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Subjects were given an opportunity to aggress using a Buss machine either immediately or 30 minutes after competing or cooperating on a task in a crowded or uncrowded situation. It was found that for subjects who were allowed to aggress immediately, crowding reduced aggression under the competitive set but had no effect under the cooperative set. This effect of crowding was not found with the delay subjects. The results of this study are consistent with the findings of other studies that social withdrawal rather than aggression may occur in response to aversively dense conditions. The lack of crowding effect after a 30-minute delay suggests that the effect of the laboratory crowding experience is transient in nature and best generalized to short-term crowding experiences such as those encountered on elevators and buses.

Subjects performed a complex maze task in mixed-sex groups of four under noisy and crowded conditions. Subjects were given information leading them to attribute any anxiety or discomfort experienced to either the crowded conditions, the noise, or both crowding and noise, or they were given no such information. Control groups worked the task under uncrowded, quiet conditions and with no information. Subjects given either crowding or noise information performed better on the maze task than subjects who were given both crowding and noise information or no information. The performance of the control group subjects was similar to that of the crowding information and the noise information groups. The results of the study suggest that any reasonable information about the specific source of arousal in a crowded setting (whether the source is social or nonsocial) will reduce the negative impact of being crowded. The implications of these findings for current theories of crowding that emphasize attribution or perce...

Sixty male and 60 female subjects previously classified as high and low on a residential crowding experience scale participated in an experiment involving a 2 × 3 × 2 × 2 (density, noise, crowding experience, gender) factorial design. The research was undertaken primarily to determine the influence of previous residential crowding experience as tapped by the Crowding Experience Scale (CES) on reactivity to the environmental stressors of noise and crowding. The results indicated that exposure to environmental stressors produced a deleterious effect on complex task performance and generated negative affect in the respondents. Interestingly, respondents who had reported high levels of experience with crowding showed relatively more crowding tolerance by performing significantly better on cognitively complex tasks (complex anagrams and story comprehension) and exhibiting more positive affect in conditions of high density as compared to low experience of crowding respondents. Reactions to noise were not influenced by crowding experience. Thus, prior experience of crowding as measured by the CES appears to influence reactivity to density in other settings.

Inmates at a federal correctional institution were examined for their criterion of what constitutes overcrowding. In general, inmates who were housed under highly crowded conditions exhibited less tolerance of overcrowding than did those who were housed under relatively less crowded conditions. Higher crowding also yielded more negative affective responses to the physical environment. This relationship existed only with respect to a social-density measure of crowding and not for a spatial-density measure.

The effects of reduced enrollment were studied by examining two architecturally identical schools. One school experienced a 43% reduction in enrollment while the other's enrollment remained constant. Reduction in enrollment had a number of positive benefits, including improved attitudes about the school environment and reduced faculty absenteeism. Findings regarding academic performance were less clear.

The effects of crowding were examined in a prison system. Emphasis was directed toward three factors—social density (number of individuals in sleeping quarters), spatial density (space per person), and overall institutional population level. Archival data indicated that in prisons higher population years yielded higher death rates and higher rates of psychiatric commitments. Blood pressure measures were analyzed for inmates living in three types of housing that differed in degree of spatial and social density. Blood pressure was higher in more crowded housing. The degree of perceived crowding was more strongly related to space per person than number of occupants per housing unit.

After initially practicing a gymnastic routine in the presence of 17 coactors and casual spectators, 45 students in a gymnastic class were asked to perform the routine either alone or in the presence of 17 spectators from another class. One group of students who performed in front of spectators was given a prior warning of the impending spectator observation, while another group was given no such warning. Although subjects in all three conditions tended to perform more poorly during the second session, in the two spectator conditions the more highly skilled subjects showed greater decrements in performance than the relatively less skilled subjects. This effect was greater in the warning condition than in the no warning condition. The results of this study support both an anticipated evaluation of audience effects (cf. Cottrell, 4) and the Broen and Storms (2) modification of Hull-Spence theory.

Research on coaction has concentrated on the arousal-inducing properties of others while practically ignoring the possibility that others may be a source of arousal reduction. The results of the present study support the notion that other coactors can be a source of arousal reduction as well as induction, as reflected in their performance on novel tasks. One experiment varied group size (two or four) and instructional set (competition or cooperation), while a second experiment varied proximity (close or far) and instructional set (competition or cooperation). In both experiments, a significant interaction was obtained. In the first experiment, subjects in the cooperative condition performed better in groups of four than in groups of two, while the reverse was obtained in the competitive condition. In the second experiment, subjects in the cooperative condition performed better when seated close as opposed to far apart, while opposite results were obtained in the competitive condition. Past research has demonstrated that an individual's task performance can be affected by the mere presence of others (see Cottrell, 1972, for a review). This research has involved the use of two paradigms, audience and coaction. In the audience paradigm, individuals perform a task in the presence of observers, while in the coaction paradigm a group of individuals concurrently and individually perform an identical task. Zajonc (1965) has argued that the mere presence of others increases an individual's general level of arousal which in turn increases the tendency to emit dominant responses. If the dominant responses are correct (as is presumably the case for well-learned tasks), heightened arousal results in improved performance by an individual, while if the dominant responses are incorrect (as is presumably the case for tasks that are not well-learned), arousal results in impaired performance.

Illness complaint rates were examined in relation to degree of crowding in a federal prison and a county jail. It was found that dorm inmates in the prison had higher complaint rates than those in single cells. In the jail inmates in units of high spatial and social density had higher complaint rates than those in less crowded units. These findings suggest that crowding in prisons may induce psychological stress which can be reflected in an increased level of illness complaints.

The present study assessed the impact of audience size (0, 2, or 6) and expertness level (expert present/absent) on 30 high and low speech-anxious subjects while they were giving a speech. Anxiety level was measured via self-reported nervousness, physiological change (heart rate and skin conductance), and overt motor behavior. It was found that while high speech-anxious subjects were relatively more anxious and depressed after speaking before a larger audience, low speech-anxious subjects were relatively less anxious and depressed before a larger audience. In addition, when given a choice, high anxious subjects reported a general preference for speaking alone while the low anxious subjects preferred having three or more people present. However, both groups showed similar physiological increases during preparation for speaking and during the actual speaking episode. These data are interpreted as evidence for a possible "exhibitionistic" effect in low anxious subjects, and are further interpreted in light o...

The effect of housing density was examined in three different jails. High levels of density were associated with various negative psychological reactions. Social density (number of people in a housing unit) was a more important predictor of these effects than spatial density (space per person). Housing type did not affect illness complaint rate but some evidence was obtained for elevated blood pressure in highly dense housing when inmates were confined for large parts of the day. These results were related to previous research on crowding in prisons and other environments.

A prison setting was used to examine self-report and biochemical evidence of architecturally mediated crowding stress. Further, the relationship among illness complaints, perceived crowding, and urinary catecholamines was explored. Inmates of a federal corrections institution provided urine samples assayed for epinephrine and norepinephrine, and they supplied self-report data on their perceptions of crowding. Infirmary records were reviewed for each inmate's health history. Inmates resided in one of three housing types that varied in degree to which privacy and crowding were afforded. Housing type with the lowest social density was a private cell, while open dormitories had the highest. An intermediate level of social density was represented by inmates in partitioned dormitories or cubicles. Lower levels of social density were expected to be associated with lower perceived crowding, lower levels of urinary catecholamines, and fewer health complaints. Across all inmates, perceived crowding was positively correlated with levels of urinary catecholamines. Single cell inmates reported less crowding and exhibited lower levels of urinary catecholamines than

The effect of density on task performance was examined under three different conditions which varied whether subjects' performance was measured early or late in the crowding experiment. An effect of density on task performance was obtained only when performance was assessed immediately. This result may explain the failure of many studies to find density effects on task performance.

Subjects performed a noise escape task after observing a model's successful or unsuccessful performance of this task. Relative to a control group, the successful model observers performed more poorly on the noise escape task while the unsuccessful model observers showed enhanced performance. The results were interpreted in terms of a comparison level analysis and were related to research on learned helplessness.

tions. The theoretical implications of these results are discussed. Prior to the studies by Wyer and Bednar (1967) and Wyer (1968), no studies had examined the relationship between prior success and failure on the subsequent tendency to persevere on a task. The Wyer studies indicated that previous failure on a difficult task led to more perseverance than success, while previous success on an easy task led to more perseverance than prior failure. These results are exactly opposite to the predictions derived from Atkinson's (1957) theory of achievement motivacion, but they are consistent with interpretation in terms of exchange theory (cf. Wyer, 1968). This latter interpretation deals explicitly with persistence to completion of a task once individuals have begun a task, while Atkinson's theory deals with both completion of tasks and selection of tasks. It is possible that the results predicted by Atkinson's theory may occur in a situation in which an individual is given an explicit option of continuing on the same or a new task after an experience of success or failure (selection of task). This prediction can be derived from Atkinson's theory for individuals whose motivation to achieve is grater than their tendency to avoid failure. For such individuals the incentive value of success and its probability are inversely related. Their over-all motivation to perform a particular task is hypothesized to be a multiplicative function of the probability of success on that task and the incentive value of such success. This reasoning leads to the conclusion that

Four studies are reported on the degree of confusion between the acquiescence and category width response-styles. In two of the studies, the type and the meaning of the response modes for reporting category widths were manipulated in an attempt to enhance confusion due to acquiescence. It was generally found that acquiescence did not significantly affect category width. In three of the studies, correlations between acquiescence and category-width. In three of the studies, correclations between styles. From the bulk of the correlations, it was found that acquiescence and category width were not significantly confused. It was also found that the MMPI can be reliably scored for acquiescence, and that category width was stable and could be usefully measured by means of a computer.

Recent studies have shown that the presence of an audience enhances the emission of dominant responses in individual performance. The present study tested the hypothesis that anticipated evaluation is essential to this enhancement of dominant responses. Audience presence (absent or present) and anticipated evaluation (absent or present) were varied in a 2 × 2 factorial design. In each condition 18 subjects performed a pseudorecognition task, using responses based on habits of varying strengths established in prior training. The hypothesis was supported in that anticipated evaluation of performance produced greater emission of dominant responses than no anticipation of evaluation. The presence or absence of an audience did not significantly affect the emission of dominant responses.

The present study assessed the combined effect of mirror presence and degree of evaluation apprehension on task performance and palmar sweating. The primary finding of interest was that mirror presence led to a reduction in palmar sweating but no such reduction occurred in a condition in which no mirror was present. Since other studies have shown that audience presence increases palmar sweating, the results of the present experiment suggest that, contrary to objective self-awareness theory, mirror presence and audience presence may involve different psychological processes.

The effects of the presence of coactors working on the same and different tasks were examined. Subjects were run under either high- or low-evaluative conditions and in either a mixed group (half worked on a maze task while half worked on a multiplication task) or in a homogeneous group (all subjects worked on the maze task). A significant Evaluation by Group Composition interaction was obtained. Under high-evaluative conditions subjects in the mixed condition performed significantly better on the maze task than did subjects on the homogeneous condition, while under low-evaluative conditions, the mixed and homogeneous subjects did not differ in their maze performance. The results were discussed in terms of learned drive theory and incentive motivation.

The effect of spectator presence on gymnastic performance was examined in a series of studies. It was found that spectator presence led to a significant decrement in quality of gymnastic performance when Ss were given a forewarning about the presence of the spectators but had no overall effect when Ss were not forewarned. This finding provides support for the anticipated evaluation modification of the Zajonc (1965) hypothesis of audience effects (cf. Paulus & Murdoch, 1971). Furthermore, the relationship between the initial level of skill of the Ss and the change in their performance during spectator presence in both studies suggested the need for additional modification of the Zajonc position.

The previous chapters have marshaled much evidence for the negative impact of crowding in prisons. Even though the findings are consistent, it is evident that not all inmates react negatively to living in crowded conditions. A small number actually prefer living in open dormitories rather than single cells. The same applies for other settings as well. Some people adjust better to crowded dormitories or to crowded cities than others. Many people, in fact, prefer living in crowded cities compared to small towns. What is the basis for such differences in preferences for and reactions to crowded environments? Past research has given us very few leads. There is some evidence that growing up in a large city or in a crowded home reduces the negative reactions to crowded environments (Baron et al., 1976; Wohlwill & Kohn, 1973). Yet no clear theoretical or empirical base exists to aid one’s search for factors that might influence reactivity to crowding.

Much of the contemporary interest in the possible psychological effects of crowding1 stems from the combined influence of Calhoun’s (1962) classic studies on crowding effects in animals and the concern about potential psychological consequences of human population growth. Calhoun’s work raised the possibility that humans might display behavior pathology similar to that observed in severely crowded rats. Increasing population growth offers the possibility that the degree of crowding that yielded behavior pathology in Calhoun’s studies may be approached or achieved by large segments of the world’s human population. Even now it is commonly assumed that existing degrees of crowding in urban areas contribute substantially to behavior pathology (Zlutnick & Airman, 1972).

Although prison crowding has been a major concern of corrections and government officials, surprisingly few studies on the actual impact of crowding exist. This undoubtedly reflects the relative inaccessibility of the prison as a research site and the difficulties of conducting research in a prison environment. Research on crowding that is likely to yield results that might be unfavorable and politically troublesome is particularly difficult to accomplish.

The last chapter demonstrated that different types of background can influence reactions to crowded living conditions. On this basis, it would seem likely that other personal characteristics that are related to background differences would also be related to the differential reactions to crowding. Gender and race or ethnic group are such characteristics and these often come up in discussions of our crowding research. Since our work has focused predominantly on males, one might question whether the observed effects may be restricted to all-male environments. Living in crowded male housing environments may be much more threatening than living in crowded female housing situations. Similarly, differences in the background of racial or ethnic groups (socioeconomic, cultural, etc.) could lead to differential adjustment to crowded prison housing. We will review some of the literature pertinent to these issues and present relevant data from our prison studies.

1. Introduction.- 1. Social Influence Processes in Groups.- 2. Leadership Theory and Research: A Systems-Process Integration.- Brief History.- Current Research and Theory.- Integrative Systems/Process Model.- 3. Minority Influence.- Two Social Influence Models.- Impact of Behavioral Style.- Why is Minority Consistency Effective?.- Minority Image.- Consistency and Uniformity Pressures.- Conclusion.- 4. Group Discussion and Judgment.- Group Discussion and Individual Judgment.- Normative and Informational Influence.- Mechanism for Informational Influence.- Group Decision Rules.- Summary.- 2. Group Influence on Task Performance and Informational Processing.- 5. Group Influence on Individual Task Performance.- Social Facilitation.- Group Size and Crowding.- Social Loafing.- Integrative Model.- Evaluation of the Cognitive-Motivational Model.- Conclusions.- 6. The Impact of Personal Equity Processes on Performance in a Group Setting.- Personal Equity Theory.- Task Performance: Willingness and Capability.- Social Facilitation: Audience and Coaction Paradigms.- Processing Strategies.- A Comparison Between an Analysis of Personal Equity Processes and Other Theoretical Perspectives.- Conclusion.- 7. Social Context Effects in Persuasion: The Effects of Multiple Sources and Multiple Targets.- Division of Impact.- Multiplication of Impact.- General Discussion.- 3. Exchange Processes in Groups.- 8. Coalition Formation: A Social Psychological Approach.- Classification of Coalition Situations.- Theories of Coalition Formation.- General Evaluation of Theories.- Summary and Conclusions.- 9. The Influence of Communication on Bargaining.- Bargaining.- Communication.- Communication Dilemmas.- Bargaining Research Paradigms.- Communication and Bargaining.- Conclusion.- 10. Procedural Justice, Participation, and the Fair Process Effect in Groups and Organizations.- Participation in Organizational Contexts.- Participation in the Form of Choice.- Participation in the Form of Voice.- Limiting Conditions of the Fair Process Effect.- Conclusion.- 4. Interaction in Groups.- 11. Loneliness, Sex-Role Orientation, and Group Life: A Social Needs Perspective.- Current Conceptions of Loneliness.- Social Provisions of Group Life.- Parallels Between the Provision Dimensions and Masculine and Feminine Social Styles.- Group Phenomena Viewed from a Social Needs Perspective.- Summary, Conclusions, and Future Directions.- 12. The Interpersonal Orientations of Disclosure.- The Self-Disclosure Tradition.- Traditional Role of Communication in Groups.- Relationships: Where the Self Joins the Group.- The Uses of Disclosure.- Orienting Disclosure to Group Processes.- 13. Influences of Past Relationships on Subsequent Ones.- Toman's "Family Constellation" Theory.- A Test of Competing Predictions.- Theoretical Implications.- Speculations and Directions for Future Research.- Conclusions.- Author Index.

This volume is a summary of a 1S-year effort to determine the effects of prison crowding and their relationship to the broader realm of crowding phenomena and theories. Although the writing of this volume was for the most part a solitary effort, the data and ideas it is based on were mostly the result of a collaborative effort with Verne Cox and Garvin McCain. Their schedules limited their ability to contribute to this volume, but they provided much constructive feedback and assistance. Cox also wrote a preliminary draft of Chapter 3, and both McCain and Cox made major contributions to Chapter S and assisted with several other chapters. I am greatly indebted to these two fine scholars for their efforts and support over the course of our joint research endeavors. In recognition of this fact, the pronoun "we" is used throughout this volume. This research would not have been possible without the cooperation and support of thousands of inmates and hundreds of prison officials. The un conditional support throughout the project from Director Norman Carlson and former regional research director Jerome Mabli, both of the Federal Bureau of Prisons, is also greatly appreciated. Thanks are due to the National Institute of Justice for financial support during various phases of this project. The support of John Spevacek of the Institute was indispens able. Funds were also provided by the Hogg Foundation, U. S. Department of Justice-Civil Rights Division, and the University of Texas at Arlington."

Assuming that crowding induces psychological stress, one would expect manifestations of psychological stress to be evident in crowded prison environments. A variety of physiological changes are often associated with psychological stress, including changes that would be expected to express themselves in alterations in physical health. Numerous studies have demonstrated alterations in immune and cardiovascular functions in response to psychological stress (Elliott & Eisdorfer, 1982; Evans & Cohen, 1987). If crowding induces psychological stress, we reasoned that we should see expressions of this in health measures of inmates related to the degree of exposure to crowding. Consequently, we examined indices of inmate health that were obtainable in a prison setting. Many of our findings focused on illness complaints. Interpretation of illness complaints is not simple. For example, they may simply reflect attempts to gain attention, increased irritability, or sensitivity to somatic symptoms. However, the analyses to be presented suggest that illness complaints of prison inmates may be indicative of genuine physical pathology. This would be expected if indeed psychological stress is induced by crowding, since in other contexts, stress has been shown to affect physiological functions related to health and illness.

Psychologists have long had an interest in how being in a group affects task performance. Because many tasks are performed in social settings, a thorough understanding of the processes by which the group context influences task performance is important for both theoretical and practical reasons. Much research has focused on group problem-solving and group productivity and has been summarized by Davis (1969), Steiner (1972), Hackman and Morris (1975), and Hoffman (1965). The focus of this chapter, however, is on social settings in which individuals perform their own tasks “independent” of the others present. In this situation, individuals typically do not interact or share information as in the case of other group problem-solving and task performance paradigms (cf. Steiner, 1972). Many real-life settings such as athletic events, classrooms, and work environments have this feature. Research employing this coactive or additive paradigm has the advantage of permitting a relatively precise study of the influence of group variables on task performance unencumbered by the complexities of group interaction. Thus, such research provides basic information important for understanding effects in more complex group problem-solving and performance paradigms.

Concern with the effects of overcrowding has been expressed for many years. Malthus warned about the danger of overpopulation in terms of natural resources in the 1800s. Benjamin Franklin once stated: “There is in short no bound to the prolific nature of plants or animals but what is made by their crowding and interfering with each other’s means of subsistence” (Franklin, 1969). Today we are expressing similar concerns (Russell, 1984). Starvation, water shortages, pollution, and “eternal” traffic jams are just a few of the obvious symptoms of population pressures in our world. Social scientists have warned about the dangers of overcrowding (Calhoun, 1970; Ehrlich & Ehrlich, 1970; Zlutnick & Altman, 1972). Crowding has been blamed for a variety of social ills such as deteriorating quality of life in cities, crime, and the breakdown of families (Zlutnick & Altman, 1972). These concerns were further stimulated by Calhoun’s (1962) widely publicized studies with rodents showing a variety of deleterious effects of crowding.

Some general considerations involved in studying the effects of crowding on humans are considered. It is proposed that prisons provide an excellent setting for such research since they contain a variety of realistically crowded conditions. The effects of spatial and social crowding are found to be separable in prisons.