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This article explores the concept of energy regionalism and its significance in understanding global energy politics. It emphasizes the need to study different types of energy sources and their infrastructures, as well as the role of various participants such as international organizations, governments, and non-state actors. The article also discusses the importance of energy security and sustainability. It concludes by calling for further research in the field, including comparative analysis, case studies, and policy analysis. Overall, the article aims to advance understanding of energy regionalism and its implications for energy policies and outcomes. [Extracted from the article]

Why have Central American states been able to deliver public goods in the energy sector when most experiences of energy regionalism in Latin American have run into deadlock? Through process‐tracing the different factors that transformed the Central American Electric System (SIEPAC) from a policy‐idea into a fully operative supranational market, this article finds that the Interamerican Development Bank was the orchestrator of governments, national utilities, and extra‐regional state and market actors resulting in the production of energy infrastructure and improved energy security for Central American countries. Through three mechanisms—brokering, agenda‐setting, and assistance—the Interamerican Development Bank kept the cooperation agenda ongoing despite coordination problems and member states' divergent preferences. The article concludes that regional development banks are particularly well‐suited orchestrators of highly technical regionalism initiatives, such as energy integration, because they combine the input‐legitimacy of an intergovernmental organization, the know‐how of an epistemic community, and the resources of a bank. More research is needed to compare the role of various regional development banks in regionalism initiatives in the global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although literature on energy cooperation highlights that cooperation is more successful at the regional level, it largely fails to understand and conceptualize energy cooperation as part of the wider phenomenon of regionalism. Energy cooperation tends to be analyzed through prisms of security and geopolitics, thus, downplaying other important regional integration processes. The present paper addresses this lacuna, defining energy regionalism and conceptualizing its various dimensions, logics, motivations, and interests. We apply a comparative perspective, examining two regions which exhibit extensive energy cooperation yet differ in several ways: North America and the European Energy Community. Our findings suggest various trajectories and models, and indicate that formal institutionalization is neither a necessary condition for nor a guarantee of strong energy regionalism. We discern that regional anchor is key in North American and European energy regionalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific movement (NFIP) developed a grassroots regionalism in opposition to nuclear colonialism in the Pacific. This article concerns Māori interactions with other Indigenous Pacific peoples within the NFIP movement from 1980–5, and what this meant for the Pacific as a conceptual and political region. Voyaging back across the Pacific, Māori drew on whakapapa, identified cultural commonalities, and parallel colonial legacies between themselves and other Pacific peoples. They saw a shared Pacific struggle: that between Indigenous and colonizer. While this was contentious to some, this article argues that it allowed Pacific peoples to draw upon an alternative network of political action outside formal politics or peace and humanitarian discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In many histories of nineteenth-century literature of the Low Countries, only a handful of authors are associated with emerging genres of regional fiction such as the village tale. In view of the immense popularity of regional literature, these histories overlook a large part of the literary field. This article aims to provide complementary perspectives by looking at how nineteenth-century Dutch and Flemish regional literature was framed and understood in contemporary reception, by systematically tracing all mentions of other artists and authors in reviews of selected authors. This has resulted in a 'co-mention network', revealing associations contemporary reviewers made between Dutch and Flemish regionalist writers and other cultural figures. This network functions as a starting point for investigating the impact of genre, gender and nationality on associations between authors, while also attending to which connections are not made, and which authors are left out of dominant narratives. Network analysis suggests that genre boundaries were fluid, and that numerous transnational authors were associated with Dutch and Flemish regionalists. At times nuancing or amending existing accounts of regionalism in literary histories, this article is also a tentative investigation of processes of canon-formation more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of regionalism and religion in Nigeria's governance is significant, particularly in party formations and participation. These sentiments have been partially linked to various challenges confronting the country. The 2023 general elections in Nigeria saw an increase in the influence of regional and religious alliances, which were believed to be connected to the state of insecurity. This study, using secondary sources of data, examines the causes, manifestations, and consequences of regionalism and religion in the 2023 general elections to provide recommendations to address identified challenges. The study used a descriptive qualitative method and found that factors such as increased insecurity, high rate of kidnappings and killings, rumors of an "Islamization agenda," and biased appointments contributed to the consideration of regional and religious factors during the elections. The study also identified leadership failure, inequality, infrastructural deficits, and corruption as the effects of these factors in Nigeria. Finally, the study recommends the selection of leaders based on patriotism and merit, as well as the use of religion to establish social standards that benefit everyone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 31 May 2023, the Extraordinary Summit of Heads of State of the East African Community (EAC) adopted the report on the verification of the accession application of the Federal Republic of Somalia, while deciding to start accession negotiations with immediate effect. The purpose of this article is to attempt to assess this decision, in the context of the admission of one of the world’s most unstable states to a sub-regional organisation that is considered the most advanced in achieving integration goals across the African continent. Due to the fact that Somalia became a member of the Community on 15 December 2023 – almost simultaneously with the submission of this text – an objective assessment of the impact of this decision is not yet possible, but it is possible to attempt to answer questions concerning the political and economic objectives of the accession process undertaken, as well as the potential consequences of its positive implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines ASEAN's position and strategies regarding the emerging Indo-Pacific politics by employing three elements of actorness—opportunity in the external environments, capacities for internal preference convergence and external engagement, and policy entrepreneurship. It argues that Indonesia's policy entrepreneurship enabled ASEAN to respond to a new regional opportunity of the emerging Indo-Pacific construct, and ASEAN exhibited limited capabilities in internal preference convergence and the development of institutional influence on external relations as it relied on institutional features of conference diplomacy and the strong chairmanship system. The exploration of actorness in ASEAN's policy reactions contributes to expanding the comparative scope of actorness research and deepening the theoretical implications of ASEAN's regional initiatives in the emerging Indo-Pacific regionalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of New Architecture is the property of New Architecture Editorial Office and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Historically, researchers have studied commemorative events primarily for their political role in the (re)construction of contested national collective memories and identities, but globalisation, social justice movements, multiculturalism and regionalism forces are further transforming commemorative practices in the 21st century. This study adopts the semiotic paradigm to deconstruct commemorative narratives communicated during major anniversary celebrations of the fall of the Berlin Wall. In doing so, this paper evidences how interwoven signs in these commemorative events construct multi-layered narratives of transnational collective memory and identity based on shared values that transcend the political boundaries of the nation. The study further showcases how shifting political contexts influence commemorative narratives, whilst at the same time commemorative events may increasingly be designed to appeal to a broader, global audience as leisure phenomena of transnational significance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Writing 'global' intellectual histories involves historicising the transnational lives of key concepts. In this article, we argue that interdependence became a key concept in global inequality debates of the 1970–1980s. While ideas about interstate dependency have a long history, interdependence saw a remarkable breakthrough from the late 1960s onwards, partly in tandem with a liberal global egalitarianism, calling for the moral duties of 'rich nations' to alleviate poverty in 'poor nations.' Interdependence took centre stage in writings on international affairs and inequality within and between nations in the 1960s–1980s, both in the US and in Ghana. We first examine the work of American foreign policy intellectual Robert Tucker, and the conservative backlash against liberal global egalitarianism in late 1970s US. We then investigate writings on African regionalism by Ghanaian political economist S.K.B. Asante in the 1980s. A critique of interdependence shaped debates on global inequality, distribution, and justice amongst both American and African intellectuals. Coming from different perspectives and places, both Asante and Tucker were critical of the descriptive value of the concept of 'an interdependent world.' Interdependence was an ambiguous notion, which could be used to 'cover-up' persisting power structures in a world of very unequal nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent literature on the centre–periphery debate in European politics has produced a wide range of composite paradigms of regionalism, nationalism, and populism and nativism. A number of these definitions, however, tend to overemphasise the importance of populism by either framing it as a core ideology or by conflating it with the nationalism or regionalism of a specific party. This article makes three innovative contributions to populist studies by sustaining an ideational approach to populism and its combination with regionalist and nationalist ideologies. First, the article addresses the varied and at times conflicting composite paradigms of regionalism, nationalism, and populism by proposing a minimalist 'populist regionalist' and 'populist nationalist' conceptual framework; this places the emphasis on the type of nationalism and regionalism (left- or right-wing, civic or ethnic) to which populism and (potentially) nativism are attached. Second, by emphasising a clear distinction between populism and nativism, the article adds to a growing field of literature which aims to address the problem of 'populist hype'. Finally, the contribution of a brief comparative case study illustrates how populism represents a key link between nationalists and regionalists ranging from the far-left to the far-right which are otherwise separated by nativism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Applying a comparative regionalism approach to study regionalism(s) in the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), Latin America (LA), and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), this paper outlines what lessons Latin America and ASEAN regionalism(s) hold for CARICOM based on its current updated model of that concept. With the rise of deglobalisation and the retreat towards regionalism, analysing how different regionalism models approach global, regional, and national power dynamics outlines how these regional institutions manage the externalities of colonialism and imperialism over time. The article concludes by recommending what further policies and principles CARICOM might 'borrow' from these counterparts to strengthen its regional project for the next 50 years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1997, members of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) adopted a Charter of Civil Society for the Caribbean Community (The Charter) in response to recommendations from the West Indies Commission in 1992. The Charter was part of efforts to revitalise CARICOM for the 21st century, which included adding an explicit and more direct focus on people than previously existed. The document is a human rights declaration with some participatory elements, which is non-binding on states. Nevertheless, after 26 years, The Charter remains a reality primarily on paper. This article describes and assesses The Charter and asserts that member states have not used the document to guide their approaches to human rights or people's inclusion except somewhat coincidentally. The article also offers suggestions on revising The Charter to make it a more relevant human rights document while emphasising the importance of intentionally treating it as a foundational document for creating a regional human rights framework in CARICOM. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What does it take to belong to a region and exert power over it? The scholarship on regional powers has elaborated sophisticated indicators to establish nuances of power, but the depiction of the region has remained vague. Most approaches are characterised by a narrow territorial interpretation that does not properly take into account power wielded by geographically distant actors. Using the case of France in Central Africa this article argues that a distant state can a) hold a dominant share of military, economic and soft power, b) use this power for hegemonic behaviour and c) be recognised as a leader in the region by both internal and external actors. The main specificity of distant actors as regional powers is the greater necessity for a legitimising narrative. France tackles this hurdle with the help of regional organisations that reproduce imperial structures. By holding the informal status of a quasi-member in regional governance structures, France participates in region-building processes from the inside rather than the outside. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent food system shocks and increasing climate change exposures highlight the urgency of strengthening food systems at different scales, including global, regional and national, to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. This paper investigated opportunities to strengthen the translation of regional food system policy guidance to the national level in the Pacific Island region. We applied a theory‐informed, empirical study design, based on interview data. We found that inadequate regional–national translation of food system policy guidance arises from (i) competing demands on limited resources, exacerbated by challenges of financing multisectoral initiatives; (ii) often weak regional–national dialogue; and (iii) perceived tension of economic, social and environmental priorities in dominant policy paradigms. These barriers may be addressed by establishing a regional food system governance structure and accountability mechanisms as well as a paradigm shift to balance focus between food system priorities. Current drives to implement National Food System Transformation Pathways may provide necessary impetus to realise these opportunities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes ethnographic data that shows long-term militarization forms a significant part of state governance of the population and environment in the Arctic. Kola Peninsula, the study region, is a borderland with the West and has since the 1950s been a heavily militarized area. Applying insights from research on militarization, subjectivities, materiality, borders, and regionalism in autocratic regimes, I show how militarization shapes the environment and the lives of Indigenous reindeer herders. Despite discourses of demilitarization in the 1990s, Kola Peninsula did not move away from militarization as part of governance. The article explores what I call continuous militarization by engaging with two phenomena: (a) fencing off territories for military use and infrastructure, and (b) nuclear pollution. It discusses the interrelations of materiality and knowledge in maintaining Indigenous subjectivities and culture in line with the objectives of militarization, and shows how Russia uses participation in the Barents Euro-Arctic Region to support the objectives of militarization and justify them to the local population. The article finds that militarization is employed by the authorities to solidify the current autocratic regime among residents in the Arctic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States' trade policy, like that of all nations, is intricately tied to its national interests. Throughout the Trump presidency, there were shifts and continuities compared to previous administrations in how the U.S. engaged with the world. This article contributes to the ongoing discourse on populism and trade policy, drawing on analysis from primary and official sources such as reports from the United States Trade Representative (USTR), as well as insights from national and international media. These sources highlight populist elements in both trade policy and President Trump's rhetoric, which remained consistent throughout negotiations, leading from NAFTA to the USMCA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the rise of the provincial novel in Britain during the 1860s set loose a radically democratizing aesthetic of everyday discriminations. The article suggests – through examples from the works of Elizabeth Gaskell and George Eliot – that provincial fiction embodies an aesthetics of what is termed 'middleness': a means of reading in which the social, cultural and geographical middle became an object of careful evaluative judgment. The article examines the aesthetic affordances of this form in relation to Sianne Ngai's exploration of the category of the 'interesting'. It places this practice of attention to the common and the dull in contrast to Matthew Arnold's contemporaneous critique of provincialism as the chief weakness at the heart of English culture as it moved towards democracy. If Arnold's mission in his critical essays was to establish a global standard of taste – collective agreement grounded in the judgement of what was 'the best that has been thought and known in the world' – then provincial fiction effected another sort of aesthetic community: one that valued the common and the dull. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors examine the issues of public regulation of regional development in this article. The reasons for regulation are mentioned -- a balanced distribution of resources, economic development, the need for local fiscal and investment policies, as well as the regulation of trade and market relations. Measures of public regulation are being considered. Among them, for example, investment in infrastructure to stimulate a region's development, as well as specialization. Such measures of state regulation contribute to ensuring social justice. For example, creating economic zones or zones of priority development in underdeveloped regions will attract investment and create jobs. That will reduce the level of inequality between different regions of the country. The conclusion is as follows: the regulation of state development is important for the growth of the region's economic development and correcting the imbalance in development between regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Football allows to observe how the individuals involved in the game - athletes, fans, etc. - feel, see and perceive the world around us. This article aims to identify the imaginary of masculinity expressed in the chants of the fans of Grêmio, a football club from Porto Alegre. An on-site observation of the songs was made and based on the Discursive Analysis of Imaginaries and a theoretical survey on gender and masculinities, it was possible to confirm that the songs sung by the Grêmio fans privilege a hegemonic and heteronormative masculinity, which depreciates the rival using homophobic terms, values alcohol consumption, regionalism and belonging to the Club. Despite this, the songs also value homoaffectivity between fans of the same club, celebrating joy, love, celebration, and unity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the return of conferences to the Prairies, highlighting the 49th Annual Conference of the Society for the Study of Architecture in Canada (SSAC) in Winnipeg and the Western Canadian History Conference (WCHC) in Saskatoon. Topics include the themes of the conferences, the organizations hosting them, and the significance of these academic gatherings for scholarly exchange and exploration of regional histories.

The article explains the aesthetic element of the hand in the artworks of Slovenian regionalist painter Ive Šubic (1922-1989). It elaborates the reasons why the author believes that Šubic's work was a unique combination of regionalism and partisan art. During his professional life, after he participated in the partisan uprising against occupational forces in WW II, Šubic was considered a genuine partisan painter. He was highly praised by the Communist establishment, and he received several prestige awards. However, after the middle of the 1950s, when he slowly and quietly withdrew from the public life, he gradually became nostalgic. The hands on his paintings and public murals, portrayed as overworked hands with thick fingers and knuckles affected by hard farm work, are the central link between Šubic's experiences of war and his perception of the once genuine experience of rural life in Poljane Valley, lost for good. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the emergence of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) in March 2018, which promises to become the largest economic integration area in the world with 54 member countries, exaggerated optimism has been generated, especially by different international organizations formerly critics like the World Bank, who now highly praise the benefits of the regional integration process. This article contributes to the understanding of the complexity in the implementation of this area, which delves into the analysis of the background, potential, scope and challenges of the AfCFTA. It is argued that this new attempt at regional integration is not very different or distant from neoliberal ideology and seems to be part of open regionalism that tends to favor outward integration, which is why it does not contribute to the solution of the enormous problems of underdevelopment, poverty and social injustice on the continent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the practice of the Caribbean Small Island Developing States (SIDS) regarding the consent regime for marine scientific research (MSR), identifying trends in the interpretation and application of international law, and implementation gaps. The state practice analyzed is derived from domestic laws, regulations, and policy instruments, and from responses to questionnaires by state officials responsible for interpreting and applying the MSR consent regime. It concludes that the framework is fit for purpose and that states share a common interest of furthering marine research, while proposing recommendations for future-proofing the consent regime and advancing the scientific and technological capacity of the Caribbean SIDS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on higher education regionalism, this paper explores international branch campus (IBC) initiatives undertaken by one of the largest Russian IBC-exporting institutions, the Lomonosov Moscow State University (LMSU). To date, very little is known about higher education (HE) export-import between the post-Soviet countries. This qualitative inquiry critically examines the Soviet legacy of LMSU IBCs to understand their origins, purposes, and utility as a form of HE export. This paper sheds light on (1) the similarities and differences between six LMSU IBCs and (2) discourses used to rationalise the establishment of LMSU branch campuses. The findings from this paper suggest that LMSU IBCs are established (a) to promote the Russian HE model, (b) to strengthen political and cultural ties with neighbouring countries, and (c) to bolster LMSU's image and brand appeal in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the final decades of the 20th century, territorial political economy was influenced by both urban and regional economy. The first called attention to the "triumph of the cities" and the second to the importance of consolidating "a new regionalism." Over the course of the 21st century, on the other hand, urban and regional economies have been conceptually articulated as a result of the "metropolitan revolution." The central objective of this article is to reflect on the characteristics of this process, the possible impacts and the great challenges. To conclude, this paper suggests that regional cohesion is determined by a functional polycentric territorial structure, a productive and sustainable economy and a multilevel and multi-scale governance model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an analysis of the change in power structures in the international system, highlighting the emergence of new actors such as China, Russia, India, Brazil, South Africa, Indonesia, South Korea, Nigeria, Mexico, and Turkey. It focuses on Turkey as a key actor in the international system of the 21st century, analyzing its foreign policy, power resources, and its influence in different regions of the world. The special edition of Oasis on Turkey presents a thematic section that addresses Turkey's relationship with the world on topics such as migration, democracy, transregionalism, and connectivity. Additionally, it includes reviews of two books. [Extracted from the article]

This study analyses the voting patterns among the Sarawakian Chinese and their pro-opposition inclination in the 2021 Sarawak State Election (SSE21). It begins by recounting how the national opposition alliances, former Pakatan Harapan (PH) alliances--Barisan Alternatif (BA) and Pakatan Rakyat (PR)--gained popularity among the Chinese voters in Sarawak since the 2006 state elections. The voting trends reveal changes in Chinese voting patterns, from a voting bloc to fragmented votes, and their openness to local opposition parties in the recent state elections. In order to examine the plurality voting pattern and the extent of fragmentation, this research studies two Chinese-majority urban constituencies, Batu Lintang and Bukit Assek in Sarawak. It contends that the Chinese political leanings, including their tendency to embrace regionalism, are profoundly shaped by local and national political developments. In the past two decades, ethnopatronage politics and prevalent corruption practices partly explain the Chinese's quest for regime change. The Sarawak government's emphasis on regional identity and multiculturalism in its official narrative nurtures a sense of belonging, which also impacts Chinese identity politics. This article argues that the decision to support minor parties advocating for separatism can be read as strategic voting of the regional minority who feel deprived of their equal rights. It also contends that political fragmentation among the Chinese might persist if PH fails to consolidate its previous support. Otherwise, it spells the decline of Parti Sarawak Bersatu (PSB) and Parti Bumi Kenyalang (PBK). The sustainability of local opposition parties depends on the internal reform of parties. The parties should reduce the influences of personal politics as it tends to breed party-hopping, which places parties' future or institutional development at risk of uncertainty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regionalizm jest spontanicznym ruchem społecznym dążącym do ochrony, zachowania oraz przekazywania cennych wartości kultury lokalnej i regionalnej. Pod tym względem Kaszubi zdecydowanie wyróżniają się spośród wszystkich ruchów regionalistycznych w Polsce. Uwarunkowania uformowały ich w wewnętrznie zintegrowaną i dobrze zorganizowaną społeczność zajmującą zwarty obszar osadniczy w północnej Polsce i cechującą się niekwestionowaną odrębnością etniczno-językową. Celem pracy było określenie podstaw, dążeń i przejawów działalności kaszubskich regionalistów po 1989 r. Badania składały się z trzech etapów. Pierwszy dotyczył analizy historii i obecnego stanu społeczności kaszubskiej oraz reprezentujących ją ruchów regionalnych. Drugi etap polegał na analizie jakościowej treści dokumentów organizacji regionalistycznych w latach 1991-2018. Zwieńczeniem badań było przeprowadzenie wywiadów eksperckich z czołowymi przedstawicielami wybranych organizacji kaszubskich. Po upadku systemu komunistycznego Kaszubi liczyli, że w wolnej Polsce będą mogli upomnieć się o swoje prawa jako wyodrębniająca się społeczność regionalna. Nosicielami tych postulatów stało się odrodzone Zrzeszenie Kaszubsko-Pomorskie oraz działacze kaszubscy w ramach ogólnopolskich partii politycznych o charakterze liberalnym i centro-prawicowym. Ograniczoność postulatów kaszubskich sprawiała, że mogli je realizować w ramach głównego nurtu polskiej polityki. Dobrze zorganizowani działacze kaszubscy mogli osiągnąć znacznie więcej, występując jako wpływowi działacze partii ogólnonarodowych niż jedynie jak członkowie ruchu kaszubskiego. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ankara Review of European Studies (ARES) / Ankara Avrupa Çalışmaları Dergisi (AAÇD) is the property of Ankara University European Union Research Centre and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of H-Industria: Revista de Historia de la Industria Argentina y Latinoamericana is the property of H-Industria, Revista de Historia de la Industria Argentina y Latinoamericana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

US relations with Southeast Asia ended on a down note in 2023 with the last-minute failure to finalize the trade pillar of the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF). This was not a complete loss for ASEAN states that managed to negotiate bilateral supply chain resilience agreements. However, it underscored the fact that broad regional frameworks, particularly for trade, are off the table with Washington, at least until the United States is past the November 2024 elections. Instead, the administration focused on security over trade and on key partners in the region, with Biden skipping the East Asia Summit (EAS) in Jakarta for a visit to Vietnam and the announcement of the US-Vietnam Comprehensive Strategic Partnership. In this period, US relations with the Philippines continued to strengthen, with Washington issuing three statements calling out China for its reckless maneuvers in the Philippines' Exclusive Economic Zone in the South China Sea. But if some Southeast Asians were miffed by the administration's focus on bilateralism over regionalism, most were reassured by Biden's meeting with Xi Jinping on the margins of the APEC meeting in San Francisco. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Lengas is the property of Presses Universitaires de la Mediterranee and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lengas is the property of Presses Universitaires de la Mediterranee and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lengas is the property of Presses Universitaires de la Mediterranee and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Beyond the thorny, even insoluble question of the definition of a region and the definition of the criteria that should make it possible to apprehend the polymorphism of RIO s, the raison d'être of these organizations, their mode of operation and their activities are at the heart of the debate on "international governance". For many authors, the advent of RIO s has often been seen as a challenge to the state monopoly in the international legal order and a redefinition of the relationship between these particular organizations and states. It is this relational dynamic between the States and the RIO s that this contribution aims to describe and analyse. The aim is to examine the originality and specificity of the relationship between the RIO s and the States, compared to the latter's relationship with the 'classic/universal' IOs, which would reveal something about the very nature of regional organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite their increasing significance, Regional International Organizations (RIO s) have, thus far, received scant attention in international legal literature. In order to fill this gap, the International Law Association (ILA) Study Group (SG) on The International Law of Regional Organizations was launched in 2021 by the two editors of this special issue. This issue is an academic emanation of the comparative international law project conducted by the ILA SG. It serves two main aims: first, present the main results of the ILA SG's comparative international law exercise in an accessible and analytical format in the first contribution of the issue; and, second, gather individual contributions to address further selected conceptual, normative, historical and institutional questions pertaining to the external and internal practice of international law by RIO s. The present introduction provides the necessary conceptual and theoretical background to the discussion unfolding in the remainder of the issue. It addresses the topic and scope of this special issue, maps the state of the debate and relevance of the issue, and clarifies the structure and contents of the issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relationship between international law and space with particular attention to regionalism. Focusing on theoretical debates in the discipline, it will examine the interplay between regionalism and Regional International Organizations and the universal character of international law, re-describing central theoretical legal issues concerning this relationship. Regionalism will be assessed as one form of spatial ordering in international law. Regional order is an international legal notion that contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the politics of space and the processes of production, organization and distribution of power, resources and identities in a particular region. In this setting, changes in the spatial focus while employing theoretical interrogations in the discipline are productive ways to make sense of the diverse modes of engagement with international law in different regions worldwide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regional international organizations have a problematic image among international lawyers (in contrast to IR scholars and international practitioners generally). In this paper I argue how this is due not to a systemic problem but rather to an ideological tension in international law. While according to received knowledge states are based on 'territory' and organizations are based on 'function,' it is true that the legal identity of regional organizations appears to have an uneasy combination of both. Yet, the contrasting notions of 'territory' and 'function' relate especially to the legal origin of states and organizations. The contrast does not as such ruffle the general mechanisms of international law. What is difficult, on the other hand, is to square the territorial (in truth geographical) dimension of regional organizations with the universalist aspirations of international law and with the claims of functionalist, a-political neutrality projected onto international organizations. Regional organizations challenge the vision of a universally applicable body of law as well as the vision of a world without territorial boundaries, where authority is segmented by specific issues or 'functions.' This ideological challenge is arguably a prime reason for the limited presence of regional organizations in international law narratives and in international (institutional) law scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a comparative analysis of the law and practice of regional international organizations (RIO s). Drawing upon the International Law Association (ILA) study and individual regional reports, the article offers a cross-regional account of organizations located in Europe, Eurasia, the Middle East, Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, and the Asia-Pacific. The article focuses on the main conceptual questions that emerged during the study and reflects on some of the main insights gleaned from the cross-cutting comparisons. The article discusses the concept of 'regional international organization' and the debates about the appropriate definition to be used in the Study. The article discusses how international law applies to, and within, regional international organizations, examining issues such as the autonomy of the organization's internal law. The article shows how regional international organizations have influenced the development of international law, by concluding treaties, contributing or catalysing relevant practice to the formation of customary international law, and producing authoritative 'subsidiary means' to identify the law. The comparative assessment allows us to offer reflections on the 'openness' of regional international organizations and the conditions under which they can shape, and be shaped by, international law. The article concludes with some starting points for further research on the place of regional international organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decades, the European Union has been gradually developing and maintaining legal regionalism within its jurisdiction. Its purpose is to preserve the achievements of integration, as well as the unity and autonomy of EU law. In this paper, I recount the toolbox of EU legal regionalism from primary law, through the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union, to the institution of the so-called disconnection clauses employed by the EU in certain international treaties, expanding also on their possible effects on international law and the Member States' relations with third parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Folklore Studies / Tautosakos Darbai is the property of Institute of Lithuanian Literature & Folklore and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Italica Wratislaviensia is the property of Wydawnictwo Adam Marszalek and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Language & Literary Studies / Folia Linguistica & Litteraria is the property of Journal of Language & Literary Studies / Folia Linguistica & Litteraria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since Russia and China are both leading states on the Eurasian continent, the dynamism of their relations to a large extent dominates the dynamics of geopolitical processes in the region. The growing and escalating stand-off with the West in both countries, notably due to the recent developments in Ukraine, appears likely to further the rapprochement between Moscow and Beijing on many issues of strategic interaction. The relevant question in that context is whether the Russian and Chinese perceptions of Eurasia, of Eurasian regionalism, are truly compatible. In the past few years, Russia has made considerable attempts to foster its vision of an external international order on the continent, including the popularisation and substantiation of Eurasia as a concept with regard to its geopolitical surroundings. One of the main consumers of these ideas was supposed to be China. Have Russian endeavours accomplished their goals? In seeking to provide an appropriate response to this question, the authors have focused on an analysis of both states' expert and academic discourse on Eurasia and Eurasian regionalism. This article conceptualises Eurasia as a social construct, an element of foreign policy discourse that is intended to be mirrored in academic and expert discourse. A comparative analysis of Russian and Chinese discourses should ascertain – albeit at least in part – the extent to which Beijing has embraced Moscow's ideas on the development of Eurasian regionalism and the proximity of Russian and Chinese approaches to the international order of the continent or a particular part of it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the unique identity of San Francisco artists compared to their counterparts in global art centers like New York, Paris, Rome, or London, examining how the city's climate and cultural environment shape artistic practices. Topics include the city's serene atmosphere contrasting with the urban intensity of other art capitals, the prevalence of a robust craft tradition, and evolving attitudes among local artists towards international influences and regional identity.

Pan-Asianism as a concept is conventionally associated with Japan's imperialism during the Second World War. This paper, in contrast, argues that far from being merely a language of hegemony, Pan-Asianism had a far more complex role to play in the early twentieth century. As an anti-imperial ideology, Pan-Asianism advanced a normative argument for the emancipation of Asia from Western imperialism and provided an alternative vision of civilization. As an anti-imperial strategy, Pan-Asianism offered Indian nationalist leaders in exile a necessary language to gain international support in favour of their nationalist movement. The paper explains how the ideological and strategic aspects of Pan-Asianism then affected and informed the development of contemporary international law with specific reference to the law of neutrality, the right to self-determination, racial equality, and the Monroe Doctrine. By doing so, it sheds light on an important yet ignored episode of the historical development of international law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]