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South Asia has one-fifth population of the world. It has mainly seven countries: Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka. Majorities of South Asian countries are struggling with ethnic clashes. Minorities are politically excluded, socially neglected, and economically disadvantaged position. These minorities are always subjected to violence and crime against women from time to time. It disturbs intra-state peace and creates a threat to minorities living there. The notable minorities in South Asia are Madhesi in Nepal, Tamilians in Sri Lanka, Muslims in India, Baloch and Hindus in Pakistan, Hindus in Bangladesh, and Hazaras and women in Afghanistan. There are many events of violence against Madhesi in Nepal, a civil war against Tamilians in Sri Lanka, communal riots in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, and violence against Hazaras and women in Afghanistan. It is reported from Pakistan that minor girls from the Hindu community are forcefully converted and married by the majority community of Muslims. India, Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Pakistan are federal countries. Federalism seeks to reconcile unity with multiplicity, centralisation with decentralisation, and nationalism with localism. Federalism may provide a viable solution to accommodate minorities, ensuring political rights, social equality, and due share in resources. These federal countries have failed to provide efficient accommodation to minorities. A policy initiative under the United Nations must study how to accommodate minorities in respective countries' federal set-up. It will certainly boost co-existence, peace and ensure security for the minorities in South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the late eighteenth century German conservatism – conveyed primarily by Prussians – was imbued with certain reactionary ideas, but at the same time did not deny the importance of changes in state and society. Conservatives recognized the irreversibility of the Reform Era that followed the defeat by Napoleon, and the need to accommodate changes required for the survival and development of a unified German state. One of the major challenges they had to face in this context was the rising concept of nationalism and the efforts to establish a German nation-state. This article argues, however, that until the 1848 Revolution, conservatives formulated a political theology which aimed to respond to the growing German national movement and the gradual spread of popular national sentiment. Such a response was neither anti-modern nor an outright denial of nationalism. Rather, many of the conservatives, who were associated with the reemergence of Christian Pietism, namely neo-Pietists, sought to accommodate nationalism by forging a religious-national synthesis that invested the people with the task of representing the essence and true spirit of the ‚Deutsche Nation' For these Christian devotees, the Volk had an organic identity that defined the national state. And while according to the conservative theory the people were not to be entrusted with full sovereignty, in fact they formed a German nation that eventually – especially during the 1848 Revolution – won certain political rights. The conservative religious-national synthesis, which advocated confessional reconciliation within German Christianity, introduced a specific democratic concept of the nation based on the people's identity and solidarity as the core of the nation. It was embedded in the ideal of the ‚Christlicher Staaf'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Anbar University for Law & Political Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Necmettin Erbakan University School of Law Review is the property of Necmettin Erbakan University School of Law Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

2024 has been dubbed the "ultimate"1 election year, with more than 60 countries and territories worldwide undertaking major elections. Some elections in many parts of the West come as the world is transiting through a post-COVID-19 phase amidst further intensifying Russia-Ukraine and Israel-Hamas conflicts and a general economic slowdown. Across the West, the political centre has somewhat eroded, and a sizeable segment of the political right has shifted further to the right. Worryingly, extreme right-wing terrorist incidents in the United States (US) have increased in recent years, 2 and the threat has "remained significant" and stable in Western Europe.3 This article assesses how the extreme right-wing terrorist threat could evolve and take advantage of the inroads the right-wing political movement has made in the just concluded 2024 European Union (EU) parliamentary election and the upcoming US presidential election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study seeks to shed light on the issue of Algerian citizenship during the French colonial period between 1865 and 1919. It covers the practices of the French administration in the context of its colonial policy that granted Algerians the status of French citizens and naturalizing them with French nationality under a series of controversial laws from 1870 and 1871 to1919 and the related reforms. We aim to explain what these laws brought to the Algerians (the indigenous population) as the owners of the land ant the Algerians’ reaction to these laws in their struggle for independence. This study aims to elaborate on the promises of the French colonial administration to Algerians and their conditions for granting them civil and political rights, including speaking good French and leaving the religion of Islam. I will also discuss the extent to which these politics succeeded or failed vis-à-vis the survival of the Algerian culture under a comprehensive policy of assimilation and colonization. It will also discuss the relation between the citizenship debate and independence movement mixed with Muslim and Arab identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As one of the fundamental human rights, political rights guarantee that persons can equally participate in socio-political life or management of the state and society without any unreasonable restriction. Ensuring women’s political rights is an important basis for improving women’s status in society. Although ensuring women’s political rights has gained many achievements in Vietnam, there are still many limitations. Through a systematic analysis of the provisions of the International Conventions on Human Rights, the article explains the content of women’s political rights and defi nes the obligations that must be complied with by the member states to ensure the political rights of women. In addition to practical analysis, the data about the exercise of political rights of women, such as the percentage of female deputies to the National Assembly, the percentage of women participating in the People’s Council, female cadres and civil servants participating in the political processes are collected, thereby the article makes some comments on the achievements and limitations in performing national obligations of Vietnam to ensure political rights of women. The article points out the causes of the limitations and proposes solutions to improve the eff ectiveness of ensuring women’s political rights in Vietnam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 23 December 1994, the UN General Assembly adopted a plan of action for the United Nations decade for human rights education (HRE). 30 years later, this challenge is still increasing. As Hannah Arendt pointed out, human rights are valuable only as political rights, not for abstract individuals but for natural communities. While HRE in schools and classrooms is in focus, the context of adult education transfers philosophical and political thoughts into an educational context, particularly concerning biographical traumatic situations such as refuge and expulsion. Therefore, this paper presents and explains adult education approaches which facilitate coping strategies with ethical perplexities by evaluating the 30 Articles of the UNO Declaration of Human Rights of 1948. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to argue that Locke proposes a coherent theory of restorative justice regarding historical crimes. In two cases that he sets out in the Second Treatise, that of the Greek Christians living in the Ottoman Empire and Englishmen living in the wake of William I's conquest, the preliminary standard of historical redress is whether the descendants of the conquerors and conquered possess equal political rights. Conquered peoples cannot simply be subsumed or annexed into an existing political order. They must have some say in articulating or agreeing to the laws that govern them. In this respect, Locke's theory of historical redress emphasizes the redemptive power of contract to overcome historical crimes. Furthermore, the disposition a community has to reimagine its body politic, to enfranchise the dispossessed by forming one body of people, speaks to the degree to which historical injustice is likely to occur. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the general concept of withdrawal from human rights treaties and addresses a specific case of withdrawal from the Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The article argues that the human rights regime, due to its axiological nature, the non-reciprocal character of treaty parties' relations, and the final beneficiaries´ expectations, needs lex specialis provisions on the withdrawal matters. Moreover, the results of analyses of the United Nations' bodies show that the general clause on withdrawal being requested by a non-democratic state may lead to the denial of access to international justice for indivi duals and jeopardize the entire human rights protection system. Nowadays, however, the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties does not satisfy the needs of the human rights regime. The United Nations and its mandate holders are recommended to request an advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice to clarify the compliance of the termination clause of the human rights treaties with the common values of the international society of states as a whole and the principles of the United Nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Tolerance is a prerequisite for deliberative democracies. Therefore, fostering tolerance is an important task for educational systems in democracies. In the present study, the concepts of social and political tolerance were disentangled and applied to the measurement approaches of the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study 2016 (ICCS 2016). A single scale of political tolerance was proposed by identifying items on equal rights of women and men, different racial and ethnic groups and immigrants that capture the support of equal political rights. Previous research indicates different approaches that might be used to foster tolerance in schools. Methods: This study used the rarely applied alignment method to identify a political tolerance scale that was sufficiently invariant in the 15 participating European educational systems. The alignment method identifies solutions with minimal amounts of non-invariance. Multilevel regression analyses are used to identify which aspects of schooling are predictive of political tolerance at the student and at the school level. Results: The alignment analyses revealed a sufficiently invariant solution for the 15 education systems that could be used in regression analyses. While cognitive learning showed only a weak relationship with political tolerance, teacher fairness was relevant at student and school level. An open classroom climate was a positive predictor with relevant strength only at school level. Further multigroup analyses indicated that the results at the student level were stable between countries, while school level indicators varied more strongly between countries. Conclusions: Researchers need to acknowledge the conceptual differences between social and political tolerance in their measurement approaches. The alignment method can be useful to create scales that are comparable between many different educational systems. While educational systems differ strongly in their school level variance of political tolerance, teachers can play an important role in fostering political tolerance at the student level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article combines the fields of deliberative theory and citizenship studies. Drawing from a deliberative experiment on foreigner political rights with almost 300 German citizens, we find that a short virtual deliberative treatment produced a clarification effect, whereby especially those with already negative views increased their scepticism. Participants in our deliberative treatment displayed higher levels of argument repertoire and integrative complexity, underlining that the treatment led to well-considered opinions. A qualitative analysis of participants’ substantive rationales unravels traces of what De Schutter and Ypi dub ‘mandatory citizenship’, implying that political rights must be attached to obligations. These results have wide ranging implications: They indicate that the practice of deliberation is not quasi-automatically programmed to progressive outcomes (as some have argued) but can have a communitarian dimension (where preferences are determined on the basis of existing communal values and self-understandings); this suggests that participatory practices may not always advance progressive reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the book "Decolonizing Palestine" by Mitri Raheb, a Palestinian theologian. Raheb aims to bring colonial theory into conversation with Palestinian theology and develop a contextual and decolonial Palestinian Christian theology. He argues that Western Christianity has supported settler colonialism in Palestine by weaponizing the Bible against the Palestinian people. The book explores the history of imperialism in the Holy Land, the role of Christian Zionism, the theology of land, and the biblical idea of election. Raheb's work offers a Palestinian perspective on the political history of the region and challenges Eurocentric and North American theology. [Extracted from the article]

This article argues that while nationalist discourses construct "the people" through positive identity practices, populist discourses articulate it through negative identity practices. Nationalism emphasizes who "the people" are, by identifying a number of core positive characteristics that they share, such as ethnicity, language, culture, history, religion, or political rights and civic traditions. Populism, on the other hand, defines "the people" primarily in a negative fashion in opposition to the elites. Here, "the people" do not share any positive characteristics beyond their oppression, exclusion, and marginalization by the elites. In order to empirically demonstrate the above distinction, I compare the political discourse of Rafael Correa in Ecuador during his first term in office (2007–2012) with that of Viktor Orbán in Hungary, primarily during his second term in office (2010–2014). The comparison between these two political projects not only spells out important differences between populist and nationalist articulations of "the people" but also highlights different types of anti-system politics that have emerged in Latin America and eastern Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research reveals critically rather than using images of modern development and progress on Indigenous Papuans (OAP) who are often demanded to engage in social change by ignoring one's identity. The accumulation of OAP disillusionment that began in the history of the Act of Free Choice continued with the neglect of cultural rights as a reflection of the collective dignity that is still running. This triggered some OAP segments who called themselves independent Papuan groups to choose to garner international support in efforts to secede principles. As done by Benny Wenda as OAP through international forums to encourage the fulfillment of political rights caused by the closed access to the Papuan people's movement in fighting for the issue of Free Papua. He described the resistance of Papuan identity to expand the target domain of its supporter audience. Sporadically through the use of international civil society networks, the authors highlight the advocacy strategies undertaken Transnational Advocacy Network (TAN) through the #PapuanLivesMatter campaign that raised the existence of Benny Wenda in representing Free Papua in the midst of fragmentation that occurred. So the research questions in this study are: What is Benny Wenda's strategy in representing an independent Papua in the midst of fragmentation of separatist groups in Papua? The method for accessing the variables in the theory will be traced based on historical methods that are explained qualitatively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Legal Thought / Pravna Misao is the property of Legal Thought / Pravna Misao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Majority respect for the political rights of minorities is an important value undergirding peace and political stability in societies. This study examines whether intolerance for minority political rights affects the likelihood that an individual has engaged in violent activities for political causes. Using public opinion data from 11 Arab countries, the study finds that Muslim residents who interpret Islam to mandate inferior political rights to their non-Muslims compatriots are more likely to have engaged in political violence in the past three years. Moreover, the effect of attitudes toward non-Muslim political rights on engagement in political violence is unaffected by subject support for Islamic government/rule, attitudes about democracy and Islamic government, interpretation of Shari'a and general intolerance of or bigotry against non-Muslims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Considering the principle of gender equality, feminist exegetes have interpreted the verses related to women in order to show the egalitarianism of the Quran through alternative interpretations. Gender justice, from the perspective of Islamic feminism theorists, refers to the equality of men and women in the division of tasks, responsibilities, and social, economic, and political rights. But from Allamah Tabatabai's point of view, the essential difference between beings is a necessity of the cause and effect system, and men and women are not exempt from this law either. Thus, based on the principle of the essential difference between men and women, distinct laws have been established to protect social interests. Therefore, gender justice does not mean the equality of men and women. This study aims to explain the consequences of the views of the theorists of Islamic feminism in presenting the meaning of gender justice, which has been addressed by referring to the views of Muslim feminists in the verses related to women. The notion of exegeses being patriarchal, polytheism in gender discrimination, trans-textual exegesis, limiting the verses to the Age of Revelation, are among the implications of feminist exegeses, which are criticized and analyzed in this article with emphasis on the views of Allamah Tabatabai. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides a biography of Ryland Randolph, a controversial figure in Alabama during the Reconstruction era. Randolph was a newspaper editor known for his support of white supremacy and involvement with the Ku Klux Klan. He engaged in physical altercations and conflicts with political opponents, and his actions reflected his belief in maintaining white dominance. Despite his influence waning over time, Randolph continued to write and contribute to newspapers until his death in 1903. [Extracted from the article]

The article explores the growing trend of remilitarization in Asia, specifically in South, Southeast, and Northeast Asia. It raises concerns about the increasing influence of the military in politics, society, and the economy, which could potentially impact liberal democracy, socio-economic development, and regional stability. The article also highlights the material militarization in the region, with rising military budgets and large armies. It suggests that European actors should raise awareness of these trends and work towards strengthening civilian control over the military. Additionally, the article discusses the high proportion of the population serving as military personnel in Asia, particularly in Southeast Asian countries, and the implications of this militarization for political development, regional stability, and peace. It concludes by recommending that local and international actors prioritize civilian supremacy over the armed forces and ensure transparent and constitutional deployment of the military. [Extracted from the article]

This paper delves into the role of political rights in shaping financial inclusion. Despite the acknowledged significance of political institutions in influencing financial systems, there remains limited understanding of the economic origins of the impact of political institutions on financial inclusion. Utilizing data from the 2021 Global Findex database, the study finds that weak political rights significantly reduce the likelihood of individuals possessing financial accounts and using digital financial services. Robustness tests employing an instrumental variable and the difference-in-differences framework confirm that inadequate political rights have a detrimental effect on financial inclusion. By exploring the reasons for financial exclusion and moderating factors, this study provides supportive evidence for the mechanisms of eroded social trust and political rent-seeking as the key constraints that hinder inclusiveness in providing mainstream financial products and services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The principle of social justice is central to the newly regulated profession of Social Care Worker [SCW] in Ireland and the language of social justice features in the Standards of Proficiency [SoP] and Code of Professional Conduct and Ethics [CPCE]. This is very welcome given the history of institutional neglect and abuse in Irish social care. However, social care work in Ireland lacks a tradition of social justice in theory and practice, and policy is generally couched in minimalist terms of individual civil and political rights, equality of opportunity, and non-discrimination and is heavily focused on protection and risk management. Beyond this, exactly what social justice entails in social care work is poorly developed. This paper aims to advance a critical perspective on social care practice and pedagogy that integrates four interrelating social justice principles: redistribution, recognition, representation, and relational justice. Social care work and similar social professions are ideal contexts to incorporate principles of relational justice and develop models and skills for relational pedagogy because they are guided by an ethic of care at the micro-level of affective interactions, but they must do so in ways mindful of structural injustices and pursue both individual and institutional change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this Article, I seek to review the reaction of the Israeli High Court of Justice (HCJ) to the social and political pressures created by the spread of the virus in Israel amidst a constitutional crisis that Israel went through during 2020- 2021. The HCJ is regarded by many as a strong and interventionist judicial institution. Often, critics argue that the degree of supervision exerted by the HCJ over both the Israeli bureaucracy and the political branches goes way beyond the traditional role of the judiciary, as envisioned by theorists of judicial review. My aim is to use this analysis of judicial review during the coronavirus times as a test case to examine if, and to what extent, this critique is valid. In addition, I examine how the coronavirus crisis influenced the tense relationship between the judiciary and the political branches in Israel. I find that, in general, the HCJ showed considerable deference regarding governmental policies during the pandemic and kept its intervention to cases in which executive decisions threatened fundamental political rights. Nevertheless, the indirect effects of the Court's tight, routine supervision over decision-making processes by the Israeli bureaucracy remained significant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How should democratic states approach and respond to secessionist movements using tactics contrary to the constitution to achieve their goals? What is the role of international human rights mechanisms in these processes? This article sheds light on these questions by examining how the UN Human Rights Committee approached and assessed two complaints that came before it in the wake of the Catalan Declaration of Independence in 2017. The aim is to discuss the Committee's examination of the merits in the two cases and the procedural hurdles faced. Specifically, it will analyse the effects of examining the merits in hindsight and the extent to which this perspective may have influenced its views. It will further reflect on the potential costs of acting with procedural flexibility towards the two complaints which, while driven by a sense of urgency, did not meet the threshold for irreparable harm. It is concluded that, while a protective stance towards petitioners is the bedrock of its mandate related to individual complaints, acting with such degree of flexibility risks undermining its procedural effectiveness and the integrity of its individual complaint procedure. It also made it come too close to act as a fourth instance in relation to facts that had already been examined by domestic courts by the time of its assessment. At the same time, it did not challenge Spain's rule of law approach as such. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Government agencies have embraced automated decision-making systems, particularly in welfare, despite the risk of mass-replicated erroneous decision-making creating systemic issues. This article uses Robodebt as an Australian case study with global ramifications to argue that government agency use of erroneous automated decision-making systems in welfare raises human rights concerns. First, this article examines the shortcomings of administrative law in a digital welfare context. Second, the article closely analyses the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and identifies several human rights concerns raised by Robodebt. This article then examines ex-ante impact assessment models and concludes by recommending an obligation on government agencies to conduct a human rights impact assessment before deploying an automated decision-making system. By demonstrating the human rights implications on welfare recipients arising from automated decision-making systems, this article justifies the use of international human rights law as a complementary framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined how commemorative journalism shapes collective memory by exploring 18 supplements and special projects commemorating Israel's 70th anniversary. The research questions focused on three central narrative characteristics of journalism: protagonists, plots, and narrators. Our examination revealed the ways in which those located at the fringes of the ethnic-national community were excluded from these journalistic narratives, conveying mostly a tale of Israeli strength, narrated mostly by Jewish men. We maintain that the current dominant memory version narrated by the supplements reflects a withdrawal from and rejection of recent, more critical journalistic readings of the Israeli past. This conscious return to older, hegemonic patterns of narration of the national past could be understood within the context of two central conditions, shaping the construction of Israeli reality over the past two decades: the growing dominance of the political Right and changes in Israel's media map. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Middle East Journal of Legal & Jurisprudence Studies / Mağallaẗ al-Šarq al-Awsaṭ li-l-ʿulūm al-Qānūniyyaẗ wa-al-Fiqhiyyaẗ is the property of Manar Elsharq for Studies & Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Australian Human Rights Commission has claimed that recognising religious corporations as litigants in religious discrimination claims departs from international human rights law, which only protects the rights of natural legal persons. In this article we respond to that claim by arguing that under international law, Australia should protect the ability of religious groups to be litigants, including corporations. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights requires Australia to respect and ensure individuals have the right to manifest their beliefs in community with others, and that such communities are protected against discrimination on religious grounds. This requirement entails granting religious groups the ability to pursue legal measures to preserve the enjoyment of these rights by their members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Nations Charter reaffirms that freedom of opinion and expression is essential to global peace and security, a principle reflected in the Jordanian constitution. The Jordanian constitution also provides for the same rights. Nonetheless, the study provides recommendations to legislators for controlling laws to ensure public order, uphold moral standards, and protect the rights of others. Inconsistent legislation restricts freedoms and jeopardizes the entire purpose of human rights, particularly in key areas, namely the right to public assembly, the right to the media, and, most recently, the right to freedom of expression online. By way of conclusion, the study underscores the importance of the Jordanian Constitution of 1952, as it ensures optimal protection of the liberties of expression, which is still in use with its numerous amendments. The study highlights the lack of consistent legislative policy among lay legislators when it comes to laws concerning freedom of expression and opinion. A proposed solution is to implement a national legislation that coincides with and complements the Jordanian Constitution. Moreover, the proposed legislation must adhere to international laws ratified by Jordan. Such as the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which may require reconciliatory measures to align with its clauses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A modern citizen cannot ignore the factor of cyberspace for his self-identification and definition of political values. The purpose of the research is to study the impact of artificial intelligence on the state and political digital sphere of citizen activity. The methodological basis is SWOT analysis, comparative analysis. The principles of the functional approach, which separates the concepts of «state» and «political», were used. It has been proven that digital actions are rather contradictory elements of communication - they have both a collective and an individual beginning. The main digital phenomena are analyzed. So, a citizen has his own digital graphic logo-a virtual embodiment of a person, which represents his image and the most significant features of character, features of individual digital actions. The emergence of digital «virtual politicians» and «virtual government officials» is also directly related to artificial intelligence (hereinafter referred to as AI). However, various digital logos are able to absorb the political interface-the set of collective and standardized digital actions that a citizen must perform if he or she seeks to remain part of a certain political community and networked communication space. The assumption that Shi technologies contribute to the establishment of control over the citizen rather than increasing his political rights is substantiated. The broad practice of using Shi in the diplomatic, geopolitical sphere, and in the field of state security has been revealed; state institutions, government electronic institutions and institutions. Shi was much less used in party and public work. Thus, among the strengths we can single out: creation of convenient communication between users and representatives of authorities; simplified navigation through government portals; processing thousands of requests from citizens per day; support of the election process. Shi’s weaknesses in this area include the risks of data leakage and information security. The threat of introducing Shi into political communication may be the formation of a total «digital inequality» between different groups of citizens, the use of Big Data techniques for manipulative purposes. Shi’s hypothetical potential for the citizen is to create a new type of digital democracy where the government will take into account the voice of every person. The digital graphic logo of a citizen can be seen in the assignment of personal identification numbers and codes, which are necessary for personalization on virtual resources and transactions. At that time, the political interface keeps the digital logos of citizens in a single information field of the digital polis through the standardization of digital actions and user functionality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reporting from ongoing research and planning with low-income residents in Nairobi, Lagos and Johannesburg, this field note discusses infrastructure-led sustainability transitions that are in progress, probable and possible from the perspective of Africa's politically marginalized urban majority. Its authors probe to what extent efforts to advance more sustainable urban futures in African cities can foster climate justice – not only in terms of resource distribution and infrastructural access but also in terms of political rights, recognition and participation in decision-making about what those futures should or could be. They suggest different ways by which engaging with the infrastructural lives of politically marginalized urban subjects and collectives may allow reframing of dominant, donor-driven sustainability agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Manuel Covo's book, "Entrepôt of Revolutions: Saint-Domingue, Commercial Sovereignty, and the French-American Alliance," which examines the role of Saint-Domingue in the Haitian Revolution and its impact on global capitalism. Covo argues that the economic relationship between Saint-Domingue, France, and the United States shaped the French-American alliance and contributed to the development of republicanism. The book utilizes primary sources to highlight the interconnectedness of trade, politics, and empire in the late 18th century. The article praises Covo's analysis but also raises some critiques regarding the emphasis on economic power and the complexities of commercial praxis. [Extracted from the article]

A seminar called "Women in European Politics" was recently held in Prague, bringing together over 35 women from different professional backgrounds in the Visegrad Four region who are interested in foreign policy. The event, organized by the Association for International Issues (AMO) and co-organized by organizations from Poland, Hungary, and Slovakia, aimed to increase women's participation in foreign policy and address their under-representation in high-level positions. Participants had the opportunity to network with experts and professionals in diplomacy and learn from each other's experiences. The seminar covered topics such as the Czech Presidency of the Council of the EU, communication strategies in Czech diplomacy, the 20th anniversary of the Czech Republic in the European Union, and the promotion of feminist foreign policy by the Netherlands. The participants shared their insights and suggestions for future cooperation in promoting women's visibility in diplomacy and foreign policy. [Extracted from the article]

This article critically discusses the latest reform of the Greek administration system, which took the form of an Act establishing an "executive state." It intends to make two contributions to the existing literature. First, it offers a critique of the executive state. Existing critiques generally focus on the bureaucratic concentration of powers in the office of the Prime Minister or the abandonment of positive elements found in previous reform attempts. However, they largely accept the reform as a technical response to the crisis. In contrast, this article presents a comprehensive critique that fully addresses the historic origins and contemporary significance of the notion and institutional forms of the executive state, revealing it as a political, rather than technical, measure that reflects deeper views about the relationship between the state, the economy, and society. Additionally, the article assesses the two main effects of this administrative reform—the centralization and depoliticization of policymaking—as manifestations of an authoritarian shift. The second contribution concerns the literature on authoritarian liberalism, which examines the authoritarian tendencies inherent in liberal forms and ideals. While several authors have explored the authoritarian tendencies of institutional reform in the face of crisis, this article seeks to explore the authoritarian phenomenon as part of a process of market capture and to examine its effects specifically on administrative law and structures. Ultimately, this article argues that administrative reform in Greece follows a rather sinister genealogy, and must be understood as an essential counterpart to the generalized and sustained attack on social and political rights following the dictates of the market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an overview of the political right in Canadian history and its impact on Canadian politics. It discusses the merger of conservative parties in 2003 and the creation of the People's Party of Canada in 2018. The article also examines recent issues associated with the political right, such as restrictions on transgender youth and opposition to mandatory health measures. It emphasizes the complexity and ongoing influence of the political right in Canada, while acknowledging the limited success of social conservatives and the extreme right in shaping right-wing political parties. The text explores various perspectives and concerns of the political right on issues such as the market, big government, immigration, and the power of institutions. It concludes by highlighting the ongoing importance of the political right in Canadian politics, including the role of right-wing populists and radical right elements. [Extracted from the article]

The article explores the concept of peace in Assam, a state in North East India, which has experienced various conflicts. These conflicts are caused by factors such as development, resource control, identity assertions, inter-ethnic strife, immigration, and border disputes. The article highlights a book called "Making Peace Mutually: Perspectives from Assam," which suggests "conflict transformation" as a potential solution. The book includes interviews and essays from stakeholders involved in the crisis, such as administrators, academicians, journalists, and legal experts. The article also provides historical context, including the Ahom Kingdom's rule, British occupation, and the influx of immigrants. It concludes by discussing the fragmented and divided political scenario in Assam and emphasizes the importance of diverse perspectives in achieving peace and harmony. The text presents various perspectives on the conflict in Assam, focusing on the need for peace and the challenges faced in achieving it. The contributors emphasize the significance of inclusive nationalism and the need to address the grievances of different ethnic groups. They also discuss the impact of identity politics, power dynamics, and gender inequality on the conflict. The Assam Accord is examined as a potential solution, but questions are raised about its effectiveness and the definition of Assamese identity. The book aims to provide insights for policymakers, researchers, and social scientists in understanding and transforming the conflict in Assam. [Extracted from the article]

Does political security influence the life satisfaction of indigenous peoples of Bangladesh? This study has addressed this research question using a survey dataset (N = 384) that contains a set of variables about the political security and life satisfaction of indigenous peoples of the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), Bangladesh. This study offers fresh insights into how political insecurity, which has resulted from government repression and systematic violation of human rights, decreases the life satisfaction of indigenous peoples of the CHT. More precisely, indigenous peoples who feel they do not have their right to liberty, freedom of movement, freedom of speech, and the right to participation are more likely to be dissatisfied with their lives than those who report they enjoy these political rights. Overall, the findings of this research suggest that a negative relationship exists between the denial of fundamental freedoms and civil liberties and life satisfaction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to investigate the legal framework which determines the political rights of women in Palestine and how they are exercised through the quota system. To achieve the objectives of the study, the following questions were asked: What are the national or local laws that regulate the political rights of women in Palestine? The descriptive-analytical method was followed through the analysis of legal texts related to women's political participation and the quota system, and by highlighting the international agreements that have established women's right to political participation. This study found that Women in Palestinian society face a number of obstacles to their political rights, including the view of the male society, the prevailing culture and the unfair laws that discriminate against them? In addition to the Israeli occupation, which is the biggest obstacle to participate in international and local forums. The access of Palestinian women to decision-making positions to change the culture of society takes many years, we need the quota system for a temporary period and not as a permanent solution, as is currently the case, it serves as a tool that provides access to gender justice in all spheres of life. It was concluded that women's right to political participation is guaranteed by local legislation and international agreements, and that the quota system is guaranteed by local legislation. However, there is a deficiency in empowering women politically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kenneth Dyson's book, "Conservative Liberalism, Ordo-Liberalism and the State," provides a comprehensive overview of ordoliberalism, a tradition that emerged in the interwar period as a response to both laissez-faire capitalism and central planning. Dyson explores the historical continuity and distinctiveness of ordoliberalism, highlighting its international resonance and cross-national essence. He also addresses the persistent myth that ordoliberalism is solely a German tradition, emphasizing its broader European and international influence. However, some critics argue that Dyson's affinity for ordoliberalism leads to blind spots and a failure to acknowledge its authoritarian tendencies and complicity in certain historical events. [Extracted from the article]

One of the lead precursors to unstable local governance in the contemporary South Africa pertains to the embedded culture of political patronage. It is believed that the provisions added to the newly amended version of the Local Government: Municipal Systems Act 3 of 2022, which among other things, limits the political rights of officials, will somehow counter the existing patronage patterns. While this Amendment Act is a step in the right direction in as far as professionalisation of the local government sector is concerned, the question that this article attempts to answer is: will this attempt to insulate officials from politics result in stable municipal administrations, ethical conduct, professionalism, service delivery and less political interference? In addition, what are the ramifications that political parties are likely to encounter as a result of the curtailed political rights of their members? One of the findings is that the inserted changes are going to destabilise, firstly, the intra-party arrangements at political level, and secondly, will uproot elements of favouritism, nepotism and to some extent frustrate the existing culture of patronage in municipalities. However, it must be acknowledged that this is not going to be easy, given the damage already done such as bloated organograms, and the practice of cadre deployment which is facilitated by ruling parties in councils. With local government being at the coalface of service delivery and development, professionalisation is crucial but there is also a need to cultivate and encourage a strong ethos and philosophy of praxis underpinned by Ubuntu, the African philosophy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the complexities surrounding the use of force in international conflicts, focusing on India's experience during the conflict in East Pakistan in 1971. It highlights the challenges of balancing adherence to international law with practical considerations and geopolitical contexts. The article also explores the invocation of Article 99 of the UN Charter by UN Secretary-General Antonio Gutteres during the Gaza conflict, emphasizing the need for nuanced understanding in navigating contemporary conflicts. Additionally, it suggests reforms for the UN, such as expanding Security Council membership and reviewing veto powers, to enhance its relevance and effectiveness in promoting peace and justice globally. [Extracted from the article]