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This paper analyzes the curtailment of constitutional rights arising from the implementation of emergency measures due to the COVID-19 pandemic in China's Hubei Province, which was not at all counterbalanced by introducing new forms of due constitutional protection. Likewise, high expectations cannot be set on pre-existing means of constitutional safeguards since the Chinese government clearly refused to establish new or different safeguarding procedures nor did it deem it necessary to establish ad hoc courts in order to tackle the COVID-19 pandemic. The paper is laid out as follows: (1) fundamental rights in a contemporary socialist state: an overview; (2) containment measures against COVID-19 and flexibility of constitutional right;. (3) the centrality of governing bodies and restrictions of constitutional rights; (4) territorial governance and centralization of containment measures against COVID-19; (5) between soft law and totalitarian propaganda; and (6) the ubiquity of the Communist Party of China and the "alignment" of judicial functions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU–China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI or the Agreement) is a politically win-win deal for the EU, driven by the urgency of addressing asymmetries of its investment relationship with China, and China, which wants to safeguard the EU's openness to its investors. Economically, however, the impact of its market and liberalization offers remains to be seen admit the increased geopolitical tension between the EU and China. Still, Section II of the principally agreed text of the CAI supports the case for rule-based investment liberalization, advocating a level playing field for investors, mainly EU investors in China. At the same time, given its predominant emphasis on market access for investment, the Agreement stands out amongst investment treaties that principally concentrate on investment protection. Similarly, it is unique among Chinese investment treaties that do not (firmly) provide for market access for investment, marking a further step in the EU's emergent investment treaty-making practice that focuses beyond investment protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista UNISCI is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In analyzing the worldwide consequences of the Russia-Ukraine war, it is necessary to consider the position of People's Republic of China. This results from three major factors. First, the aggressor state, the Russian Federation, has China as a strategic partner. Second, the ongoing armed conflict (which is actually also a confrontation between Russia and US/NATO) coincides with a period of increased rivalry between United States and China. And third, even if China wasn't Russia's strategic partner and Sino-American weren't so tense, it would have been impossible to ignore China's stance on the war. That is due to the fact that PRC is at present the second superpower and a strong candidate for international leadership. The articles aims to achieve the following research goals: 1) Identifying and explaining PRC's position on the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine. 2) Assessing the effects of the current war on China's international position. 3) Identifying the key factors that will determine the future course of PRC's policy towards the conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Archivum is the property of Universidad de Oviedo, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores how the breakup of Yugoslavia was interpreted, commented on, and used for internal and international political purposes in China, with a focus on the role played by key concepts such as "federalism" and "sovereignty" in consolidating the Chinese interpretation of those dramatic events, and ultimately in shaping the CCP's pro-Milošević stance in the dramatic unfolding of the conflict in Kosovo. In particular, the preoccupation with separatism and international humanitarian intervention, and the interpretation of the Yugoslav dissolution as a federal failure by the Chinese elite, help link the global event (the collapse of the Balkan political order) to the local Chinese debate on centralization and decentralization, an issue that had been polarizing the CCP since the launch of the "reform and opening" agenda by Deng Xiaoping at the end of the 1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Wschodnioznawstwo is the property of Jagiellonian University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Wschodnioznawstwo is the property of Jagiellonian University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper intends to evaluate some elements that make up the worldview of contemporary China. To do this, these factors are dealt with (among others): the positioning that China assumes and wants to assume on the planet, and the ensemble of geopolitical theories that derive from it; and the conception of politics with respect to centralization / decentralization issues. In addition to this, the role of the economic (and geoeconomic) vision of contemporary China is also highlighted, in particular in relation to the thoughts of Xi Jinping expressed in 2017 at the Davos Forum. It becomes important to understand, in this sense, the idea of globalization and multipolarity that China extends, as a guiding principle, to its foreign policy. This is because it is based on cultural roots of distant ancestry. Through these interrelated interpretative levels, it is possible to understand the function that China plays within the contemporary world and its contribution of ideas and visions.

Until now, mainly traditional infrastructure projects have been implemented under the auspices of the Chinese Belt and Road. However, more and more often one can hear about its next component, i.e. the Digital Silk Road (DSR). In this way, China is expanding its “technospheres” - geographic areas where it is building its edge in terms of data and information gathering. These technospheres directly supply China with this most valuable commodity - the so-called “New oil” or data. PRC activities of this type translate into various regions of the world - including Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), including the Balkan countries. The research objective of the article is to analyze the assumptions of the digital component of the Belt and Road initiative in the selected Balkan country, i.e. in Serbia. It is also important to examine China’s strategy and measures towards that country. The author will try to answer the following research questions: (1) What is the Digital Silk Road?, (2) What opportunities and threats result from its implementation?, (3) How the CEE region, and the Balkan countries in particular, approach the cooperation offered by the PRC?, (4) What is the US Clean Web Initiative, and (5) What is Serbia’s reaction to digital propositions made by the PRC? The conducted analysis will allow for the definition of the mechanisms of operation of the RDI initiative, in particular its digital component in the Balkans, as well as it will be useful in research on the broader context of China’s foreign policy. The article uses the analysis of existing data (desk research).

AbstractWith the spread of communication technologies in recent years and their growing influence on everyday life, social networks have grown to play a vital role, especially in public diplomacy and cyber diplomacy. Among these networks, Twitter has emerged as a pivotal platform, featuring its own unique set of dynamics and advantages as a public diplomacy tool. This study aims to evaluate the performance of two accounts on Twitter, namely, the Chinese Ambassador in Tehran and the Persian Account of the US State Department, toward the Islamic Republic of Iran, via two defined indicators, namely, network proximity and networking capacity. The research investigates these indicators to analyze and compare the accounts' engagement in interactions and networking on Twitter. The findings of this study demonstrate that in terms of the specified indicators, the account of the Chinese Ambassador in Tehran has outperformed the Persian Account of the US State Department. IntroductionRecent advances and developments in communication technologies have facilitated the integration of social networks into daily life. The use of these platforms has grown extensively in the domain of public diplomacy and cyber diplomacy. Among others, Twitter has emerged as a significant platform for conducting public diplomacy. This study assesses and contrasts the effectiveness of two user accounts, namely, the Chinese Embassy's account in Tehran and the Persian Account of the US State Department regarding the Islamic Republic of Iran. Materials and MethodsFor this research, relevant data regarding the chosen Twitter accounts were obtained and assessed via quantitative and qualitative methodology. The parameters used to analyze proximity to the horizontal network structure include tweets, retweets, mentions, and replies, generated by the Chinese Ambassador's account in Tehran and the Persian Account of the US State Department. Both user accounts were scrutinized for their retweet and reply activities, with the subsequent comparisons. In addition to contrasting the numbers of retweets from official governmental sources and responses to users, an effort was made to gain holistic insights by conducting a thorough exploration of the retweet sources and the recipients of responses. To probe the application of Twitter's networking capacity and user engagement, the retweets and mentions from the Chinese Ambassador's account in Tehran and the Persian Account of the US State Department were assessed and compared utilizing the obtained dataset. In this exploration, the retweet sources and mentioned users of the accounts were identified. If necessary, the content was perused to fathom the manner in which the user accounts employed the retweet and mention capabilities to advance their networking interests. Discussion and ResultsThe conducted probes were dissected into two phases. The first phase focused on identifying and analyzing the sources used for retweeting, uncovering significant disparities between the two user accounts in terms of utilizing domestic and international sources. The second phase delved into examining the inclination of the accounts towards engaging in two-way communication with users by responding to their queries. In contrast to the U.S. Department of State's Persian Twitter account, the Chinese Ambassador's account in Tehran showed a more distinguished performance in leveraging this functionality, in terms of both the volume and quality of replies. The scope of utilizing Twitter's networking features was examined via an investigation of retweeting, replying, and mentioning practices. Regarding networking through retweeting, it was determined that the Chinese Ambassador's Twitter account in Tehran endeavored to leverage this feature for expanding relationships from in-person to online realms. In contrast, the US Department of State's Persian Twitter account, in this regard, occasionally engaged with opposition media outlets but refrained from creating an intimate network with this faction. Regarding the employment of replies and mentions for networking, the focal point of the research was on interaction with eminent Iranian elites and notable figures. The Chinese Ambassador's Twitter account in Tehran was found to have outdone the performance of the US Department of State's Persian Twitter account, with reference to both the volume and quality of such engagement, notably through utilizing the replies and mentions features. ConclusionsUpon analyzing the findings, it was discerned that the US Department of State's Twitter account in Farsi exhibited lesser inclinations toward conservatism and vertical power expression compared to the Chinese Ambassador's account in Tehran. On the other hand, the ability of the Chinese Ambassador's Twitter account in Tehran to effectively utilize Twitter's networking capacities, especially through the mechanism of replies for fostering two-way communication, has been far superior to that of the US Department of State's Persian Twitter account. In short, the Chinese Ambassador's account in Tehran displayed superior performance in embracing Twitter's social networking capacity.

This article focuses on IOM and its place in global migration governance. China’s and Russia’s memberships were considered overdue, considering the relevance of both countries for the global migration system and their respective weight on the international stage. We aim to contribute to advancing research on IOM as an organization of increasing global relevance and on its engagement with member states, moving beyond the “usual” focus on the European Union (EU) member states, African, North American, and South American immigration and sending countries. Our analysis draws upon recent research, which conceptualizes intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) as “world organizations” and which we fi nd interesting and applicable to our empirical inquiry and discussion of IOM. We regard IOM as a “world organization” that could be examined along four interrelated components: (1) its “internal world” (e.g., establishment, relations with states, internal decisions); (2) its self-image and self-reference as an organization integrated into and referring to world society, hence as the “world of migration governance”; (3) its external relations, integration into wider environments, and responses to external events; and (4) its contribution to the world order, i.e., global migration governance. Our analysis shows that due to its new status as a related organization of the UN, its leading role in the Global Compact on Migration, and China and Russia becoming its new members, IOM will likely play an increasingly signifi cant role in global migration governance. The main reason for this is the need to reactivate the existing modes of migration governance and adapt them to a drastically changed global political and migration-related situation following the COVID-19 pandemic. Prior to their memberships in IOM, China and Russia have already been able to benefi t from the IOM assistance. Provided that both countries continue to engage with IOM and provide more substantial funding to it, IOM’s assistance to both China and Russia could be expanded. Meanwhile, both countries may take a position, which would allow them to exert a more signifi cant infl uence on IOM and global migration governance.

Abstract Background With the recent certification by World Health Organization that the People’s Republic of China is malaria-free, it is timely to consider how elimination of malaria was completed in People’s Republic of China over the last 7 decades. Of the four widespread species of human malaria, Plasmodium vivax was the last to be eliminated by the national program of China. Understanding the incubation periods and relapses patterns of P. vivax through historical data from China is relevant for planning disease elimination in other malaria-endemic countries, with residual P. vivax malaria. Methods We collated data from both published and unpublished malaria parasite inoculation experiments conducted between 1979 and 1988 with parasites from different regions of the People’s Republic of China. The studies had at least two years of follow-up. We categorized P. vivax incubation patterns via cluster analysis and investigated relapse studies by adapting a published within-host relapse model for P. vivax temperate phenotypes. Each model was fitted using the expectation-maximization (EM) algorithm initialized by hierarchical model-based agglomerative clustering. Results P. vivax parasites from the seven studies of five southern and central provinces in the People’s Republic of China covering geographies ranging from the south temperate to north tropical zones. The parasites belonged to two distinct phenotypes: short- (10–19 days) or long-incubation (228–371 days). The larger the sporozoite inoculation, the more likely short incubation periods were observed, and with more subsequent relapses (Spearman’s rank correlation between the number of inoculated sporozoites and the number of relapses of 0.51, p-value = 0.0043). The median of the posterior distribution for the duration of the first relapse interval after primary infection was 168.5 days (2.5% quantile: 89.7; 97.5% quantile: 227.69 days). The predicted survival proportions from the within-host model fit well to the original relapse data. The within-host model also captures the hypnozoite activation rates and relapse frequencies, which consequently influences the transmission possibility of P. vivax. Conclusions Through a within-host model, we demonstrate the importance of clearance of hypnozoites. A strategy of two rounds of radical hypnozoite clearance via mass drug administration (MDA) deployed during transmission (summer and autumn) and non-transmission (late spring) seasons had a pronounced effect on outbreaks during the malaria epidemics in China. This understanding can inform malaria control strategies in other endemic countries with similar settings.

The international system, as it has been so many times, today, is undergoing a restructuring process once again. The Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China, which are among the great states of world politics, have the capacity to influence the restructuring process of the system at both rhetorical and action levels. Although the alliance value of the institutionalized relations developed at the leadership level has not been confirmed by any agreement, the leaders of both countries emphasize that this cooperation is at the highest level and is very valuable. Although there are many common points that bring RF and China together, the discourse of multipolarity stands out as the most inclusive and systemic one. The article argues that the bilateral relations that developed between the RF and China, especially in the post-Cold War period, constitute a 'power center', that this power center affects the construction of the international system and exhibits a sub-system characteristic despite various weak points of the relations between the parties. In the study, the construction of multipolarity as the claim of Russia and China will be examined and the validity of these claims will be tried to be tested within the framework of subsystem analysis. At this point, subsystem analysis will be used as the scale of polarization tendency. The study will be dealt with at the regional subsystem level and will focus on the axis of Russia-China relations as a unit of analysis. The research question of this study is whether the multipolarity claim developed by Russia and China collectively has practical value. The main argument of the study is that the relations between Russia and China created their own hinterlands and increased the multicenter appearance of the system with the 'power center' they built. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding the spatial distribution of schistosome infection is critical for tailoring preventive measures to control and eliminate schistosomiasis. This study used spatial analysis to determine risk factors that may impact Schistosoma japonicum infection and predict risk in Hunan and Jiangxi Provinces in the People's Republic of China. The study employed survey data collected in Hunan and Jiangxi in 2016. Independent variable data were obtained from publicly available sources. Bayesian-based geostatistics was used to build models with covariate fixed effects and spatial random effects to identify factors associated with the spatial distribution of infection. Prevalence of schistosomiasis was higher in Hunan (12.8%) than Jiangxi (2.6%). Spatial distribution of schistosomiasis varied at pixel level (0.1 × 0.1 km), and was significantly associated with distance to nearest waterbody (km, β = −1.158; 95% credible interval [CrI]: −2.104, −0.116) in Hunan and temperature (°C, β = −4.359; 95% CrI: −9.641, −0.055) in Jiangxi. The spatial distribution of schistosomiasis in Hunan and Jiangxi varied substantially and was significantly associated with distance to nearest waterbody. Prevalence of schistosomiasis decreased with increasing distance to nearest waterbody in Hunan, indicating that schistosomiasis control should target individuals in close proximity to open water sources as they are at highest risk of infection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely acknowledged that the 10-year World Bank Loan Project (WBLP) on schistosomiasis control in the People's Republic of China played an important role in raising the public and political profile of schistosomiasis, particularly regarding its prevention, control, and elimination. The WBLP adopted large-scale administration of praziquantel as the main control measure. At the end of the 10-year project in 2001, data from high-, medium-, and low-endemic areas suggested that the infection rates of both humans and domestic animals had fallen to the expected levels. However, major floods in the Yangtze River basin, coupled with reduced funding for schistosomiasis control, resulted in a rebound of the disease in endemic areas. Since 2005, a steady decline in infection rates was observed and it was hypothesized that the experiences and technological advances accumulated during the WBLP played a role. Nonetheless, relatively little is known about the long-term effects of the WBLP on schistosomiasis, particularly management mechanisms, technological innovations, epidemiological changes, and long-term economic impact. To fill these gaps, we systematically searched the literature for articles in English and Chinese on the WBLP on schistosomiasis from 1 January 1992 to 30 July 2022. Relevant studies were analyzed for short-, mid-, and long-term epidemiological and economic effects of the WBLP on schistosomiasis prevention, control, and elimination. Overall, 81 articles met our inclusion criteria, of which 17 were related to management mechanism reform, 20 pertained to technological innovation, and 44 examined epidemiological changes and economic effects. Most papers documented the WBLP as a positive contribution to schistosomiasis prevention and control in the People's Republic of China. Regarding the long-term effects, there was a significant contribution to the national schistosomiasis control and elimination programme in terms of renewed management mechanisms, talent development, and technological innovation. In conclusion, the WBLP contributed to enhanced control of schistosomiasis and shaped the ultimate response towards schistosomiasis elimination in the People's Republic of China. Experiences and lessons learned might guide schistosomiasis control and elimination elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article highlights some aspects of the functioning of the political regime of the modern People’s Republic of China. The party system is considered, in particular the status of minor political parties, the conditions of activity of public organizations. It turned out that all of them function under the close supervision of the government and the ruling Communist Party. The article also focuses on ensuring human rights and freedom of speech in China. It was revealed that the country has a system of informational control over the activities of mass media and the Internet and there are a number of significant problems with human rights. There are also various public protests, some of which, regarding attacks on the authority of the CCP and the government, are suppressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While most scholarship on Chinese television focuses on the medium's development after the reform of the industry in the mid-1990s, the 1980s were a period in which different visions for Chinese television were hotly contested. This paper argues for the importance of this moment by examining the theorization of television in Contemporary Television, a publication launched in 1987 as China's first journal of television aesthetics, and the attempt to achieve a breakthrough in television storytelling in the program Triumphant Return at Midnight (1986). Contributors to Contemporary Television proposed that the essence of the medium was a liveness that linked it to modernity and a small screen that placed it within the private individual home. They advocated for combining television's inherent popular appeal with ambitious individual artistic visions. This synthesis seemed to be achieved in Triumphant Return, which was both popular with viewers and praised by critics for its 'epic' feel, but the production process for Triumphant Return proved both too inefficient for the Chinese television industry. Examining Chinese television and television aesthetics before the introduction of large-scale private funding reveals a surprising convergence in the evolution of socialist and capitalist television industries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Social Sciences Research / Sosyal Bilimler Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of ODU Journal of Social Sciences Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Value-added taxation is a multidimensional theoretical, fiscal and legal structure. It also serves as a tool for the practical transformation of political, legal and socio-economic relations. The objective of the research is to study new concepts of value-added taxation formed in the two largest BRICS economies (the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of India). The assumption is that not only “European” model of the legal regulation of VAT can be successful, but alternatively “Chinese” and “Indian models.” The author examines and evaluates changes in the legal structure of value added tax in general, and its elements focusing on the current stage of legal regulation of national systems of VAT (GST) in China and India. In addition, the political, legal, social and economic effects of the legal mechanism of VAT (GST) in China and India from 2017 to 2020 are demonstrated.

Biological disasters in farmland have become a serious threat to global sustainability. Quantitative studies on spatiotemporal change in regional intensity of biological disasters in farmland (RIBDF) are crucial for promoting sustainable intensification of farmland use and global food security. Many studies have revealed the impacts of natural environment on biological disasters in farmland. However, research on the impacts of farmers' activities on biological disasters remains very limited from the perspective of induced substitution in agricultural production. Based on the principle of induced substitution in agricultural production, a theoretical framework for the impacts of farmland use intensity (FUI), the occurrence intensity of biological disasters (OIBD), the natural loss intensity resulting from biological disasters (NLIBD), and the actual loss intensity controlled by human activities (ALIBD) on change in RIBDF was presented, and we therefore established an assessment model integrating these four key indices in this study. Taking Guangdong Province in China as the study area, this study analyzed the spatiotemporal changes in RIBDF from 1996 to 2017 and found that RIBDF increased overall with three change stages of slow growth, rapid growth, and decline at the provincial and regional levels. Moreover, the gravity center of RIBDF appeared to shift towards the coastal region in southwestern Guangdong at a speed of 18.20 km per year. The results reveal that the spatiotemporal change in RIBDF is determined by the key influencing factors including the substitution of chemical fertilizers for farmland and crop substitution. These findings suggest that it is necessary to expand the scale of farmland management and to encourage farmers to implement diversified cropping as well as chemical fertilizers reduction. The foremost contribution of this study is its exploration of an understanding of the linkage between farmland use activities characterized as induced substitution in agricultural production and biological disasters. Moreover, policy implications for sustainable intensification of farmland use were discussed based on these findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses legal archives from Liangshan 梁山 county, Shandong, to explore the ambiguous position of rural markets in China during the Great Leap Forward campaign (1958–1962). These testimonies, though sparse, show that negotiations at a local, indeed personal, level underpinned the symbiosis between the "second economy" of illicit trade and the party-state's putatively socialist political economy. Liangshan's gray market bridged the gap between the party-state's Sputnik promises and catastrophic realities, contributing twofold to the party-state's political survival. First, illicit commerce helped famine survivors, including local cadres, obtain desperately needed sustenance; these cadres' support of trading villagers despite top-down restrictions on such transactions likely helped them retain local moral authority after the Leap. Second, the intermittent formal prosecution of "profiteers" in the ritualized space of the county courtroom projected justice, stability, and coercive power, which also contributed to the party's continuing hold on authority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Selcuk Law Review / Selçuk Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Selcuk Law Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

China, as an economic power, pursues major strategic plans such as diversification of exports, the high-tech manufacturing, and developing trade routes around the world. Also, China recently has heavily invested in security and military strength to deal with terrorism, separatist movements, territorial disputes with East Asian neighbors, as well as securing trade routes and international corridors, especially those identified in the massive One Belt-One Road initiative. However, China seeks different kinds of international cooperation through milirary diplomacy to avoid a possible security dilemma. This research investigates the impact of China's military diplomacy on its foreign policy? This article seeks to examine China's military diplomacy and its role in the country's foreign policy. Findings show that military diplomacy will increase the country's ability to pursue national interest, develop its security environment, create a positive image, and expand operational geography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents three different sites of taijiquan practice in the People's Republic of China, where this traditional practice is organized by state institutions. This introduces new representations and norms related to modern ideas of sport as well as of national culture. By observing taijiquan practices in institutionally diverse settings, this paper explores the dynamic process by which Chinese state institutions and practitioners articulate specific understandings of traditional culture with a certain idea of national governance and the modernization of society. While institutions rely on taijiquan body technics and theoretical elements to promote an orthodox traditional cultural landscape, practitioners also actively articulate traditional values and modes of socialization when taking part in institutional activities. Throughout the discussion of the three ethnographic case studies, this paper reflects on the ways that the broad idea of Traditional Culture is accommodated by various social actors in today's People Republic of China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates 'newspaper reading groups' (dubaozu) in the People's Republic of China (PRC) from 1951–1955, and how these groups reflected the daily practice, possibilities, and limits of a particular news culture in China under high socialism. As local newspaper reading group leaders translated national and provincial news into locally intelligible form, they were encouraged to combat boredom among audiences by choosing sensational news stories and transmitting this news in an entertaining fashion, adding music, song, and storytelling methods to embellish the 'dead' text of the newspaper at hand. By researching the particular methods of the newspaper reading group, this paper revisits the role of emotion in creating political meaning among audiences in what has been deemed one of the most propaganda-oriented societies of the twentieth century, encouraging a reassessment of how propaganda systems function not only in Chinese contexts but also among low-literacy communities the world over. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Peste des petits ruminants (PPR) is a viral transboundary disease seen in small ruminants, that causes significant damage to agriculture. This disease has not been previously registered in the Republic of Kazakhstan (RK). This paper presents an assessment of the susceptibility of the RK's territory to the spread of the disease in the event of its importation from infected countries. The negative binomial regression model that was trained on the PPR outbreaks in China, was used to rank municipal districts in the RK in terms of PPR spread risk. The outbreak count per administrative district was used as a risk indicator, while a number of socio‐economic, landscape, and climatic factors were considered as explanatory variables. Summary road length, altitude, the density of small ruminants, the maximum green vegetation fraction, cattle density, and the Engel coefficient were the most significant factors. The model demonstrated a good performance in training data (R2 = 0.69), and was transferred to the RK, suggesting a significantly lower susceptibility of this country to the spread of PPR. Hot spot analysis identified three clusters of districts at the highest risk, located in the western, eastern, and southern parts of Kazakhstan. As part of the study, a countrywide survey was conducted to collect data on the distribution of livestock populations, which resulted in the compilation of a complete geo‐database of small ruminant holdings in the RK. The research results may be used to formulate a national strategy for preventing the importation and spread of PPR in Kazakhstan through targeted monitoring in high‐risk areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 1950s and early 1960s, Chinese communist trade officials used commercial marketing not just to spur trade with foreign capitalists, but also to redefine China's national identity in the eyes of companies, consumers, and governments outside the socialist bloc. Chinese officials sought to unmake the perception of China as a backward, 'semi-colonial' state and to write a narrative of China as a modern, postcolonial member of the postwar international commercial order. This article examines two persistent themes that emerged within 'new' China's commercial narrative of itself. First, Chinese officials developed a story of solidarity with decolonizing states based on the theme of shared oppression at the hands of imperialist aggressors. Second, Chinese officials used commercial marketing to call for open and inclusive trade, regardless of differences in domestic political systems or ideology. By doing so, these officials wrested 'free trade' for China's own use as a cudgel for attacking U.S. sanctions and as a device for framing 'new' China as a champion of trade rights for postcolonial states. Both themes reveal how China sought to redefine its image in the eyes of diverse audiences outside the socialist bloc through international commerce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The newly revised Sports Law in China, which was adopted by the Standing Committee of the 13th National People's Congress on June 24, 2022 and will be implemented on January 1, 2023, is a comprehensive and thorough revision of the previous Sports Law. The new Sports Law has determined the principle of taking the people as the center, and added provisions on the connotation and protection of sports rights, the development of sports industry, opposition to the use of doping, sports arbitration system, sports supervision and administration, and the protection of sports mark rights and intangible assets and so on, which will play an important role in regulating and guiding the development of sports in China. At the same time, the implementation of the new Sports Law will also face the problems of unbalanced and insufficient sports development, difficulties in coordination between relevant departments, and relevant supporting mechanisms and legislation need to be improved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article examines the reasons for creating a new trilateral security partnership between Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States (AUKUS) and predicts the impact of AUKUS on international security. The strategic political and defense documents of the AUKUS states regarding their policies in the Indo-Pacific region are analyzed. China's policy in the Asia-Pacific region is also analyzed. It has been established that the Indo-Pacific region plays an important role both for the AUKUS states and for the whole world. During the remarks on the creation of AUKUS, the leaders of the states of the new trilateral partnership did not mention China, emphasizing the need to maintain security and stability in the Indo-Pacific region. However, the reason for creating AUKUS is the aggressive policy of the People's Republic of China in the region, which ranges from economic coercion to direct threats to use force against Taiwan. The main areas of cooperation identified by AUKUS will enhance the defense capabilities of each of the three states. A key project of AUKUS -- to deliver a nuclear-powered submarine fleet for Australia is an important tool for deterring China and maintaining a balance of power in the Indo-Pacific region. The article predicts that the creation of AUKUS will have a positive impact on security in the Indo-Pacific region and international security in general. This partnership will not create geopolitical tension and will not lead to an arms race in the region. China, even before the creation of AUKUS, carried out the militarization of the Indo-Pacific region and rejected the involvement of international organizations in resolving disputes with neighboring states, interpreting all disputes in its favor. Will not undermine the creation of AUKUS and the unity of NATO due to the cancellation by Australia of the contract with France for the construction of diesel submarines. The financial dispute with French submarine maker has been settled, and defense cooperation between the two states is being strengthened. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the panorama of international migration statistics, there is a progressive growth of registrations of Italian citizens residing abroad. In particular, the steady increase in consular registrations based in the People's Republic of China is striking. The expression "new emigrations" is an increasingly recurrent among scholars to highlight the quantitative and qualitative changes that have characterised Italian emigration abroad in recent years. The choice to emigrate depends on many factors, the very definition of new emigration calls into question aspects of the debate that imply a careful evaluation of the different components that characterize its profile. Which dimensions, above others, act on the choice to emigrate? Which aspects characterize the profile of Italians who decide to undertake an emigration experience in the People's Republic of China, albeit temporary? New Italian migration in Shanghai is a Skilled Migration? In this article, we will focus on some results of a qualitative research conducted on the new Italian emigration to China1. More precisely, in the following pages we try to bring out which dimensions act in the choice to emigrate and which aspects characterize the profile of Italians who decide to emigrate to Shanghai. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]