenders who reinstate, however, have lower recidivism rates than those who do not. This suggests that encouraging reinstatement but with continued controls, as some states have provided through laws requiring interlocks as a condition of reinstatement, may be effective if they do not motivate extended delays.

Alcohol involvement in fatal crashes (any driver with a blood alcohol concentration [BAC] = .01g/dL or greater) in 2007 was more than three times higher at night (6 p.m.-6 a.m.) than during the day (6 a.m.-6 p.m.) (62% versus 19%). Alcohol involvement was 35% during weekdays compared to 54% on weekends. Nearly one in four drivers (23%) of personal vehicles (e.g., passenger cars or light trucks) and more than one in four motorcyclists (27%) in fatal crashes were intoxicated (i.e., had a BAC equal to or greater than the .08 g/dL illegal limit in the United States). In contrast, only 1% of the commercial drivers of heavy trucks had BACs equal to .08 g/dL or higher. More than a quarter (26%) of the drivers with high BACs (or=.15 g/dL) did not have valid licenses. The 21- to 24-age group had the highest proportion (35%) of drivers with BACsor=.08 g/dL, followed by the 25- to 34-age group (29%). The oldest and the youngest drivers had the lowest percentages of BACsor= .08 g/dL: those aged 75 or older were at 4%, and those aged 16 to 20 were at 17%. Utah had the lowest rate of intoxicated drivers in fatal crashes at one in every eight drivers (12%), followed by Kentucky, Indiana, Iowa, New Hampshire, and Kansas, all at 17%. Montana (31%), South Carolina (31%), and North Dakota (39%) all had more than 3 in 10 drivers in fatal crashes who were intoxicated in 2007. The United States enjoyed a remarkable downward trend in alcohol-related crashes between 1982 and 1995, which has since leveled off. That trend coincided with a period during which per capita national alcohol consumption declined, the number of young drivers decreased, and the proportion of female drivers increased. Those factors alone, however, did not appear to account for the overall reduction. This provides further evidence that impaired-driving laws and safety program activity may have been responsible for at least some of the decline. However, there was a general worldwide decline in alcohol-related crashes during the same period, and other socioeconomic factors may have played a role. Proven effective strategies that could reduce impaired driving further in the United States include more frequent highly publicized enforcement efforts, such as sobriety checkpoints; lowering the illegal BAC limit for driving to .05g/dL; and mandating alcohol ignition interlocks for all convicted impaired drivers.

Background: This study used a pre- to post-design to evaluate the influence on drinking-and-driving fatal crashes of 6 laws directed at youth aged 20 and younger and 4 laws targeting all drivers. Methods: Data on the laws were drawn from the Alcohol Policy Information System data set (1998 to 2005), the Digests of State Alcohol Highway Safety Related Legislation (1983 to 2006), and the Westlaw database. The Fatality Analysis Reporting System data set (1982 to 2004) was used to assess the ratio of drinking to nondrinking drivers involved in fatal crashes [fatal crash incidence ratio (CIR)]. The data were analyzed using structural equation modeling techniques. Results: Significant decreases in the underage fatal CIR were associated with presence of 4 of the laws targeting youth (possession, purchase, use and lose, and zero tolerance) and 3 of the laws targeting all drivers (0.08 blood alcohol concentration illegal per se law, secondary or upgrade to a primary seat belt law, and an administrative license revocation law). Beer consumption was associated with a significant increase in the underage fatal CIR. The direct effects of laws targeting drivers of all ages on adult drinking drivers aged 26 and older were similar but of a smaller magnitude compared to the findings for those aged 20 and younger. It is estimated that the 2 core underage drinking laws (purchase and possession) and the zero tolerance law are currently saving an estimated 732 lives per year controlling for other exposure factors. If all states adopted use and lose laws, an additional 165 lives could be saved annually. Conclusions: These results provide substantial support for the effectiveness of under age 21 drinking laws with 4 of the 6 laws examined having significant associations with reductions in underage drinking-and-driving fatal crashes. These findings point to the importance of key underage drinking and traffic safety laws in efforts to reduce underage drinking-driver crashes. Language: en

We examine the epidemiology of victimization among females crossing the U.S. border to drink in Tijuana, Mexico, with the purpose of creating a framework for an intervention to improve safety among female youth in drinking settings. Drinking history, history of victimization, evening drinking experience, and environmental factors are assessed.Among female crossers surveyed in 2005-2006, 53% reported experiencing some type of victimization, with 29% experiencing moderate physical aggression and 38% experiencing unwanted moderate sexual incidents. Youth and reported history of verbal abuse were consistently associated with victimization with more participants frequently reporting incidents of victimization. Predictors of victimization among young females (aged 16-20) generally included environmental factors, whereas evening drinking was associated with victimization among women aged 21 and older.

This chapter provides a scientific review of the evidence regarding the benefits of reducing the illegal blood alcohol concentration (BAC) limit for driving. Numerous independent studies in the United States indicate that lowering the illegal BAC limit from 0.10 to 0.08 g/dL has resulted in 5 to 16 % reductions in alcohol-related crashes, fatalities, or injuries. The illegal limit is 0.05 BAC in numerous countries around the world and several international studies indicate that lowering the illegal per se limit from 0.08 to 0.05 g/dL BAC also reduces alcohol-related fatalities. Laboratory studies indicate that impairment in critical driving functions begins at low BACs and that most subjects are significantly impaired at 0.05 g/dL BAC. The relative risk of being involved in a fatal crash as a driver is four to 10 times greater for drivers with BACs between 0.05 and 0.07 g/dL compared to drivers with 0.00 g/dL BACs. There is strong evidence in the literature that lowering the BAC limit from 0.10 to 0.08 g/dL is effective, that lowering the BAC limit from 0.08 to 0.05 is effective, that lowering the limit from 0.05 to 0.03 or 0.02 g/dL is effective, and that lowering the BAC limit for youth to any measurable amount of alcohol is effective. These law changes serve as a general deterrent to drinking and driving and ultimately save lives. This critical review supports the adoption of lower illegal BAC limits for driving in countries around the world.

Problem A substantial proportion of drivers arrested for DUI refuse the BAC test, thereby reducing the likelihood that they will be convicted and potentially increasing the number of high-risk multiple offenders contributing to alcohol-related crashes. Method This paper reviews the information on the current status of implied-consent laws (which impose a sanction on offenders who refuse the BAC test) in the 50 states and the other relevant traffic safety laws and policies that may influence state refusal rates. Results Although there appears to be only a weak relationship between state refusal rates and crash rates, there is strong evidence that BAC test refusals significantly compromise the arrest, prosecution, and sentencing of DUI suspects and the overall enforcement of DUI laws in the United States. Discussion Laws and policies that may reduce the number of refusals are discussed. Impact on industry Alcohol-related crash injuries are an important cost problem for U.S. industry because of property damage from crashes, crash injuries to employees that raise health costs, or the reduction of time on the job resulting from a highway injury.

To determine whether the use of a passive alcohol sensor (PAS) in routine traffic enforcement increases the driving-under-the-influence (DUI) arrest rate of alcohol-impaired drivers.Officers in a Maryland police department were randomly assigned to one of two groups: the first with PAS devices and the second without PAS devices (the control group). Then, the PAS units were switched from the first to the second group. Arrest, PAS, and preliminary breath-test data were collected on 714 nighttime traffic stops over two enforcement periods.The DUI arrest rate for the officers with and without the PAS was the same, 13%. Officers who made no arrests without the PAS benefited the most from using it. Drivers stopped for an unsafe lane change, driving over the center line, and negligent driving were arrested for DUI 35% of the time.The PAS appears to increase the DUI arrest rate of officers who rarely make DUI arrests, but it does not increase the DUI arrest rate of officers who normally make DUI arrests without passive sensors. It appears that it could be successful in increasing the overall number of DUI arrests for a police department if issued to, and training is provided to, patrol officers who do not normally make DUI arrests.

We used the recent lowering of the alcohol purchasing age in New Zealand to examine the proposition that routinely collected data are often insufficient in evaluating important policy changes. We estimated prechange and postchange incidence rate ratios for actual and hypothetical population sizes and hospital admissions related to alcohol poisoning and assaults. Even with a hypothetical youth population 10 times larger than New Zealand's actual youth population, comparisons were underpowered because there were too few observations. Governments should use the enactment of health legislation as an opportunity to build the research evidence base by ensuring that evaluations are initiated in advance.

Objective: We examined the effect of providing drinkers with blood alcohol concentration (BAC) information on subjective assessments of alcohol impairment and drunk-driving risk. Method: We sampled 959 drinking participants from a natural drinking environment and asked them to self-administer a personal saliva-based alcohol test. Participants then were asked to rate their alcohol impairment and to indicate whether they could drive legally under one of four BAC feedback conditions (assigned at random): (1) control condition (no BAC feedback provided before the ratings); (2) categorical BAC information (low, high, and highest risk) from the saliva test; (3) categorical BAC information corroborated by a calibrated police breath alcohol analyzer; and (4) precise (three-digit) BAC information from the breath alcohol analyzer. Results: Both control participants and participants who received precise BAC feedback gave subjective impairment ratings that correlated with actual BACs. For participants who received categorical BAC information from the saliva test, subjective impairment did not correlate with the actual BAC. Providing drinkers with BAC information, however, did help them predict more accurately if their BAC was higher than the legal BAC driving limit. Conclusions: Although BAC information can influence drinkers' assessments of alcohol impairment and drunk-driving risk, there is no strong evidence that personal saliva-based alcohol tests are particularly useful. Language: en

The initiation of teen driving, which occurs between ages 15 and 17, has generally been studied primarily in relation to crash injury reduction. However, it may be the most important period influencing development between puberty and emerging adulthood because, once the teens are driving on their own or riding with other teens, parental control over social behavior is greatly reduced and opportunities for risk-taking are substantially increased. The noncrash risks and benefits of licensing during this critical transition period are the subject of this paper.We identify "transition teens" as a subgroup of all 15-to 17-year-olds who reside in middle-class suburban and rural areas where families can afford a car and where a vehicle is needed for reasonable mobility. In this paper, we review recent studies on the effect of driving on non-traffic-related behaviors of teen drivers. Our analysis suggests that there are two environments that affect behavior and development: the home environment and the extended environment. Before driving age, the home environment influences are omnipresent in the life of the developing child. However, once teens can move more readily within the community and travel outside the home environment on their own or with a peer, they have access to locations where many or all the local controls on risky behavior may be absent.This article introduces the concept of "transitional teens" and provides a rough model that explains the possible risks encountered by this group when they begin to drive a vehicle or to ride with a peer. We offer this model to the research community with a challenge to hypothesize, test, and explore this proposed transitional period so that we can better understand and mitigate its associated risks.

Currently, the implementation of sobriety checkpoint programs, which have been demonstrated to be effective in reducing alcohol-related crashes, is limited by the belief that they require large consignments of police officers and result in few arrests. However, one of the earliest evaluations of a checkpoint program in Charlottesville, Virginia, demonstrated that effective checkpoints could be mounted in which police officers made as many arrests as officers on regular patrols. That study was printed by the NHTSA but was not published in a peer-reviewed journal. Because of its significance to current issues in the staffing of and procedures for checkpoint operations, this article reanalyzes the results of that study and describes the procedures implemented in checkpoints.A before-and-after control design was used to measure the change in nighttime crashes from three baseline years to the program year. Two analyses were conducted: the first on the percentage of all crashes occurring at night in the test city--Charlottesville--and the second on the percentage of all nighttime crashes in the state of Virginia that occurred in the test city. In addition, three waves of random-digit-dialing telephone surveys were conducted: one before and two during the checkpoint program in the test city, and the comparison city, Blacksburg. Finally, the number of impaired-driving arrests per officer hour at the checkpoints was compared with the number of arrests per hour by officers on regular patrol and the effect on arrests of the use of passive sensors was determined.The monthly percentage of nighttime crashes in Charlottesville was reduced by 17% (p = 000) in relation to the baseline level. The percentage of nighttime crashes in the state of Virginia that occurred in Charlottesville was reduced by 11% (p = .013) from baseline levels. Drivers arrested at checkpoints had lower BACs than those arrested by the regular patrols; however, the conviction rates were the same. The arrest per officer hour did not differ significantly between the two types of enforcement operations. Awareness of the checkpoint activity was high (72%) among nighttime at-risk drivers in the test city. Half reported seeing a checkpoint operation, and a quarter reported being interviewed. Use of a passive alcohol sensor by officers at the checkpoint increased arrests by almost a factor of three.The results of the evaluation suggest that small-scale sobriety checkpoints can be implemented as part of the regular enforcement program in moderate-sized jurisdictions and that they can be as efficient in producing arrests as standard enforcement patrols, particularly if passive alcohol sensors are used.

Men have long held the lead in motor-vehicle crashes. However, recent research from a variety of countries indicates that women are closing the gap. The relative increase in females involved in crashes has been associated with an increase in crash exposure. But is it simply that there are more women driving that is causing this increase? Or are there other mediating factors? The main goal of this research effort was to shed some light on this controversy. We found evidence that most of the observed increase in female drivers' fatalities was due to a parallel increase in female driving exposure but that some groups of female drivers (mainly underage female drivers) have become more vulnerable to some risk-taking driving behaviors than others.

Since the 1970s, nighttime fatal crashes have been used as a surrogate measure for alcohol-related fatalities for crashes for which more direct measures were absent. The validity of this approach was confirmed in 1985 but has not been re-evaluated since. Although this measure has also been applied to identify alcohol involvement in nonfatal crashes, its validity when applied to nonfatal cases has never been determined. The objective of this study was to evaluate the appropriateness of using nighttime crashes as surrogate measures for alcohol impairment when applied to fatal and nonfatal injury and property damage only (PDO) crashes. To do so, we used data from a crash-control design study collected at the roadside in two U.S. states between 1997 and 1999, as well as from the 1997-1999 and 2004-2006 Fatality Analysis Reporting System. The outcome of this study confirms the validity of using nighttime crashes as a surrogate measure for alcohol-related fatalities and supports the use of after-midnight crashes for measuring alcohol involvement in nonfatal and PDO crashes when the number of late-night crashes permits.

This report documents the experience of a community - New Philadelphia, Tuscarawas County, Ohio - in which a concerned judge, Edward Emmett O'Farrell, attempted to apply the approach to drunk driving that views it as a criminal justice problem, best addressed with tough laws. Judge O'Farrell's most visible innovation in the matter of drunk driving was adoption of a sentencing policy providing for jail terms, initially of 10 days and subsequently of 15 days, for first offenders. These were accompanied by heavy fines and by driver license restrictions backed up with the issuance of special plates identifying the restricted driver's vehicle to both the police and the public. Plea bargaining was rejected in his court for all offenses, including drunk driving. This study of the impact of Judge O'Farrell's policies is based on visits to Ohio in the spring of 1988, at which time the policies had been in effect for 6 years. It is based on interviews, analyses of documents, and on a survey of drivers in New Philadelphia and in Cambridge, a city 40 miles to the south, where a high-quality but more conventional court system prevailed. Briefly summarized, it was found that the policies appeared to have been consistently applied by Judge O'Farrell. Their implementation encountered two severe problems, one of which seems to have been resolved. In the beginning, the policies led to a nearly overwhelming increase in demands for jury trials. This load was reduced by a 1983 change to an "illegal per se" state law, diminishing the prospects of a successful defense in cases where alcohol breath test evidence was available. The other problem arose in 1985, when facilities at the Tuscarawas County jail were greatly reduced as a consequence of a lawsuit. Although efforts were made by the court to manage the problem, limited jail space remains an important constraint on the O'Farrell policies. Results of a driver survey in both cities indicated that drivers in New Philadelphia were aware of more severe sanctions in the event of conviction, corresponding to reality. However, the surveys failed to show less drinking and driving in New Philadelphia.

Vehicle interlocks have been shown to effectively reduce the recidivism of multiple driving-while-impaired (DWI) offenders; however, the evidence for their effectiveness with first offenders has been mixed. Two Canadian studies found that the installation of an interlock reduced first DWI recidivism, but U.S. studies in West Virginia and California failed to find a significant reduction in recidivism for first DWI offenders in interlock programs. The objective of this study was to determine the extent to which such devices were effective with first offenders in New Mexico.This study compared 1,461 first offenders, who installed interlocks in New Mexico between January 1, 2003, and December 1, 2005, with 17,562 first offenders convicted during the same period who did not install the units. Cox multivariate proportional hazards regression (CMVPHR) was used to compare recidivism rates during three periods: while the interlock was on the vehicles of offenders who installed them, after those offenders removed the units until the end of the study period (approximately 2 years), and for the combined period (both while the interlock was installed and after it was removed).While the device was on the vehicles of the interlock group, their recidivism rate, 2.6% per year of exposure, was significantly less than the 7.1% per year rate of the comparison group (CMVPHR hazard ratio = 0.39, p0.0001). After the device was removed, the annualized recidivism rate of the interlock group increased to 4.9% per year of exposure, which was less than the 6.7% rate of the comparison group, but the hazard ratio was not statistically significant (CMVPHR hazard ratio = 0.82, p = 0.16). When the combined periods (interlock on and off) were considered, the interlock group had a recidivism rate of 3.9% per year, which again was significantly lower than the 6.8% rate for the comparison group (CMVPHR hazard ratio = 0.61, p0.0001).The study provides evidence that interlocks are as effective with first offenders (approximately 60% reduction in recidivism when on the vehicle) as they are for multiple offenders. In addition, the benefits of requiring an interlock for first offenders exceed the costs by a factor of three.

This study reports on an effort to evaluate and interrelate the existence and strength of two core laws and fourteen expanded laws designed to (a) control the sales of alcohol, (b) prevent possession and consumption of alcohol, and (c) prevent alcohol impaired driving by youth aged 20 and younger. Our first analysis determined if the enactment of the possession and purchase laws (the two core minimum legal drinking age laws) was associated with a reduction in the ratio of drinking to nondrinking drivers aged 20 and younger who were involved in fatal crashes controlling for as many variables as possible. The ANOVA results suggest that in the presence of numerous covariates, the possession and purchase laws account for an 11.2% (p = 0.041) reduction in the ratio measure. Our second analysis determined whether the existence and strength of any of the 16 underage drinking laws was associated with a reduction in the percentage of drivers aged 20 and younger involved in fatal crashes who were drinking. In the regression analyses, making it illegal to use a false identification to purchase alcohol was significant. From state to state, a unit difference (increase) in the strength of the False ID Use law was associated with a 7.3% smaller outcome measure (p = .034).

Impaired drivers and other high-risk road users are less likely to use their safety belts, thus increasing the risk of fatal injury in the event of a crash. Although safety belt laws have been shown to increase wearing rates for daytime non-crash-involved drivers and their front-seat passengers, little evidence is available on the effect these laws have on belt usage by crash-involved drinking drivers and their passengers.This study evaluated the influence of primary safety belt law upgrades from secondary laws on front-seat occupants of passenger cars driven by drinking drivers in fatal crashes in five states: California, Illinois, Maryland, Michigan, and Washington. The outcome measures used to evaluate these law upgrades were (1) the change in safety belt usage rates of front-seat occupants in passenger cars driven by drinking drivers in fatal crashes and (2) the change in alcohol-related front-seat occupant fatalities in passenger cars driven by drinking drivers.Four of the five states demonstrated increases in safety belt use by front-seat occupants of passenger cars of drinking drivers in fatal crashes following the upgrade to primary safety belt laws. Three states (California, Michigan, and Washington) experienced significant reductions in the number of front-seat occupant fatalities in vehicles driven by drinking drivers.The adoption of primary law upgrades was associated with significant increases in safety belt use (four of five states) and significant reductions in fatalities among high-risk occupants (i.e., front-seat occupants involved in fatal crashes in vehicles driven by drinking drivers) in three of the five states studied.

In New Mexico, between July 1999 and December 2002, the installation of an ignition interlock was an optional judicial sanction for second and third driving-while-impaired (DWI) offenders. This is a study of the recidivism of 437 offenders who were convicted and installed interlocks for an average of 322 days during that period.The comparison group was a stratified random sample (N = 12,554) of the 20,949 offenders who were convicted during the same period but did not install interlocks. DWI arrest and conviction data for all study participants were received from the Motor Vehicle Department's Citation Tracking System.Only 11 (2.5%) of the interlock offender group were rearrested for DWI while interlocks were installed, whereas 1,017 (8.1%) of the comparison group were rearrested during an equivalent 322-day period. Survival graphs and Cox proportional hazard regression analyses were used to compare the interlock and noninterlock groups during installation, after installation, and for the entire period up to December 2004. Results indicate a reduction in recidivism of 65% during installation. After removal, there was no significant difference in recidivism rates in a 3-year follow-up period. Following all offenders for 4 years, including both the period while the interlock was installed and the period after its removal, indicates that the difference in recidivism achieved during installation, though not increased, is maintained, so at the end of 4 years, interlock users still have lower total recidivism than nonusers.The magnitude of interlock effectiveness reported here is similar to those in other published studies with comparable samples.

OBJECTIVES: An analysis was conducted to determine what effect California's change to a primary safety belt law had on safety belt use among nighttime weekend drivers. METHODS: Observations of 18,469 drivers in 2 California communities were made during voluntary roadside surveys conducted every other Friday and Saturday night from 9 PM to 2 AM for 4 years. RESULTS: Rates of safety belt use rose from 73.0% to 95.6% (P < .0005). For drivers with blood alcohol concentrations of 0.10 or higher, rates rose from 53.4% to 92.1% (P < .0005). CONCLUSIONS: Because substantial improvement in safety belt use was seen even in a group of high-risk drivers, the injury reduction benefits of this law may be high.