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Taking the example of the French Résistance and by summoning up the twin rhetorical concepts of kinesis and energeia, this article establishes the long reach of a national liberation trajectory, of which the Résistance was a key moment in its attempt to free the country and to move ahead with the project and promise of an ideal republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of MB University International Review - MBUIR Journal of Theory & Practice is the property of University MB / Univerzitet MB and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of the article is to examine two political texts by the marquis de Sade that propose a procedure to be instituted in the elaboration of laws, in such a way that the law can effectively be made to be the expression of popular sovereignty, as intended by the French republican constitution of 1793. The texts in question are the Adresse au roi des français (1791), written before the proclamation of the constitution of that same year, and the Idée sur le mode de la sanction des lois (1792), that precedes the republican constitution promulgated in 1793. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The liberal reading of Montesquieu not only evokes his conception of checks and balances, it insists on the distance taken by Montesquieu from the republican conception of liberty. Montesquieu would express his choice in favor of the "modern republic", representative and merchant in the English style, to the detriment of the "participatory republic" of the ancients and the absolutist monarchy of the French style. The Spirit of the Laws would make the English model the regime most in keeping with human nature, the one that would best guarantee the security of individuals. If we accept this view of things, positive liberty gives way here to negative liberty, defined as independence within a sphere protected by law, guaranteed by the separation of powers within the representative system. In order to assess the relevance of this interpretation, this article will examine (I) the definitions of political liberty that Montesquieu distinguishes from so-called "philosophical" liberty; secondly, it will consider the "solution" he proposes in The Spirit of the Laws to the risk that despotism poses to all governments. The purpose here will be to assess the status of the "English model" (II). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The subject of research is the eartquakes experienced in Turkey in the Early Republican Period between 1923-1940. Earthquakes and the measures taken against earthquakes will be examined within the scope of the Principle of Statism from Atatürk's Princples and Revolutions. It survived the World War I and the National Struggle peridios; The eartquakes experienced by a nation struggling for existence and the policies of a newly established state against these earthquakes have been to share the suffering of the earthquake victims and to try to develop their people by providing the necessary financial aid. In this context, free seeds and fertilizers were given to earthquake victims so that they could regain their economic strenght. Animal husbandry was supported by extending a helping hand to the villagers who lost their animals. By giving free timber from the state forests, the people were supported to build their own houses and a solution was produced for housing. Earthquake guidelines were first prepared in 1940. Since 1940, changes have been made on the instruction at different intervals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is it for a judgement, action, or character state to be itself a good thing, so genuinely worth pursuing? Readers of Plato's Republic discover that that it is by standing in the right relation to the Form of the Good that other things are, or become, good. In her recent monograph, Plato's Sun-Like Good, Sarah Broadie inverts the standard interpretive strategy by focusing primarily on the role of the Good in dialectic, and drawing conclusions about its metaphysical status on that basis. In this paper, I argue that the metaphysically radical features of the Good on her reading – that it is undefinable and not an object of knowledge for the guardians – are ultimately undermined by her full account of the Form, in particular of the way that it endows 'the things known' with their reality, as well as relating to its participants as participand. I also argue that her preferred interpretation of the guardians' objects of knowledge in the sun-analogy as action-types is conceptually and textually problematic, and should be rejected in favour of her dispreferred - yet ultimately deeply insightful - interpretation of these objects as Forms that the Good makes known and fully real. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How should we understand 'philosophy' in Plato's Republic? Sarah Broadie develops a thoroughly practical notion of the philosopher's activity. Her interpretation helps with the old puzzle about the philosopher's qualification to rule. It also addresses a new problem, namely that Plato ought to have subdivided the rational part of the soul into two parts if the philosophers engage in both theoretical and practical thinking. By conceiving of wisdom in practical terms, Broadie downplays the possible conflict between theory and praxis. I argue that her account of the philosopher's conflict between needing to rule and wanting to theorise does not hold up. Therefore, 'philosophy' in the Republic should not be understood in purely practical terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does the Longer Way, described but not taken in Plato's Republic, provide understanding that justice and other virtues are good? Sarah Broadie argues that it does not, on the grounds that Socrates and the brothers learn about justice's goodness without taking the Longer Way. I argue that Socrates' arguments for justice's goodness are not so complete as to make it impossible for philosopher-rulers to gain from the Longer Way greater understanding of the same point. My main textual evidence is a passage of Book IX (589b–c), a summary that has been widely underappreciated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Plato's Republic VII suggests that if we ask someone to philosophize when they are too young, they can become corrupted (537e–539d). Republic VII also suggests that to avoid this corruption, we must not expose youth to argument (539a–b). This is not a reasonable option outside of Kallipolis, so a question arises: does Plato describe how to correct corruption if we do not manage to prevent it? This paper shows that a parallel between this passage from Republic VII and a passage from Laws X suggests that he does. Laws X describes an impious man who is corrupted in the same way as the youth exposed to philosophy prematurely in Republic VII. While we leave the youth to his corruption in Republic , the impious man is helped to overcome his corruption in Laws with a refutation followed by a myth (also called a charm). This paper analyses these steps in terms of Plato's psychology, showing that both corruption and correction require a destabilization of the soul, which in these passages is brought about through refutation. This destabilization allows for a reconfiguration, which, with something that can restabilize the soul (for example with myth), can be a reconfiguration for the better. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Management Academy is the property of Uluslararasi Yonetim Akademisi Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mülkiye Dergisi is the property of Mulkiye Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of ASBU Law Journal is the property of Social Sciences University of Ankara and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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In the transition from the nineteenth to the twentieth century, when the Republic was established in Brazil, capoeira in Rio de Janeiro underwent a transformation process. A marginalised and criminalised practice sought to assume a more regulated format. This article used newspapers published in the city of Rio de Janeiro between the years 1901–1919 to analyse this process of change. The documents provide evidence that, in general, the press of the then-Brazilian capital condemned capoeira. However, some editorial lines started to value the technical aspects of capoeira, its educational role, its importance as a sport, and its relevance as a genuinely Brazilian element. In conclusion, despite having different editorial lines, especially after the First World War, the article points out that newspapers began treating capoeira as a national sport and an essential educational means. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Akademik Hassasiyetler is the property of Huzeyfe Suleyman Arslan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Afyon Kocatepe University Journal of Social Sciences / Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Afyon Kocatepe University (AKU) Sosyal Bilimler Enstitusu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Recent Period Turkish Studies / Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları is the property of Recent Period Turkish Studies / Yakin Donem Turkiye Arastirmalari and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Recent Period Turkish Studies / Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları is the property of Recent Period Turkish Studies / Yakin Donem Turkiye Arastirmalari and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of SPORMETRE: The Journal of Physical Education & Sport Sciences / Beden Eğitimi ve Spor Bilimleri Dergisi is the property of SPORMETRE: The Journal of Physical Education & Sport Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudos em Comunicação is the property of Labcom / Universidade da Beira Interior and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Afyon Kocatepe University Journal of Social Sciences / Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Afyon Kocatepe University (AKU) Sosyal Bilimler Enstitusu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Afyon Kocatepe University Journal of Social Sciences / Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Afyon Kocatepe University (AKU) Sosyal Bilimler Enstitusu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Afyon Kocatepe University Journal of Social Sciences / Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Afyon Kocatepe University (AKU) Sosyal Bilimler Enstitusu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Afyon Kocatepe University Journal of Social Sciences / Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Afyon Kocatepe University (AKU) Sosyal Bilimler Enstitusu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The objective of this article is to attempt to reconstruct the philosophical and political genesis of the notion of "dike" within Plato's thought, with particular reference to the thought of the pre-Socratic philosophers. Through recalling the etymological roots of the terms "themis", "dike" and "ius", the different faces of "justice" will be shown, culminating in Platonic thought, developed in the Republic, in which justice becomes an idea, that is, a meta-virtue on which the political balance of the polis must be based. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reviews the bibliography produced by the Brazilian academy about the poor, destitute and delinquent minority in Brazil, in the period that corresponds to the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. Within this chronological frame, the article explores the role of the public power in the care of poor and disadvantaged minors and gives special attention to the Orphans Court and to the asylum institutions that worked in the assistance and education. Issues such as the criminalization of minors and the discussion about child labor are also covered.

This article aims to evaluate the Constitution of 1923 which was adopted by Greater Romania short after its unity. Its destiny was not peaceful. Repeatedly suspended, repealed, or violated, it will have known only a turbulent existence and an intermittent application. It nevertheless remains a reference and could have served to unite the Romanians under the aegis of a king in the aftermath of the events of 1989. But the choice of a republican form of government by the new constituents and the refusal to go back to the 1923 constitution and to the sources of Romanian constitutionalism—a solution that the law nevertheless seemed to impose—perhaps showed once more that history rarely goes back.

The legal system of the Islamic Republic, as the name and content suggest, is based on the duality of republic and Islam. The republic has modern tools and foundations, the most important of which are rationalism, humanism, secularism, libertarianism, egalitarianism and democracy. None of these principles necessarily appear to be fully and absolutely compatible, at least with the current conception in the West, with the Islamic principles of the current state. In addition, the quality of analysis and expectations of Islam is not immune to debate and theoretical pluralism, so that always in response to the possibility of merging Islamism and republicanism, another important question that immediately arises is which reading of Islamism with which model of Republic? Also, in addition to the mentioned difficulty, the distance between idea and action in the Islamic Republic should be considered, so that the emerging practical features in the legal system of the Islamic Republic of Iran indicate or result from the special historical course and the quality of the personal role of the founders. It is a complex and special image of the system. In the study, I intend to show that as a result of the special course that the constitutional rights of the Islamic Republic have gone through, a special and historical model of the combination of republic and Islam has emerged, which can be considered as a kind of Theo-aristo-democracy.

The study considers the work “Del suicidio per ragione di libertà o di servitù” by Francesco Guicciardini, the Florentine historian, thinker and diplomat. It contains reasoning with justification of the moral and ethical choice of accepting or refusing to accept the restructuring of state political system according to the tyranny or people’s power by people who represented in this system a “line” polar to the formed one. Despite the fact that Guicciardini analyses this ethical problem using examples from ancient history, his maxims are also related to the problems of his contemporary Florence of the Italian Wars, which lost its political sovereignty under the attack of the Habsburg Empire and committed a kind of suicidal act against itself as a great republic as a result of a series of internal political perturbations. The author concludes that the character of the considered work of Guicciardini as a “requiem” on the history of republicanism in Florence of thinker’s era, clad in metaphors on the theme of ancient history. The author of the study has prepared a translation of Guicciardini’s work “Del suicidio per ragione di libertà o di servitù” into Russian, which is placed in the appendix.

The concept of popular sovereignty, which was emphasized both in the congresses period and in the Grand National Assembly during the National Struggle, was actually a sign of the process that would turn into the Republic after the great victory. The idea of the Republic, however, was not mentioned in that period as the integrity of the homeland and the national independence were prioritized. Thus, Anatolian movement could be limited to the concept of national sovereignty until the proclamation of the Republic. That period, which was followed closely by many countries, was also observed by United States of America which emerged as a great power. U.S press released foundation process of the Republic of Türkiye together with the other developments in Anatolia to American public with various comments. Throughout that period, the figure whose name most remained on the agenda in the domestic and foreign public opinion regarding Türkiye was Mustafa Kemal Pasha the founding father of the new regime. In the beginning, while he did not use the word “Republic” in his statements to U.S press about Ankara government, he stood aloof from this regime and carried out the cautious policy followed before the proclamation of the Republic. On the other hand, while Entente Powers was putting forward the danger of Bolshevism for National Struggle movement, warning statements from Ankara that kept this danger alive were reflected in newspaper columns. The proclamation of the Republic in October 1923 and naming the regime officially were interpreted in American newspapers with praise and sometimes with the concern that Türkiye might be an authoritarian regime and Mustafa Kemal became the prominent figure in the news. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to the Armistice of Mudanya, Refet Pasha, who was assigned to take over Thrace which Greece was going to evacuate on behalf of the Government of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, arrived in Istanbul on October 19, 1922. The people of Istanbul, who have been under the actual occupation for about four years, welcomed Refet Pasha with great joy and enthusiasm. Refet Pasha announced to the Sultan and the representatives of the government, who greeted him, that the Government of the Grand National Assembly did not recognize a sultan and a government in Istanbul. In his speeches and interviews, he made important statements about the management style of the New Turkish state established in Anatolia. In these statements, he defined the system established in Anatolia as the sultanate-ı milliye (national reign) and argued that the established system was a parliamentary government system based on the union of forces, not similar to systems such as a republic or a constitutional monarchy, and that it was born out of Anatolia's own needs. Against these speeches of Refet Pasha, Lütfi Fikri Bey, who was the President of the Istanbul Bar Association, wrote a pamphlet and criticized his views. According to Lütfi Fikri, the most suitable system for Turkey was the constitutional system. After the publication of Lütfi Fikri Bey's pamphlet, discussions on what the regime in Turkey would be gained momentum. Meanwhile, on November 1, 1922, the sultanate and the caliphate were separated from each other by the decision of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey and the sultanate was abolished. After the abolition of the Sultanate, the discussions about the parliamentary government system implemented in Anatolia continued. In this context, various pamphlets were published against Lütfi Fikri Bey's pamphlet. At the same time, the issue was reflected in the press of the period. Discussions were generally carried out on the topics of constitutionalism, republic, separation of powers, unity of powers, national sovereignty, parliamentary government system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of the Council of State, which undoubtedly has a very important place in the judicial supervision of the administration, dates back to the Ottoman Empire. Today's Council of State was also organized under the name of Şûra-yı Devlet during the Ottoman period. However, its position and duties at that time were quite different from today's Council of State. It has moved far away from its founding purpose in the Ottoman Empire and almost its only duty has been to judge. However, it was established in the Ottoman Empire to serve as an advisory body to the government. It is designed to be the authority where all affairs of the state will be discussed. Even though the administration has become accustomed to judicial control over time, it will not want to submit opinions on its work, at least in the initial stages. The duty of the State Council, which was established in 1868 in the Ottoman Empire, to give opinions to the administration was much greater than it is today. However, over time, this task remained symbolic. It was expected to make serious contributions to the law-making process. However, political conflicts made it difficult for him to fulfill his duties fully. It is inevitable that an institution that is wanted to have a say in the management of the country will be at the center of discussions. It has been subjected to interruptions from time to time, has faced harsh criticism from time to time, and has ultimately come to this day with a deep-rooted history. Of course, although the post-compensation reform movements in the Ottoman Period were effective in this process, the proclamation of the Republic and subsequent processes also caused changes and developments in both the Council of State and the administrative judiciary. Some practices were carried over from the Ottoman Empire and some were acquired with the Republic and affected the influence of the State Council. In the centennial year of the Republic, the Council of State was examined on the basis of the achievements of the republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The National Struggle Period in the War of Liberation is a period in which, in addition to the superior struggle of men at the front, women also displayed great heroism, often sharing and undertaking the duties of men. In this period, Halide Edip Adıvar, Kara Fatma and many other heroines played an important role in laying the foundations of the Republic with their struggle for liberation. In this study, Halide Edip Adıvar and Women Heroes Museum (Halide Edip Adıvar ve Kadın Kahramanlar Müzesi), which was opened as a thematic museum in Ankara, was examined on-site and visitors' comments about the museum experience were analysed through the qualitative analysis programme ATLAS.ti. According to the results obtained from the research; the museum contributes to the understanding of the National Struggle Period by reinforcing national consciousness by shedding light on history. In addition, it was understood that the visitors were satisfied with the tourism experience they had in the museum and that they experienced national feelings in the museum. It is thought that the location of the Halide Edip Adıvar and Women Heroes Museum, which was established as a thematic museum, within the Sakarya Battlefield Historical National Park is an important advantage. The reenactments, models, sound system, and documentaries in the content of the museum also serve to increase the quality of the experience of the visitors visually and to feel various emotions by travelling through time with a sense of reality. In the War of Liberation, the people showed great sacrifices in the struggle for freedom against the oppression and in liberating the homeland from enemy occupation. In internalizing these sacrifices and understanding the role of women in the National Struggle, Halide Edip Adıvar and Women Heroes Museum has a dominant position that also honours Turkish women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to examine the relationship between solid waste recycling and economic growth within the framework of the circular economy perspective in Turkiye. As Turkiye approaches its 100th anniversary of the Republic, achieving a sustainable and inclusive economic growth goal is of paramount importance. Solid waste recycling is now recognized as a process that not only reduces waste but also contributes positively to both economic growth and environmental preservation. In this context, the study utilizes quarterly data from 1994Q1 to 2020Q4 to comprehensively analyze the impact of solid waste recycling on the Turkish economy. The analyses were conducted using the Bootstrap Autoregressive Distributed Lag (BARDL) methodology. The results confirm that solid waste recycling has a positive influence on economic growth in both the short and long terms. This underscores the essential role of solid waste recycling as a fundamental component of the circular economy, emphasizing its potential to contribute to Turkiye's sustainable growth goals. Additionally, the study offers policy recommendations based on these findings. These recommendations include accelerating the transition to a circular economy, investing in technological innovations and infrastructure enhancements, organizing awareness and education programs, fostering collaboration between the public and private sectors, adopting innovative financing approaches, and establishing comprehensive legal regulations. In conclusion, the findings and recommendations of this study can contribute to Turkiye's achievement of sustainable economic growth and development goals, particularly as it approaches the 100th anniversary of the Republic. Prioritizing solid waste recycling as part of the circular economy vision can help create a better living environment and a sustainable future for the upcoming generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unemployment and economic growth are the leading indicators that reveal the economic strength and success of countries. The relationship between these variables has been the subject of research for many years. Economic growth and unemployment are among the most important indicators that reveal the economic success and strength of countries. Among the most fundamental macroeconomic objectives for policy makers, reducing the unemployment rate and ensuring sustainable economic growth have a priority place. Reducing the unemployment rate is recognized as one of the most effective policy instruments to increase economic growth. Therefore, an accurate analysis of the relationship between unemployment and economic growth is of guiding importance for policy makers. Although the relationship between these two variables has been questioned for many years, within the framework of the approach called "Okun's Law" in the literature, it is accepted that a bidirectional negative relationship between economic growth and unemployment is valid. This study aims to reveal whether the negative relationship between these variables is valid for Turkey. In this study, the relationship between unemployment and economic growth in Turkey since the Republic was analyzed for the period 1923-2022. Toda-Yamamoto and Fourier Toda-Yamamoto causality tests were utilized as the analysis method. Before the causality tests, Fourier ADF and Carrion-Silvester unit root tests were used to investigate the stationarity of the variables and it was observed that all variables became stationary at first difference. In the next stage, causality tests were applied and Toda-Yamamoto and Fourier Toda-Yamamoto causality tests revealed no causality relationship between unemployment and economic growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The First World War, which was entered with the aspirations of reviving, keeping alive and even enlarging the Ottoman Empire, resulted in the Armistice of Moudros, signed on October 30, 1918, which led to an invasion period under the control of the Entente Powers. Thus, according to the European States, it has come to the point of striking the final blow for the ambitions of penetrating or breaking up the Ottoman Empire. In this study, the thoughts of a political solution pursued by both Istanbul and Ankara during the Armistice period, the consequences of what has been achieved and what cannot be achieved from political initiatives have been focused. Subsequently, the process of transformation of the reactions to the invasions into the National Struggle and then into the Republic as a new Turkish State has been examined. The aim is to show whether the search for a non-war solution was pursued by the Turkish side through diplomacy at every stage and at every opportunity from signing of the Armistice to the signing of the Lausanne Peace Treaty, rather than the narrative that only one war was fought, a victory was won and a republic was established while the National Struggle was being considered, and whether efforts were being made for peace rather than war. The study is discussed under the following headings: developments in Istanbul during the period of October 1918-May 1919, the occupation of Izmir which sparked the National Struggle, Mustafa Kemal Pasha's departure to Samsun, the first messages to the World, the Allied Powers and the Capital: Havza and Amasya Circulars, decisive steps towards full independence: Erzurum and Sivas Congresses, the last Ottoman Parliament, the Constituent Assembly and the National Pact, Sevres, National Struggle and diplomacy in the triangle of Ankara-Istanbul-Entente States, Lausanne Peace Treaty and the last heading the product of blood, pain, sacrifice, heroism and wars: the Republic. Within the scope of this plan, although a chronological order is followed in general, some returns have been made from time to time in order to focus on the idea of a political solution in terms of content, especially in the sub-title of war and diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the successful realization of the National Struggle, the political regime of the Turkish State was named on October 29, 1923. The Republic is not only a form of state, but also forms the basis of Turkish history, which opened its first leaves with the Anatolian Revolution. The Republic is both the political regime and the will to live of the Turkish nation. The most important indicator of this situation is the celebration of the Republic Declaration as a holiday. The celebration ceremonies for the proclamation of the Republic were held with great enthusiasm both in the country and in the foreign representatives. Gümüşhane, the Republic Day celebrations were celebrated by the people in a festive atmosphere. The celebrations of the Republic took place within the program determined by the headquarters and these ceremonies fulfilled very important tasks in the establishment of the revolutions. With these celebrations, the importance of the Republic was explained to people from all walks of life and the people were informed about the new political regime. Thus, holiday celebrations have served as the best tool for the people to mingle and to get to know and adopt national values closely. The Republic Day celebrations in Gümüşhane have created a common identity memory by ensuring social cohesion. to these celebrations, the feelings of the people against the political regime were strengthened. In this study, the Republic Day Celebrations held in Gümüşhane between 1933-1940 are discussed. In the preparation of the study, the local newspaper published in Gümüşhane, the Republic Archive of the State Archives, periodicals, copyrighted and research works were used between the dates determined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to examine the thoughts of Turkish philosophers in the Republican era on the development of Turkey, instead of focusing on the mainstream approach that claims to be universal in the development literature. In this context, within the framework of economic development, the views of philosophers who deal with the development process in sociological, cultural, and economic terms were examined by scanning the national literature. Due to the scarcity of comprehensive studies examining the development views of Republican philosophers in the literature, it tries to understand and explain the development problem from the Eurocentric perspective, based on the perspective of local philosophers who have grown up in national socio-economic and political conditions and dynamics and have experienced it in the historical process. In this respect, it is thought that this study will fill an important gap in the literature. As a result, it has been understood that the approach that Turkey's development problems can be solved with policies that take into account their uniqueness has been adopted by the philosophers of the Republican period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Allegory of the Cave (Pl. Resp. 514a1–520e2) is often analyzed in terms of metaphysical, epistemological, political, and psychic hierarchies that are clarified and reinforced by philosophical education. But the Allegory also contains an important historical allusion to the silver mining that took place in classical Attica. Examining the Cave in light of the enslaved miners around Lavrio leads us to reconsider the philosophical 'liberation' (λύσιν ... τῶν δεσμῶν , 515c4) at the Allegory's heart in the context of Athenian slavery and Plato's thoughts on the practice. Elsewhere in his work Plato generally uses servile metaphors in two ways: to depict 'bad' internal psychic subjection and 'good' submission to logos as manifested in various entities. This historical dimension of the Allegory works to undermine the ostensible naturalness of the slave/citizen distinction and suggest that philosophical education has the potential to 'free' the former and 'subjugate' the latter. The implication that these juridical categories are, to an extent, arbitrary and mutable reveals important differences between Plato's views and those of his classical peers, and it adds to the dialogue's protreptic dimension for its readers then and now. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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