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UIDB/04666/2020 UIDP/04666/2020 This article aims to identify the existence of a laughter community in Portugal in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Based on research into the beginnings of humour in periodicals published in Portugal, a corpus consisting of newspapers published between 1797 and 1835 was analysed, from the first in which humour was used systematically as a resource (Almocreve de Petas) until the establishment of the Constitutional Monarchy. With the concept of laughter community in mind, evidence was sought that it was present in the period that covers the political, social and economic transition from the Ancien Régime to modern society, having as main players writers, editors, printers, readers and listeners, in a process of production, reception, circulation and appropriation of ideas and meanings. This process, which developed in the public sphere, also played a part in forming incipient public opinion. To detect evidence of this community, clichés, jocular expressions and comic stories conveyed by the periodicals were identified. Very often they were found to have kept the same meaning they had at the time, while some expressions have survived with slight changes, and others simply no longer make people laugh. publishersversion published

UIDB/04666/2020 UIDP/04666/2020 A crise que culminou na independência do Brasil foi tema de um longo debate no primeiro Parlamento português, eleito na sequência da Revolução de 1820. Esse debate foi alimentado pelos periódicos, incluindo os humorísticos. O riso, da ironia ao sarcasmo, foi instrumental para a formação de uma opinião pública ao serviço das estratégias em confronto. The crisis leading to the independence of Brazil was thoroughly debated in the first Portuguese Parliament, elected in the aftermath of the 1820 revolution. That debate was magnified by the press, including humorous periodicals. Laughter, from irony to sarcasm, was instrumental in constructing public opinion endorsing competing strategies. publishersversion published

International audience; William Robinson (1838-1935) was one of the most influential gardeners of the Victorian period. His publishing empire in particular can be considered as one of the strongest impetuses that fostered the self-definition of the British people as “a nation of gardeners”. Robinson’s journalistic work and editorial enterprises, rather than his landscape creations, have indeed contributed to the reinvention of a national tradition in the late 19th century by giving written and visual space – a voice and views – to an imagined community of gardeners. My presentation will demonstrate that garden periodicals in general, and William Robinson’s in particular, can be read as the primary locus through which a number of gardening practices, aesthetic forms and representations came to embody a national heritage. As such, gardening, gardens and landscapes emerged as an invaluable heritage to be preserved and protected.I will first explain how the diffusion of knowledge and its co-construction in gardening newspapers and magazines contributed to the creation of a sense of community among readers. I will then ponder over the notion of collective horticultural memory, which I suggest materialised in the pages of his publications, and I will explain the extent to which it appeared paradoxically attuned with modernity. Finally, I will analyse how the collection of this “garden lore” in the mass media partook in the national effort for preserving gardens and landscapes both as material, biological inheritance and cultural heritage.; William Robinson (1838-1935) est l’un des jardiniers les plus marquants de l’époque victorienne. Son empire éditorial, en particulier, peut être considéré comme l’un des facteurs ayant conduit les britanniques à s’auto-définir comme « une nation de jardiniers ». Son œuvre journalistique et ses entreprises éditoriales, bien davantage que ses créations paysagères, ont, en effet, contribué à la réinvention d’une tradition nationale dans la dernière partie du XIXe siècle en offrant un espace d’écriture et de mise en images – une voix au chapitre – à une communauté imaginée de jardiniers. Ma présentation montrera que la presse périodique dédiée au jardin, notamment celle de William Robinson, peut être lue comme le locus principal où un certain nombre de pratiques jardinières, de formes esthétiques et de représentations se rencontrent pour constituer un patrimoine national. Ainsi, le jardinage, les jardins et les paysages ont pu apparaître comme un patrimoine précieux à préserver ou à conserver.Nous expliquerons d’abord comment la diffusion du savoir et sa co-construction dans les journaux et magazines de jardinage ont contribué à la création d’un sentiment d’appartenance à une communauté chez les lecteurs. Nous nous pencherons ensuite sur la notion de mémoire horticole et hortésienne collective, qui se matérialise, selon nous, dans les pages de ces publications, et nous expliquerons dans quelle mesure celle-ci a pu être perçue comme répondant à une certaine modernité. Finalement, nous analyserons comment le recueil et la compilation de ce « garden lore » dans les médias de masse a participé à l’élan national de préservation des jardins et des paysages en tant qu’héritage matériel et biologique et patrimoine culturel.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the materials of the pre-revolutionary weekly journal “Studencheskii Byulleten' Kievskogo Kommercheskogo Instituta”, the issues of which became the source of our research. The publication was founded in 1913, the first issue was published on November 3. A weekly circulation was declared, but the “Byulleten'” was published irregularly, sometimes with breaks of many months. It was published by the “Society for Mutual Assistance of Students of the Kiev Commercial Institute”; the material was articles by teachers and students of the university, as well as attracted specialists. The journal pursued mainly educational and educational goals, informed about the scientific and educational activities of the Kiev Commercial Institute, and also served as a platform for scientific creativity of students.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the materials of the pre-revolutionary weekly journal “Studencheskii Byulleten' Kievskogo Kommercheskogo Instituta”, the issues of which became the source of our research. The publication was founded in 1913, the first issue was published on November 3. A weekly circulation was declared, but the “Byulleten'” was published irregularly, sometimes with breaks of many months. It was published by the “Society for Mutual Assistance of Students of the Kiev Commercial Institute”; the material was articles by teachers and students of the university, as well as attracted specialists. The journal pursued mainly educational and educational goals, informed about the scientific and educational activities of the Kiev Commercial Institute, and also served as a platform for scientific creativity of students.

The object of the research is historical narratives in the Lithuanian periodical press in the Lithuanian language from 1904 to 1944. The dissertation combines quantitative and qualitative methods of content analysis. The most prominent newspapers, journals, social and cultural magazines, and academic press of social sciences, and humanities are also included. Quantitative analysis reveals the most characteristic trends in the representation of Lithuanian and foreign history - the total number of historical publications, the distribution by topics, chronological periods, and the most frequently described personalities. The qualitative part of the research is aimed at analyzing what historical narratives dominated the periodical press of the four main worldview groups (social democrats, Popular Peasants', Catholics, and nationalists) and the regimes that occupied Lithuania during the First and Second world wars, what were the fundamental differences and similarities in their understanding of history, and to what extent they were related to the declared views of the political ideologies.

In September 1911, after the death of P.A. Stolypin, 54-year-old Alexander Alexandrovich Makarov became the new Minister of Internal Affairs. He was to take an active part in the attempt of the new government to establish relations with the parliament. In addition, elections to the State Duma were to be held in the approaching 1912, and their successful holding was also one of the tasks assigned to the new Minister of Internal Affairs. The tense domestic political situation demanded from Makarov not only a firm will and consistent actions, but also a certain political dexterity. In this situation, the image of the new Minister of Internal Affairs in public opinion was of particular importance, namely, what kind of reputation A.A. Makarov had in socio-political circles. In this regard, of particular interest is the story of Makarov's appointment to one of the key posts in the empire, accompanied by various publications in the press, assumptions and rumors, as well as reflected in the pages of memoirs of contemporaries., В сентябре 1911 года после гибели П.А. Столыпина новым министром внутренних дел стал 54-летний Александр Александрович Макаров. Ему предстояло принять деятельное участие в попытке нового правительства наладить отношения с парламентом. Кроме того, в приближающемся 1912 году должны были состояться выборы в Государственную думу, и их успешное проведение также было одной из задач, поставленных перед новым министром внутренних дел. Напряженная внутриполитическая ситуация требовала от Макарова не только твердой воли и последовательных действий, но и определенной политической ловкости. В этой ситуации особое значение имел образ нового министра внутренних дел в общественном мнении, а именно то, какую репутацию А.А. Макаров имел в общественно-политических кругах. В связи с этим, особый интерес представляет история назначения Макарова на один из ключевых постов в империи, сопровождавшаяся разного рода публикациями в печати, предположениями и слухами, а также нашедшая свое отражение на страницах воспоминаний современников. При этом, общественно-политические воспринимали это назначение вполне благосклонно., Человеческий капитал, Выпуск 2 (170) 2023, Pages 45-51

The article examines the terminology of Russian publicists who faced the popularization of Ukrainophile views in the domestic periodical press of the mid-XIX century. It was at this time that the heterogeneous Ukrainophile movement finds a noticeable social embodiment: from the creation of educational organizations (communities), to the registration of its own representation in the capital's print space (the magazine "Basis"). The immediate consequence of the weakening of censorship was the possibility of public discussion about the distinctive culture of the peoples inhabiting the outskirts of the Russian Empire. Unlike others, the discourse of Ukrainization included not only the glorification of provincial folklore, but also the formulation of the problem of the independence of the Little Russian dialect. Together with the aggravation of the national question in the Southwestern edge of the Russian Empire, formed as a result of the Polish uprising of 1863, Ukrainophile romantic aspirations caused a strong reaction of ideological opponents. It was at this time that conservative thinkers formed a pool of new concepts designed to streamline and explain the intensified Little Russian literary movement. However, not all historical names will be invented during mutual pickings of writers in "thick" magazines and in the tabloid press. For example, the most common and frequently used term "Ukrainophilism" was first used by the gendarmes of the III Department during interrogations in the case of the Cyril and Methodius Society in 1847. This circumstance imposes additional connotations of the concept, especially if we take into account the longevity of the term, which occupies a central place in the Presidential Decree of 1876. Other names used in relation to Ukrainian thinkers during the studied period do not lead to etymology from state structures, but demonstrate important emotional aspects in the perception of the Little Russian self. Special attention is paid to the comparison of ego documents, public texts and legal acts, thanks to which the range of meanings, scope and depth of the invented concepts are established., В статье исследуется терминология российских публицистов, столкнувшихся с популяризацией украинофильских взглядов в отечественной периодической печати середины XIX в. Именно в это время гетерогенное украинофильское движение находит заметное общественное воплощение: от создания просветительских организаций (громад), до оформления собственного представительства в столичном печатном пространстве (журнал «Основа»). Непосредственным следствием ослабления цензуры оказалась возможность публичного рассуждения о самобытной культуре народов, населяющих окраины Российской империи. В отличие от прочих дискурс украинизации включал в себя не только воспевание провинциального фольклора, но и постановку проблемы самостоятельности малорусского наречия. В совокупности с обострением национального вопроса на Юго-Западного крае Российской империи, образовавшегося вследствие польского восстания 1863 г., украинофильские романтические стремления вызвали сильную реакцию идеологических оппонентов. Именно в это время консервативные мыслители формируют пул новых понятий, призванных упорядочить и объяснить активизировавшееся малорусское литературное движение. Однако не все исторические названия будут изобретены в ходе обоюдных пикировок писателей в «толстых» журналах и в бульварной прессе. Например, наиболее общий и часто употребляемый термин «украинофильство» впервые применялся еще жандармами III Отделения на допросах по делу о Кирилло-Мефодиевском обществе в 1847 г. Данное обстоятельство накладывает дополнительные коннотации понятия, в особенности, если принять во внимание долгожительство термина, занимающего центральное место в Эмском указе 1876 г. Другие наименования, используемые в отношении украинских мыслителей в изучаемый период, не ведут этимологию из государственных структур, но демонстрируют важные эмоциональные аспекты в восприятии малорусской самости. Особое внимание в работе уделяется сопоставлению эго-документов, публичных текстов и правовых актов, благодаря которым устанавливается спектр значений, область применения и глубина изобретенных понятий., Вестник гуманитарного образования, Выпуск 4 (28) 2023, Pages 34-42

В статье рассматривается научно-исследовательская, педагогическая, общественно-политическая и государственная деятельность доктора исторических наук, профессора, заслуженного деятеля науки РФ, РСО-А и РЮО, почетного академика Академии наук Чеченской Республики и Республики Абхазия, почетного ректора ЮОГУ, первого Президента Республики Южная Осетия Л.А. Чибирова. Особое внимание уделено вкладу ученого в этнографическое кавказоведение., The article deals with the research, pedagogical, socio-political and state activities of the Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor, Honored Scientist of the Russian Federation, RSO-A and RSO, Honorary Academician of the Academy of Sciences of the Chechen Republic and the Republic of Abkhazia, Honorary Rector of the South Ossetian State University, the first President of the Republic of South Ossetia. Particular attention is paid to the contribution of L.A. Chibirov to ethnographic Caucasian studies., Вестник Академии наук Чеченской Республики, Выпуск 4 (59) 2023, Pages 118-122

Главным политическим событием осени 1912 года стали выборы в IVГосударственную думу. Министерство внутренних дел в целом справилось с организацией избирательного процесса, избежав крупных скандалов и выступлений. Более того, новый созыв народного представительства, казалось, был настроен на эффективное взаимодействие с правительством. В это же самое время в периодической печати все чаще стали появляться слухи о возможной отставке министра внутренних дел. Наибольшую интенсивность они приобрели в начале декабря 1912 года. В качестве причин указывались и кризисные явления в министерстве, и недовольство императора нерешительностью Макарова в ряде вопросов, а также и болезнь самого министра. В конечном итоге слухи сделали свое «дело» – отставка Макарова, о которой было объявлено 16 декабря 1912 года, не стала неожиданностью для общественно-политических кругов и была воспринята достаточно спокойно, что отразилось как в публикациях в периодической печати, так и в источниках личного происхождения., The main political event of the autumn of 1912 was the election to the IV State Duma. The Ministry of Internal Affairs generally coped with the organization of the electoral process, avoiding major scandals and speeches. Moreover, the new convocation of the People's representation seemed to be set up for effective interaction with the government. At the same time, rumors about the possible resignation of the Minister of Internal Affairs began to appear more and more often in the periodical press. They acquired the greatest intensity in early December 1912. The reasons given were crisis phenomena in the ministry, and the emperor's dissatisfaction with Makarov's indecision in a number of issues, as well as the illness of the minister himself. In the end, the rumors did their "job" – Makarov's resignation, which was announced on December 16, 1912, did not come as a surprise to the socio-political circles and was perceived quite calmly, which was reflected both in publications in the periodical press and in sources of personal origin., Человеческий капитал, Выпуск 7 (175) 2023, Pages 65-73

L’histoire récente du radicalisme britannique réserve aux idées des « radicaux philosophiques » utilitaristes une place marginale : plus que les cercles londoniens dans lesquels évoluent Bentham, les Mill et leurs proches, ce sont les différents courants du radicalisme populaire qui ont récemment retenu l’attention. Il existe pourtant de nombreux points de contact entre les cercles benthamiens et les mouvements réformateurs britanniques dans les décennies 1810 et 1820. Cet article s’appuie sur la correspondance connue de Bentham au cours de l’année 1820. Il montre que Bentham est une personnalité reconnue dans les cercles radicaux puis examine la lumière que jettent ses lettres sur les événements de l’année 1820. Deux thèmes permettent d’examiner de plus près ces liens : la liberté de la presse et les relations avec les révolutions libérales qui agitent cette année-là la péninsule ibérique. Le témoignage de Bentham éclaire aussi les dissensions à l’intérieur du mouvement radical. In recent works on political radicalism in the British Isles, the contribution of “philosophic radicalism” is only cursorily mentioned. Indeed, the focus of historiography has moved away from the Westminster circles in which Bentham, Mill and their friends were active and has paid increasing attention to popular movements. In the 1810s and 1820s however, contacts between Benthamites and radical reform groups were numerous. This article draws on Bentham’s collected correspondence for the year 1820. It first explains his position within radical circles in London, before looking at the events of that year under the lens of his letters. Two themes illustrate the close links between radical and utilitarian circles: the fight for the liberty of the press and a shared interest in the liberal revolutions in Spain and Portugal. Bentham’s testimony also highlights the divisions within radical movements.

The paper studies the specifics of censorship control over journalism in Tomsk province in the 19th–early 20th centuries revealed through studying censorship files of the Russian State Historical Archive and the State Archive of the Tomsk Region. The authors substantiate the relevance of the study, present a brief overview of the previous writings and sources, disclose the study stages, and provide general conclusions on the study. The specifics of journalistic censorship in Tomsk province, which serves as a provincial periodical press model in this study, include, first, its “lag” from the metropolitan censorship processes. The officials who exercised censorship in the provinces lacked high qualification; therefore, they were either unreasonably strict or overly liberal. The archive files contain evidence of constant disputes between editors and censors, as well as complaints regarding censorship procedures that were handled by the Chief Office of the Press. The situation improved with the appointment of a single censor in Tomsk. Thanks to his work, the process of cooperation with editorial boards was streamlined, and reports started to provide valuable details on circulation and the staff of Tomsk periodicals. Second, the censorship cases with respect to journalism in Tomsk province revealed the idea of Tomsk provincialism, which permeated the cultural environment of ante-revolutionary Siberia. This makes the study of archive files an important step in restoring a complete picture of the development of Siberian society and journalism.