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Background: In the US, and conspicuously via social media, we are witnessing an acceleration of what we term historical knowledge mobilisation: increasingly and in various ways, evidence derived from academic historical research is being shared with broader publics. Moreover, evidence-based and false or misleading historical claims are being advanced with an eye toward influencing key decisions and/or impelling social change. Aims and objectives: This exploratory study draws upon Ward's (2017: 477) 'framework for knowledge mobilisers' to facilitate an analysis of what and whose historical knowledge is being shared, and how and why this is happening. It aims to provide information and guidance to support scholars of knowledge mobilisation or evidence use, as well as active historical knowledge mobilisers. Methods: This study sought to identify patterns vis-à-vis historical knowledge mobilisation by applying qualitative media analysis to a set of cases. We attended to content, style, and process of historical knowledge mobilisation. Findings: Three main themes help to explain the historical knowledge mobilisation: (a) correcting or countering a master narrative; (b) real-time correction of historical claims; and (c) contextualising complicated political moments. We also described new ways to disseminate/exchange this knowledge which altogether function to expand access to historical knowledge, but also to competing historical claims. Discussion and conclusions: The trends revealed provide insights into how historical knowledge is being used to justify political aims, and how some academics are using non-traditional means to counter false and misleading claims. Further infrastructural and empirical development is needed to support these efforts.

This paper discusses how the construction of citizenship and citizen identities takes place among young students in Porto Alegre, Brazil. Considering that education is responsible for fostering the sense of citizenship, this research asked 209 students from a public high school to write letters to a future Brazilian president and to answer an online survey on politics, democracy, and citizenship. Using the Thematic Analysis method, this paper investigates the content of these letters and the answers regarding presidential activities. The responses to both exercises express generic notions and unsuitable speeches regarding politics as well as a feeling of disbelief. It is argued that school education does not develop citizens who can perform their civic roles in society and that such detachment of the students may be a consequence of their incredulity toward politics, resulting in a narrow understanding of the matter.

This paper focused on how students from diverse local and international backgrounds in selected business classes at Washington Adventist University in the USA were affected by the negative rhetoric and actions "d'effacer" of President Trump over his presidency and also how they were experiencing their studies. A qualitative approach was utilised to collect data via a questionnaire in which 11 students participated. The results are, therefore, not generalisable but can provide insights for further exploration of curriculum and classroom deliberations with diverse student populations. Results showed that all 11 students were studying with students of diverse backgrounds. Six of seven international students found their studies liberating when compared to their home country. It showed that 10 of 11 students were negatively affected by President Trump's rhetoric about racism and anti-immigrant statements. All 11 felt that their professors understood them. This last result is meaningful due to a commitment to the core values of the institution. With many students discovering mental health challenges today, it is a positive outcome to know that students feel understood. This can be motivating to the maintenance of ethical engagement in curriculum discourses, reducing epistemological barriers and promoting socio-emotional comfort and acceptance of students of international and diverse backgrounds.

Intonation plays an important role in understanding the intended meaning of speech since neglecting the study of intonation in the discourse leads to a misunderstanding of some pragmatic meaning. This study attempts to answer these two questions: what is the pragmatic function of the information tone types that are employed in Obama's speech concerning the termination component? and what are the pragmatic function of the proclaiming and referring tones that are employed in Obama's speech concerning the dominance and non-dominance factor?. It aims to investigate the types of information tones in Obama's speech concerning the termination component and dominance/non-dominance factor based on Brazil's model (1997) of discourse intonation. This study confines itself to the American political interview and it is a qualitative study. The findings show that all the information tone types (proclaiming, referring, and level) are used in Obama's speech and the high termination is most common level, which is used by Obama in his speech in order to emphasize the information and capture the attention of the interviewer. Generally, it was found that the dominance factor was higher than the non-dominance factor, which reflects that Obama took his status as the controller of the discourse during his speech with the interviewer and most of his speech carries contrastive information, which contradicts the interview's expectation. This study is beneficial for foreign learners and those who are specialists in phonology and pragmatics since it can clarify the function of intonation through the interaction of participants in context.

Using the concepts of apologia, image repair and rhetoric, this paper examines the strategies employed by a former president of the Republic of Ghana to simultaneously maintain his reputation after losing the 2016 Ghanaian general elections and campaign for re-lection as the standard bearer of his party. The paper finds that the former president did not accept responsibility for the electoral loss, but used several indirect ways to deny responsibility for the defeat. He employed "bolstering, accusation/attack, playing the victim, throwing a challenge" and "the God's will factor" as defence strategies in order to repair his image. He exploited the Aristotelian appeals of "logos, ethos and pathos" to boost his persuasion. In doing so, he deployed several rhetorical tools such as "metaphor, allusion, rhetorical questions" and "parallelism" to enhance the expression of the defence strategies. The analysis reveals that, as noted in the literature, some of the image repair strategies espoused by Benoit (1995, 2015), for example, outright denial and mortification, hardly apply to political contexts -- the former President's defence was indirectly expressed. Thus, the paper concludes that combining the concepts of apologia, image repair and rhetoric in the analysis of political discourse can illuminate political discourse analysis. The paper has implications for communicating defence, reputation repair and political rhetoric.

This paper explores the creation and content of apps about Donald Trump (n=412) published in Google Play between June 2015 and January 2018. The relevance of the study stems from both its objectives and its methodology. On the one hand, the aim was to characterise the profile, motivations and purposes of the developers of Donald Trump apps; and on the other, to identify the main features of the discourses in the most downloaded apps. The study relied on two resources: a qualitative questionnaire of open questions for developers (n=376), and a quantitative analysis of the content of apps that exceeded 5,000 downloads (n=117). The questionnaire identified the influence of political current affairs in the developers' ideological and economic motivations, while the content analysis revealed the trends found over time, as well as the themes, discourses and ideological positioning of the most popular apps about Donald Trump. The findings provide an empirical basis for how the content of these apps was articulated with the news; the influence of content that went viral; hegemonic discourses; and the role played by developers of new expressive, commercial, informative and persuasive proposals in the intersection between mobile apps and political campaigns.

Professional educators--in the classroom, library, counseling center, or anywhere in between--share one overarching goal: ensuring all students receive the rich, well-rounded education they need to be productive, engaged citizens. In this regular feature, we explore the work of professional educators--their accomplishments and their challenges--so that the lessons they have learned can benefit students across the country. After all, listening to the professionals who do this work every day is a blueprint for success.

Politics and politicking in Nigeria has assumed a considerably new dimension. Actors articulate their ideology and programmes, and construct their subjects and experiences in diverse linguistic processes with a view to achieving political victory. This paper examines clause structures of President Buhari's "My Covenant with Nigerians" to reveal the transitivity processes employed by the President in this famous campaign speech in 2015 presidential election. This study utilized "Transitivity Processes," which is rooted in Halliday's (1985) "Systemic Functional Grammar," in order to uncover different process types and main participants in the speech, and to explain the functions which these processes perform in the speech in helping the speaker to convey his ideology to Nigerians and convince them to rally support for him. Specifically, objective of this study is the uncover transitivity process types in the speech, their frequency, function and ideological underpinnings. The study reveals that President Muhammadu Buhari utilized mental and verbal processes perception, affection, cognition and volition, and verbal process of "saying" to appeal to the masses, and to commit himself to serve Nigerians. He equally used material and relational processes to encode his ideology, persuade the people and achieve political victory.

The purpose of this study was to determine the extent to which the Trump administration ban on individuals from 7 Muslim-majority countries (i.e., Executive Order 13769), influenced prospective international graduate applicants to two Texas institutions. Inferential statistical procedures revealed the presence of a statistically significant, sharp decline in international graduate applicants, particularly from Muslim-majority countries. From Fall 2016 to Fall 2018, international graduate applicants from non-Muslim-majority countries declined 18.36%. Over this same time period, applicants from Muslim-majority countries declined 33.37%. Most notably, applicants from the 7 countries targeted in the travel ban declined 53.93%. Concerns clearly exist regarding the effects of this travel ban on international student mobility. Implications of these findings and recommendations for future research are discussed.

Since 2013, Oaxacan Indigenous educators have experienced "seismic aftershocks" from three tumultuous developments: the massive 8.2 earthquake in September 2017 along Oaxaca´s Pacific coast, immediately followed by other earthquakes and continuing tremors; homogenizing federal education reforms imposed since 2013, including the projected closure of 100,000 rural schools and elimination of pedagogical preparation for teAmerican achers; and the surprise election of Andrés Manuel López Obrador, called the first leftist Mexican president in decades. In this article, Indigenous teachers and their U.S. colleague collaboratively narrate and analyze two case studies of efforts in specific Oaxacan schools to defend and promote original language use and Indigenous pride, despite earthquake damage to school structures and repression and political abandonment by federal and state governments. A final reflection by a Native American educator places the Oaxacan findings into the wider context of defense of Indigenous rights in the face of cultural and linguistic genocide.

Partisan politics challenge educators to determine how best to navigate discussions of controversial subjects within their classrooms. This can be particularly true for new educators in the early stages of developing their confidence and classroom management skills. This qualitative case study uses situated learning and the communities of practice theoretical constructs to investigate a new approach to educator training and co-facilitation. The new approach places recent journalism school college graduates in classrooms alongside teachers to foster real-time professional development through a process best described as reverse mentoring. The model could potentially provide educators with new pedagogical strategies during divisive political times. Specifically, this study examines the working relationship between an established sixth grade English-language arts/social studies teacher and a 25-year-old recent journalism school college graduate who collaborated during the 2016-17 academic year at a public middle school in a conservative rural community in the Pacific Northwest.

In this article, I examine how the permanent structure of antiblackness has been invisibilized by neoliberal multiculturalism. Neoliberalism in the U.S. works to disappear and disconnect Black history and suffering from the consciousness of American citizens, which causes schools and society to ineffectively address contemporary racial issues, as the issues are positioned as newly emerged, rather than connected to a deep history of racial animus. Drawing from a year-long Black Critical Theory-driven ethnography with Black girls and boys attending an urban high school, I rely on the Black literacies of the students to explicate how antiblackness functions in their schooling and societal lives in ways that counter narratives that purport that the U.S. is post-antiblackness. I analyze literacy artifacts collected in a co-created after-school space and semi-structured interview data, which unearth the capacity for Black literacies to catalyze humanizing pedagogies for educators to teach and learn through antiblackness. My analysis revealed a two-tiered process of the ways the Black urban youth resist antiblackness in a context of neoliberal multiculturalism: (1) understanding antiblackness as a historical and permanent component of U.S. life and (2) composing life in ways that resist complicity in antiblackness; refusing to be defeated by antiblackness.

Purpose: The purpose of this study is to examine the impact of a mixed format, experiential course on changes in Honors students' attitudes about various issues of inequality. Methodology: Students enrolled in the course (N = 75), taught during the 2016 Presidential election, were asked about their opinions on a variety of inequality topics using a pre- and post-test survey, with the post-test survey including questions on how perceptions of inequality had changed over the course of the semester. Findings and implications: Results indicate that some students became more self-aware of their position in society and were less sure that people in general, and they themselves in particular, would be responsible for their own success. Importantly, students were less likely to believe that people faced fair and equal opportunities in the labor market and their overall level of support for unions increased during the semester. Most students agreed that the outside speakers, a key component of the course, provided new information on various aspects of inequality and impacted their overall perceptions of inequality. However, students were much less agreed on how they felt both about the future of the country and the future of inequality.

During the 2016 election season, the authors--a collection of staff, faculty, and students at a rural, four-year comprehensive college--piloted a new format for a student-driven, campus-wide, nonpartisan voter mobilization campaign anchored in a political science course and supported by a credit-bearing internship and advanced graphic design course. We argue that this project offers a model for how collaboration between student affairs and academic affairs can transform the nonpartisan voter mobilization campaign into a site for interdisciplinary, cross-campus service-learning projects that benefit the student participants and the campus community. This article outlines the advantages and challenges of the project and concludes with recommendations for those interested in implementing a similar program.

This article aims to explain Javanese women's political discourse in response to the various conflicts that arose from the 2019 Indonesian General Election. This study focuses on the political discourse among Javanese women in response to the electoral issues. It employed observation and in-depth interviews in its data collecting technique. Fairclough's critical discourse analysis model was used to analyze the data with reference to the textual, discourse practice, and sociocultural dimensions. The findings revealed that the political discourse of Javanese women is inseparable from the boundaries of the Javanese language and the cultural context. The textual analysis revealed that positive and negative sentiments about the presidential and vice presidential candidates dominated the discourse. A discourse practice analysis was then interpreted through four dimensions, namely (i) "What is going on?," (ii) "Who is involved?," (iii) "What relationships are at issue?," and (vi) "What is the role of language?" Furthermore, a sociocultural analysis attempted to connect the Javanese women's discourse practices with the sociocultural context. The use of traditional Javanese idioms as a cultural norm confirmed how local Javanese wisdom showed in the political conversation among the Javanese women, thus mitigating any negative effects.

The experiences of Mexican and Iranian immigrant families are often unheard and unpacked. The purpose of this qualitative study is to examine how race, ethnicity, and national identity are at the core of the sociopolitical and economic issues that Latino and Iranian families undergo in the United States. Using critical race theory as a framework, this research analyzed the ways in which Mexican immigrant families who were deported, and Iranian-immigrant families living in the United States, have been differently affected by post 9/11 anti-immigrant policies and by zero tolerance policies enacted by the Trump administration. The research question guiding this study was: How do U.S. anti-immigrant policies affect Iranian and Mexican immigrant families and their children's futures? Our findings uncovered that both groups were negatively affected, however, in different ways. Iranian immigrant parents worried about their socioeconomic status in the United States and their children's future. They also feared that their relatives might not be able to visit them due to the U.S. Muslim Travel Ban placed on people from seven Muslim-majority countries, including Iran. On the other hand, Mexican immigrants who lived in the United States undocumented were deported to Mexico. However, after deportation, and responding to the threat of the Trump administration to deport millions more, the Mexican government provided dual citizenship to U.S.-born children of Mexican returnees to facilitate their access to government services, including education. All people and place names are pseudonyms.

The aim of this study is to identify the perspectives of parents on the "Social Studies" course. The case study design, one of the qualitative research methods, was used in accordance with the nature of the study. Data related to the study were obtained through a semi-structured interview form prepared by the researchers. The data of the study were obtained from the parents of students attending 5th, 6th and 7th grade of a state secondary school located in the Istanbul-Sultanbeyli district in the spring semester of 2017 and 2018 academic year. The data obtained were analyzed by content analysis. According to the data obtained from the research, the following results were obtained: The majority of the parents apparently linked the concept of Social Studies to the concepts of History, Geography, Citizenship and Socialization. Parents thought that the subjects related to History, Geography, Citizenship Rights, Culture, Democracy, Human Rights and the life of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk were taught in the Social Studies course. Nevertheless, it was seen that the parents wished to see the concepts such as Love of Motherland, Nation, Community and National Flag, Etiquette, Cultural Values, Freedom, Democracy, Equality to be taught in the Social Studies courses. While the parents mostly compared the Social Studies courses with such organs as the Brain, Kidney, Heart, Eye, Stomach and Intestine, they considered it as appropriate to place this course in the last places in terms of importance. In addition, it was found that majority of the parents did not want their children to become social studies teachers in the future.

Immigration, Islamophobia, and xenophobia have been subjects of much public discourse for decades. However, the recent re-emergence of nationalist populism in the U.S. and western Europe and the refugee crises in Syria have arguably brought a more intense focus on Muslim individuals and immigrants, particularly in light of President Trump's issuance of Executive Order No. 13769 in January 2017. Although the original travel ban has since been struck down in courts, the travel ban signaled to many a move to further stigmatize Muslim individuals. The authors conducted a document analysis to understand the collegiate experiences of Muslim college students in the U.S. South, as reported by a student newspaper, and how these experiences have changed since the issuance of Executive Order No. 13769. Findings revealed four themes: hostile climates for students with minoritized identities; support and lack of support from institutional agents; the utilization of counterstories, acts of resistance, and solidarity; and the specific impact of the executive order. We conclude with implications for practice for supporting Muslim students and areas for further study.

The Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program provides legal protection to enhance access for a narrow subcategory of undocumented immigrants. Following the presidential election, a series of actions have pushed many of these recipients into limbo, leading to uncertainty and fear for these young students. This case study examined the intersectional identity and experiences of a first-generation Latina college student who is an undocumented immigrant and has received protection under the DACA program.

This History of Education Society Presidential Address primarily utilizes evocative autoethnography and narrative inquiry to convey its main points. It is written in the storytelling tradition of the African American past and analyzes the lives of three generations of Black Mississippians as they navigated life in Jim Crow Mississippi. It highlights the impact and legacy the cotton economy had on the life opportunities of these Black Mississippians, and how the cumulative stories they shared within the family directly shaped the educational pursuits and outcomes of a present-day descendant.

Women have long held leadership roles in society and education, yet little attention has been given to the experiences of women student body presidents. We studied 20 women student body presidents at multiple four-year institutions to understand their experiences in student leadership. We found that these women felt extreme responsibility and pressure as president, focused on making positive changes for others and their campus communities, navigated complex gender expectations and environmental pressures, and gained significant confidence in their ability to lead. These findings suggest that given women's successes in elite leadership roles, institutions need to direct resources to encourage and develop women leaders among the student body, create more opportunities for women to hold leadership roles, and facilitate opportunities for engagement with other women already in leadership roles.

Following the 2016 US presidential election, schools reported an alarming level of fear and anxiety among students of color, increased racial and ethnic tensions in the classroom, and fear of deportation for immigrant youth. Collectively, this phenomenon has been termed "the Trump effect." In this study, we examined the details surrounding a specific incident of racial violence at a high school in a Northeast town to provide an emic perspective on this phenomenon. We examined how the events, school response, and vitriolic rhetoric and political discourse in the larger culture contributed to the racialized identities of students who were at the heart of the events.

First-grader students engaged in a guided historical inquiry about Abraham Lincoln. The teacher carefully intertwined historical content, close reading, critical thinking, and text-based writing during Reading, Writing, and Social Studies classes. Students scrutinized secondary sources, which were largely biographies of Lincoln, to build their historical schemas. The first-graders analyzed primary sources--which were intentionally selected to mitigate historical gaps within secondary sources--in order to establish historical significance and make intertextual connections. Students formulated emerging historical understandings through extemporaneous text-based writing, which were later used to draft, revise, and resubmit expository essays. Students' verbal contributions were far more nuanced than written communications, which their budding fine-motor writing skills limited. Children exhibited critical and historical thinking during whole-class classroom dialogue, small-group discussion, and individual interactions, such as when asked to clarify their writing. Students completed an age-appropriate adaptation of informed action. Teachers and research can gain rich, nuanced understandings from close examinations of students' reading, writing, and thinking.

This article is drawn from a set of qualitative interviews and observations with practicing social studies teachers at three school sites, one public, one Catholic, and one Islamic, in a major metropolitan area of the United States of America, as they grapple with what it means to teach about religion in their social studies classrooms given the larger superstructures of American culture. This article analyzes two themes: (1) what it means to teach about religion, and particularly Islam, in the post-9/11 era and (2) what it meant to talk about religion in the post-truth age of the presidency of Donald Trump. Though the two events are unconnected at least at the surface level, they give us an understanding of how world-historical events enter into social studies classrooms in obvious ways, but also and in addition, more subtle and pervasive ones.

This self-study addresses the embedded racism experienced by a racialized female professor who taught in the USA during Trump's presidency. The article presents two incidents that reflect the emboldened racist behaviors and actions of teacher education students during the Trump administration. The study is based on the author's experiences as a racialized female faculty member in the Midwest. Using critical pedagogy and critical race theory frameworks, the article argues that racism needs to be dismantled in spaces of teacher education programs that have been deeply impacted by the ultra-right politics of the Trump administration. This article calls attention to endemic racism, particularly as experienced by racialized faculty. The author calls on teacher educators to take action in response to such incidents and in support of racialized faculty.

This article questions the role of universities in the power/knowledge relation by examining the case of Turkey's 'Academics for Peace.' It is based on six in-depth interviews conducted with dismissed peace petitioners. Facing both the market pressures and the state oppression, the intellectual institutions in many countries are in a precarious position. Even though it is true that knowledge can be oppressive, it is also true that it can help constructing resistance. However, this requires new, and relatively autonomous, spaces of intellectual activity. Deriving from the example of Turkey's 'solidarity academies,' this paper shows that the attempts to construct alternative institutions face numerous hardships, many of them deriving from lack of funding. It calls for contemplation on ways of dealing with the neoliberalization of intellectual institutions and the authoritarian political wave that numerous countries face while scrutinizing the relationship between scientific knowledge and power relations.

Political history lends itself to traditional patterns of teaching and learning in social studies such as students memorizing facts presented in lectures or textbooks. This article presents a recurring activity structure for teaching U.S. political history--Consensus Circle Presidential Rating (CCPR)--which requires students to read across different sources, form and defend a judgment of a presidency's impact, and engage in persuasion and consensus-seeking with peers. I juxtapose CCPR with traditional patterns of teaching and learning to suggest how CCPR can shift teachers' and students' roles during social studies instruction to promote critical thinking, perspective taking, and civil discussion and disagreement. Teaching political history in general--and this activity in particular--could reinforce the marginalization of women and people of color; conversely, CCPR could compliment history teaching that foregrounds the experience of diverse Americans while conveying the important roles government and social movements play in shaping American society. The article provides a student-friendly assignment sheet, a graphic organizer for note-taking, and examples of sources to help teachers consider how they might adapt this activity to their own context.

This qualitative study examines reflections of 11 Latinx youth in Illinois and Colorado in their predominantly White, suburban high schools. We center the experiences and perspectives of Latinx youth, as we stand to gain insights into how they perceive their schools prepared and impacted their engagement for civic life. We highlight how youth from two distinct schools share similar reflections about their high school experiences and muddled approaches for civic life. We draw upon Gloria Anzaldúa's notion of facultad to examine how these particular youth engage their instincts, knowledge, and sensibilities to survive predominately White educational contexts. We then bring together literature that responds to the question about the role of schools and preparing young people to be engaged in sociopolitical discussions and action.

The COVID-19 pandemic is the most serious public health crisis in the lifetime of most living adults, but it may be a precursor of crises to come in the decades ahead. Apart from the health challenges associated with the pandemic, the public reaction to the continuing COVID-19 pandemic offers important insights into the role of lifelong learning about rapidly emerging issues and public policy decisions. Using data from a two-wave national probability sample of U.S. adults in 2020, we examine the influence of formal schooling, informal and occupational lifelong learning, religious beliefs and attitudes, current understanding of the coronavirus, and trust in information sources on the formation of an attitudinal assessment of the handling of the COVID-19 pandemic by the Trump Administration. We find that formal educational attainment, college science courses, biological literacy, and current coronavirus understanding are significant predictors of adult assessment of the handling of the COVID-19 pandemic by the Trump Administration. We explore the implications of these findings for lifelong education in the 21st century.

Promoted by the peace process between the Santos administration (2010-2018) and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, which resulted in the signing of a peace accord in November 2016, peace education at Colombia's higher education establishments and schools is gaining momentum. Educators have seized upon the opportunity afforded by the peace process and the associated legislation, particularly Law 1448 (2011) on victims and Law 1732 (2014) on the Peace Chair ("Cátedra de la Paz"), to energise peace education. Yet this is proving to be difficult. Among the challenges are the persistence of high levels of political, criminal and other types of violence following the termination of the armed conflict affecting learners' attitudes, behaviours and values; little relevance for peace education of established education in ethics and democratic citizenship competences; limited concrete knowledge on tertiary peace education as a pedagogical field; a vague legal framework; and little institutional guidance. Based on the author's first-hand experience as a conflict analyst and university lecturer in Colombia and a discussion of the 'conventional' and 'critical' orientations of peace education, this paper addresses these challenges and presents ideas on how tertiary peace education in Colombia could be enhanced through a focus on historical memory.

In recent years, the United States and Western world experienced rises in nationalism, xenophobia, ethnocentrism, and anti-immigrant racism, with heightened awareness of these issues in the wake of the 2016 United States presidential election. In this article, I explore the impacts of the political climate on preservice music teachers' field experiences in predominately Arab, Muslim, immigrant, and refugee schools, discuss preparedness to navigate the impacts of a divisive political climate on students and in schools, and offer policy recommendations for school administrators, in-service teachers, and music teacher educators to prepare and support politically aware and politically competent music educators whose work exists within the larger frame of local and global political realities.

The study examines how truth-tellers and truth-telling can be cultivated in the context of post-truth politics in the U.S. Following Foucault, it is not concerned with examining the problem of truth, with the philosophical question of how truth is determined, but with the problem of truth-tellers or truth-telling as a practical activity of self-improvement. To this end, the study traces the emergence and nature of post-truth politics in the U.S. and analyzes its relation to patterns of fascist propaganda and the psychological appeal of authoritarian leaders through a psycho-social perspective. To counter the nature and ubiquity of post-truth politics, the unrelenting flow of lies, disinformation, and conspiracy theories disseminated by the far-right news and information ecosystem, the author argues that educators can help students recognize truth-tellers and become truth-tellers themselves by employing certain pedagogical strategies, informed by Foucault's analysis of "parrhesia," that can equip them to criticize and resist post-truth propaganda and demagogues.

Kazakhstan's decision to transition its Kazakh language from the Cyrillic to the Latin alphabet has serious implications for language policy, communication, education, inclusion, and social cohesion. This critical qualitative study, underpinned by a discourse-historical approach, employs critical discourse analysis to analyze statements of ex-President Nursultan Nazarbayev and semi-structured interviews with Kazakh language educators and social media articles to determine the nature and effects of the Latinization of Kazakh on social cohesion, inclusion, and inclusive education. The findings indicate that Latinization of Kazakh is gradually becoming more ethnically oriented, implying that the inevitable formation of included and excluded language groups. These patterns in society might undermine social cohesion and inclusion, hinder their maintenance and hamper efforts to achieve inclusive education, which prioritizes equality for all social groups through proper access to knowledge.

Recursively in history, emotions such as social anger, moral satiety, distrust of the elite and the Establishment, among others, have all contributed to politicians' encouragement and exploitation of a rather emotionally charged discourse (Block, E., and R. Negrine. 2017. "The Populist Communication Style: Toward a Critical Framework." "International Journal of Communication" 11: 178-197). In their self-imposed capacity as mouthpiece for 'the People', populist leaders have successfully given vent to the expression of some of these emotions. The fact that emotion permeates all levels of linguistic description (Alba-Juez, L., and G. Thompson. 2014. "The Many Faces and Phases of Evaluation." In "Evaluation in Context," edited by L. Alba-Juez, and G. Thompson, 3-23. Amsterdam, PA: John Benjamins, 10-11) makes its examination a fascinating enterprise. In this paper, we discuss the role played by emotion in the production of populist discourse; to this end, we examine a very well-known example of populist rhetoric, i.e. Donald Trump, under the lens of Appraisal Theory (Martin, J. R., and P. R. R. White. 2005. "The Language of Evaluation: Appraisal in English." Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan; Bednarek, M. 2008. "Emotion Talk Across Corpora." Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan). In particular, we employ a refined model of the "AFFECT" subsystem (i.e. Benítez-Castro, M. Á., and E. Hidalgo-Tenorio. 2019. "Rethinking Martin and White's Affect Taxonomy: A Psychologically-Inspired Approach to the Linguistic Expression of Emotion." In "Emotion in Discourse," edited by L. Mackenzie, and L. Alba-Juez, 301-332. Amsterdam: John Benjamins) to analyse seven speeches delivered by the US President in the last four years. Our study helps uncover a set of strategies and patterns showing how this unconventional politician's emotion-driven language manages to develop a more inclusive in-group identity uniting the members of an angry, scared, frustrated and unsure audience.

In this paper, we examine the rise of authoritarian populism in Brazil following the election in 2018 of Jair Messias Bolsonaro to the Presidency and reflect on the consequences of his far-right-wing politics for education. Our focus is broadly on three historical blocs (with five different presidents of the Republic) which make up the policy trajectory of Brazil over the period 1995-2019. We explore the complex cultural political economy surrounding more than a decade of left-wing government by Lula da Silva (2003-2010) and Dilma Rousseff (2011-2016) of the Workers Party (PT). In what has been described as simultaneously a tragedy, a farce, and a soap opera, Bolsonaro's rise involves the impeachment of Dilma, accusations of corruption, the imprisonment of Lula and the resignation of multiple ministers of the government. The intersections of right-wing conservative discourse, evangelical proselytising and populist discourse in Brazil, coupled with resentment from those whose fortunes had been diminished because of declining economic competitiveness, contributed to the election of Bolsonaro in 2018. A final section focuses on the education policy in Brazil, the ways in which any progressive gains have been erased and what this means for Brazilians.

Modern people work in massive factories or offices for remotely managed corporations and need protection in their capacity as employees. Instead of locally made or distributed products, they buy mass market goods manufactured hundreds or thousands of miles away and need protection in their capacity as consumers. And as industrial production expands, bringing unquestionable benefits, it also pollutes our air and water; thus, people need protection as denizens of the environment. Only regulatory agencies can meet these needs. The populace has insistently, although sometimes reluctantly, demanded the creation and expansion of these agencies. The result is that the US national legal system is now primarily administrative or regulatory. Common law and judicial enforcement remain important, but they have been demoted to a secondary role. American educators have never acknowledged this transformation of the legal system. But by emphasizing common law, and even constitutional law, to the exclusion of regulatory and administrative law is misrepresentation, not education. It fails to teach students the basic realities of the legal system. In this article, Edward Rubin discusses the origin of the three-branch model of government and explains why this model is no longer an accurate metaphor for the nation's government. He concludes by offering suggestions on how teachers can start the task of introducing students to the country's modern governmental tree.

On a hot July day in 1854, 24-year-old schoolteacher Elizabeth Jennings, accompanied by a friend, attempted to board a horse-drawn trolley to attend Sunday church services in Lower Manhattan. The Irish conductor refused, telling Jennings, who was African American, to await a horsecar for "her people." When Jennings resisted, the conductor and a nearby police officer physically ejected her. Elizabeth Jennings reported her ordeal to her father, prominent entrepreneur and abolitionist Thomas L. Jennings, and to her church congregation. Thomas Jennings appealed to the Legal Rights Association, of which he was a co-founder, to raise funds for representation. Future U.S. President Chester A. Arthur, of the firm Culver, Parker, and Arthur, signed on as Elizabeth Jennings' attorney against the Third Avenue Railway Company. In the New York Supreme Court, in February 1855, Arthur argued that the Third Avenue Railway Company violated Elizabeth Jennings' "common carrier rights," which stipulated that transportation conveyances were "bound to carry all persons if sober, well-behaved, and free from disease, [and] had the same rights as others; and could neither be excluded." The judge instructed the jury that the company was liable "for the acts of their agents," and the jury awarded Jennings a $250 settlement (half of what she sued for). As a result, the Third Avenue Railway Company, as well as other trolley companies in New York City, reversed their segregation ordinances. Elizabeth Jennings' story is a powerful example of activism for racial equality in antebellum America, yet there was barely a "thumbnail sketch" about her in history books, noted African American historian John H. Hewitt. These lesser-known historical narratives can serve as powerful tools for engaging students in historical empathy. This article presents activities, which can be adapted for varying grade levels, and are designed to be carried out over several class periods. They are modeled on the Inquiry Design Model Blueprint, with questions, tasks, and source analysis focused on "Elizabeth Jennings v. Third Avenue Railway Company."

More work needs to be done to understand how mental well-being and interpersonal factors are associated with biases in judging the veracity of true and false political information. Three days before the 2020 U.S. presidential election, 477 participants guessed the veracity of true and false political statements. Interpersonal factors (e.g., high prosociality and a need to belong) and mental health risk factors (e.g., high depressive symptoms and low eudaimonic well-being) were highly associated with believing false information. Further, positive well-being was associated with assessing news with a partisan bias. Next, hierarchical regression was used to better understand the combination of factors which best predict accurate judgments. To reduce the chances of overfitting, out-of-sample validation was used. About 40% of the variance for believing false information was explained by high prosociality and low well-being. In addition, well-being mediated the effects of political ideology when assessing the veracity of political information.

This research examines the interpersonal meaning in Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY)'s speech. This is based on the details of speech or writing to define an investigation. The object of this research is the used moods and modality types in interpersonal meaning of SBY's speech under the title "Toward Harmony among Civilizations" by Dr. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. The aims of this research are (1) to observe the mood and modality types used in SBY's speech, (2) to observe the dominant mood and modality types in SBY's speech, (3) to describe the interpersonal meaning in case of mood and modality types in SBY's speech. The main sources of data in this study are taken from the SBY's speech at the John F. Kennedy School of Government Harvard University summit on September 29th, 2009, in Boston, USA. The data then are classified and collected in tabulation. This paper is based on the discourse analysis and systemic functional linguistics approach by Halliday. The writer analyses the speech by SBY mainly from the interpersonal meaning which focuses on the mood and modality types. The results of this research are (1) there are two mood types in interpersonal meaning of SBY's speech namely indicative and imperative type, (2) the dominant mood in SBY's speech is the indicative type which is declarative with the total number of 97 clauses or around 95%, while the dominant used modality is "can". In addition, the overall dominant modality type exists in median degree modality with the total percentage 40,6%, and (3) the researcher discovers the different mood and modality that might affect the value of the speech to the audience.