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IN THE early years of the nineteenth century Oxford University began arousing itself out of a state of academic lethargy. That "narrow, lazy, and oppressive" atmosphere observed by Edward Gibbon half a century earlier still clung to the cloistered walls; most college fellows remained "decent easy men" who passed their days in "the Chappel and the Hall, the Coffee house, and the common room, till they retired, weary, and well-satisfied, to a long slumber."' Yet change was underway. Heads of houses, led by John Eveleigh of Oriel, John Parsons of Balliol, and Cyril Jackson of Christ Church, were insisting on more earnest application to study; and they were initiating reforms to lift the university out of the doldrums. In 1800 a new and more severe system of university examination was introduced, replacing the old college examinations, which had required little competence. Examinations under the new system were announced publicly well in advance, as members of the university were encouraged to come and observe the candidate responding orally to questions on Greek and Latin languages, rhetoric, logic, moral philosophy, and mathematics.2 It soon became obvious that the undergraduate was not the only one under fire: colleges and individual tutors had their own prestige at stake in the public, graded performance of their charges. Given this pressure, a gospel of hard work soon emerged to challenge the old orthodoxy of indolence which had reigned throughout much of the eighteenth century. Cyril Jackson, dean of the most prestigious of all the Oxford colleges, Christ Church, formulated the clearest version of that new academic code: an undergraduate should work "like a tiger, or like a dragon, if dragons work more and harder than tigers." While being temperate and getting enough physical exercise, one should practice an "aversion to mere lounge" in order to have "abundant time both for hard work and company." Granted, the cultivation of good connections was still indispensable to one's future success and happiness; but good company without intellectual vigor was beginning

In 1870 Mr R. S. Wright, a thirty-one year-old barrister, and fellow of Oriel College, Oxford, was asked by the Colonial Office to draft a criminal code for Jamaica which could serve as a model for all of the colonies.' The Code of Criminal Law and Procedure which the future Mr Justice Wright subsequently produced has now been almost forgotten.2 This is unfortunate because in many, if not most, respects it is a much better Code than either James Fitzjames Stephen's Draft Code of 18783 or the Royal Commissioners' Draft Code of I879,4 both of which are well known. The Commissioners' Code, which was primarily the work of Stephen,5 was subsequently adopted (with various changes) by a large number of British Colonies. During the i88os and 9os, though, Wright's Code was the Model Code for the Colonies-although, as we shall see, it was not adopted by any of the important ones-not even by Jamaica. The Code was, however, highly regarded by the Colonial Office, by the parliamentary draftsmen and by others6 in England. In

When Thomas Graham Jackson was an undergraduate at Wadham College, Oxford, in the 1850s, the system of teaching was as it had been for hundreds of years. There were lectures in the individual colleges, given by college tutors, and lectures given by the University professors, which were, in Jackson's words, "a mere farce". The latter were held in such University buildings as were then available; Jackson, for example, attended lectures in Bishop Cobham's Library above the old Congregation House, attached to St Mary's Church. Otherwise, the centre of University teaching was the old Schools ranged round the Schools Quadrangle, with the Bodleian Library on the floors above, and it was here that Jackson, in 1858, sat the examinations that brought him his third in literae humaniores. Quite apart from the drawbacks of the educational system, which drove any serious student to a coach rather than rely on what the University or his college could offer him, the situation with regard to physical accommodation was far from satisfactory. The University required proper rooms for lectures and examinations, as well as offices for non-collegiate students and Delegates of local examinations, and the Bodleian required extra space for its collection of over 300,000 volumes, which was growing at the rate of about 7,000 a year. It was clearly out of the question that the Library should move from its existing premises, and with the idea of erecting a new Schools building, the University purchased in 1866, from Oriel and Magdalen Colleges, the Angel Hotel in the High Street. Over the next four or five years, more adjoining property was purchased the total cost of the "Angel site" approaching ?40,000 but it was not until 1870 that any definite step was taken towards the erection of a new building. In spite of having bought the site, it was not certain that this would be used for the Schools; one alternative, still debated in 1875, was that Hertford College, opposite the main entrance to the Bodleian and in a state of considerable dilapidation, should be taken over. However, in 1870 designs for new Schools were prepared by G.E. Street and T. N. Deane (Fig. 1) the former had already built the Church of St Philip and St James in Oxford, the latter the Meadow Building at Christ Church and Deane's design was selected by the committee appointed; but it was rejected by Convocation, the legislative assembly of the University. In June, 1872, a fresh competition was held, for which Street, Deane, Waterhouse (then engaged on the new buildings for Balliol), John Oldrid Scott and A.W. Blomfield were invited to submit designs. Street and Waterhouse declined to take part, on the grounds that Deane's design had already been accepted, and that the competition was therefore not proper; but it went ahead nonetheless, and this time Scott's design was selected, only to be thrown out, once more, by Convocation.

John Henry Newman became Vicar of St Mary the Virgin, Oxford (the University Church), in 1828. The parish included the village of Littlemore, some two and a half miles distant, which had no church. Newman's College, Oriel, drew the rectorial tithes of Littlemore. By 1829 Newman had hired a room to hold a weekly service and catechetical lectures, and was pressing the College to provide a church. On April 24th 1835 a College meeting, in response to a petition with two hundred and ninety-five names, which included all the St Mary's householders but one, voted ground for a chapel and burial ground up to half an acre, and ?100. On April 30th Newman wrote to his old friend Charles Pourtales Golightly (1807-85), a wealthy Oriel man, asking him to contribute, and also to become curate in charge of Littlemore. Since Golightly later became an arch-opponent of the Tractarians (he was largely responsible for the Martyrs' Memorial), this may seem surprising, but for one thing Newman needed a man of means, as there would be no stipend, and for another their disagreement was not yet manifest. All the same, Golightly gave his views on baptismal regeneration as a reason for hesitating, and in June declined to accept. On May 8th Newman went to Littlemore to meet Richard Costar and lay out the ground. Costar, the leading Oxford coach proprietor, was tenant of the Oriel College lands at Littlemore. Newman intended the church to seat two hundred and cost ?500 or ?600. He obtained tenders from two builders. Fisher's first was for ?890, but soon dropped. In the end the two tenders were for ?663 and ?665, and the builder chosen was Banting. On June 29th the Church Building Society voted ?150, on condition that some alterations were made to the design. By July 7th Newman, who had been determined to collect all the money before he began, had achieved his aim. On July 14th he and Keble met Banting and Underwood, the architect, to settle on the site for the church. The ground was broken the next day, and on July 2 1st the foundation stone was solemnly laid by Newman's mother Jemina, who had gone to live at Rose Bank, Iffley, in 1830. In his address, Newman referred to the finding of four skeletons buried east to west on the site

Serpent's Tooth: An Autobiographical Novel. By Roger Milliss. Penguin, Ringwood 1984. Pp. 482. $9.95 paper. Between the Lines. By Bernice Morris. Sybylla, Melbourne 1988. Pp. vi+ 217. $18.95 paper. Exit Left: Memoirs of a Scarlet Woman. By Oriel Gray. Penguin, Ringwood 1985. Pp. 227. $7.95 paper. One Man's Way. By Cecil Holmes. Penguin, Ringwood 1986. Pp. 256. $9.95 paper. Fly a Rebel Flag: Bill Morrow, 1888–1980. By Audrey Johnson. Penguin, Ringwood 1986. Pp. xxiii + 328. $9.95 paper. These Things Shall Be! Bob Ross, Socialist Pioneer—His Life and Times. By Edgar Ross. Mulavon, Sydney 1988. Pp. 192. $19.95 cloth. A Proletarian Life. By Audrey Blake. Kibble, Malmsbury 1984. Pp. 171. $9.95 paper. One Woman's Life: A Memoir of Dorothy Gibson. By Ralph Gibson. Hale & Iremonger, Sydney 1980. Pp. 121. $7.95 paper. Taking the Revolution Home: Work among Women in the Communist Party of Australia, 1920–1945. By Joyce Stevens. Sybylla, Melbourne 1987. Pp. vi + 240. $15.95 paper. The People Stand Up. By Ralph Gibso...

The Workshop, promoted by the Aslib Computer Applications Group and held within the overall framework of SCOLCAP (Scottish Libraries Cooperative Automation Project), gave invited Scottish librarians an opportunity to discuss the exploitation of computer‐based cataloguing services. Descriptions of the services available from the British Library, Birmingham Libraries Cooperative Mechanisation Project, Oriel Computer Services, Blackwell Bibliographical Services, ICL DILS, and Telecomputing's TeleMARC, were followed by general open discussion and then the discussion of specific topics (input techniques; output techniques; integrated systems; problems of local classification schemes when using MARC records; pre‐publication cataloguing). The report concludes that automation is accepted as beneficial; collaboration can help to cut costs; automation provides an opportunity to define requirements afresh, but new systems should be as flexible as possible.

In the few poems that Clough wrote during his student days at Oxford one can see signs of a growing perplexity and anxiety with regard to certain problems of life and religion. This perplexity came to a head during the years that he taught at Oriel, and finally led him to resign his fellowship at that College. This resignation may be said to be the most dramatic and significant action of his life, and the story, told many times by his biographers, can now be told more fully in the light of the unpublished correspondence between him and Dr. Hawkins, the then Provost of Oriel College. Nor has sufficient attention been so far given to the circumstances that led to Clough's subsequent appointment as Principal of University Hall, London, and the manner in which his connection with that institution came to an end. It is proposed in the following pages to throw some light also on this important period of the poet's life.

‘Without me’, wrote John Henry Newman in 1869, ‘Golightly would not have come to Oxford, and he was my chief persecutor.’Charles Pourtales Golightly was born in 1807, and died on Christmas Day 1885. He was thus six years younger than Newman, and died some five years before him, but not too soon to see him made a cardinal. Like Newman, Golightly had on his mother's side a Huguenot ancestry. He went to school at Eton, which he thought a vile place. He travelled in Europe, and stayed in Rome, where he relished the society of cardinals. In 1824 he matriculated at Oriel College Oxford. In 1828 he proceeded B.A., in 1830 M.A. But for his ample means, he might (it was said) have been elected into the brilliant company of Fellows of Oriel. Though various well-meaning persons pulled strings to establish the young Golightly in a benefice, he never received any ecclesiastical appointment except one or two curacies.

What has made john henry newman so much more interesting to students of literature than most of his religious contemporaries is the rare blend in him of the artist, the intellectual, and the gentleman with the profoundly religious temper which judges the ultimate value of all activity in its movement towards or away from God. Whether it be called Christian humanism or some other name, it was a difficult balance that he sought to keep; and he has left us in his private papers a frank record of his struggles. The rich integration he eventually did achieve was the great source of his attraction for so different a contemporary in some respects as Matthew Arnold, for example, who ranked Newman with Goethe, Wordsworth, and Sainte-Beuve among the principal influences on his own development. At the outset of his career, however, Newman was being torn and pulled in opposite directions; and it is more than doubtful that he could ever have gained his equilibrium if he had not been elected a Fellow of Oriel College on 12 April 1822: “the turning point of his life,” as he would one day rightly call it, “and of all days most memorable.”

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N spite of several close investigations in recent years, like M. R. Ridley's Keats' Craftsmanship and W. W. Beyer's Keats and the Daemon King, into the echoes of Keats's reading that are to be detected in The Eve of St. Agnes, no one' seems to have paid much attention to the evident reminiscences of The Lay of the Last Minstrel in this poem. This oversight is particularly surprising since the most striking echo of Scott-and the pointer to so much else-is to be found in what is probably the most famous stanza of Keats's poem, his description of the stained-glass casement (Stanza xxiv). In the second Canto of The Lay of the Last Minstrel the Monk of St. Mary's aisle leads Sir William through the cloisters of Melrose into the chapel where the wizard, Michael Scott, lies buried. Describing the scene, Scott gives us a detailed picture of the east oriel: The moon on the east oriel shone

I enclose for your perusal, and if you think proper for that of the Society of Antiquaries, a Disquisition on the member of Architecture called an Oriel, wherein you will find the evidence on that obscure subject classified in a novel manner, and at least a plausible etymology suggested; though, to use the words of Lambarde, “contentinge my selfe to intermedle myne own opinion simplie, without eyther prejudice of any other man's that shall judge otherwise, or pertinacitie in myne owne when I shall hear a better.”

George Clarke Simpson was born at Derby on 2 September 1878, the second son and third of the seven children, three sons and four daughters, of Arthur and Alice Lambton Simpson. Arthur, born at Derby on 25 May 1851 and educated at Derby Grammar School, was the son of a Derby shopkeeper —of a small retail shop—and, until his marriage, helped in his father’s shop. Alice was the daughter of a well-to-do wharfinger, Thomas William Clarke, of Sutton Bridge, Lincolnshire, whose business was ruined through the silting up of the port. She was born on 25 March 1853 and died on 22 December 1937. On marriage Arthur and Alice started a business of their own and slowly and laboriously built up a wholesale business, hardware, drapery and toys, one of the best in Derby at the end of the century. Arthur was an active church worker, a particularly successful teacher of young men in the Sunday School and, later in life, Councillor, Alderman and Mayor of Derby. He died on 27 June 1917. Arthur’s brother, George, was the father of David Capell Simpson, Oriel Professor of Interpretation of Holy Scripture, Oxford, 1925-1950. In the early years of their marriage Simpson’s parents lived over their warehouse in Bag Lane, later East Street, in the centre of Derby and there Simpson was born. About twelve years later his parents bought a house in a better locality where the family lived the typical life of the Victorian middle class. It was a happy family and, as the business continued to grow, there was never any real shortage of money; but there was no extravagance and certainly no waste.

Carl Frederick Abel Pantin was born at Blackheath on 30 March 1899, being the second of the three children of Herbert and Emilie Pantin. The eldest child was a daughter Elfriede May and the youngest, born in 1902, was William Abel, mediaeval and ecclesiastical historian and Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford, to whom I am indebted for the following information on family background. Herbert Pantin was the director of a family firm founded by his great- grandfather at the end of the eighteenth century which specialized at first in timber importing and box making and later in machinery. Carl himself became a director of the firm and ultimately its Chairman. His father, a charming and cultivated person, had a strong sense of history and loyalty to his family firm, and this Carl inherited. His mother, whose maiden name was Emilie Juanita Abel, was of German extraction. Her ancestors for several generations going back to the seventeenth century were typical examples of the talented middle-class families who flourished in the small German grand-ducal courts of the eighteenth century. They were mostly musicians with an occasional court miniature painter or court gardener. The best known was Karl Friedrich Abel (1725-1787), a pupil of John Sebastian Bach, who came to England and joined forces with Bach’s son, J. C. Bach. He was a friend of Gainsborough who twice painted him.

Walter Burley's De Motu Animalium has never appeared in print. Our edition of this work was prepared from six manuscript copies: Erfurt SB Amploniana Q. 312 (XIV century) fols. 78r–81r; London Lambeth Palace 70 (XIV) fols. 144r–147v; Lambeth Palace 74 (A.D. 1390) fols. 30r–32v; Oxford Magdalen College 80 (XIV) fols. 177v–180v; Oriel College 12 (XV) fols. 115–119; Vaticana Vat. lat. 2151 (XIV) fols. 239r–244r. The Magdalen (afterwards M.) manuscript is the most complete and is followed closely by Amploniana (A.), though A. is almost impossible to read by itself owing to the crabbed and scratchy manner in which it was written. Oriel (0.) makes the most omissions; it is incomplete and anonymous. The two Lambeth Palace MSS follow each other closely. L. 70 is anonymous and L. 74 is incomplete. Vatican was the original manuscript upon which our edition was based. It is an excellently preserved text but not quite sufficient by itself to constitute a safe reading of Burley's work. Our edition can claim to be critical to the extent that six manuscripts were consulted.

Clough’s life is a story of unfulfilled promise. His early childhood was spent in South Carolina, but his schooling was at Rugby under Dr Thomas Arnold (see Strachey essay in Anthology vol. y), whose most outstanding pupil he became. At Oxford he formed a close friendship with Matthew Arnold and was caught up in Tractarian ferment by his tutor W. G. Ward. His religious opinions were unsettled and eventually, after gaining an Oriel Fellowship in 1842, he resigned it in 1848 unable to adhere conscientiously to the 39 Articles of the Church of England. His theological views had become increasingly liberal, undoubtedly influenced by Strauss’s Das Leben Jesu [Life of Jesus] of 1835.

An application of Renaissance — and Protestant — attitudes to education in Ireland marked the foundation of the University of Dublin in 1591. Before that Irishmen had, perforce, gone overseas to study. Some went to England. The first sixteenth-century writer in English of any note was Richard Stanihurst (1547–1618) who attended University College, Oxford, then read law at Lincoln’s Inn. He had been educated at the school in Kilkenny run by Peter White, a Waterford man who had himself been a Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford. Stanihurst returned to Ireland with Edmund Campion as his tutor. Using the library of his pupil’s father, John Stanihurst, the Recorder of Dublin and Speaker of the Irish House of Commons, Campion wrote a History of Ireland in ten weeks in 1571. Stanihurst revised this superficial piece and it was published with his own Treatise containing a Plaine and Perfect Description of lreland in Holinshed’s Chronicles (1577). Stanihurst was not very sympathetic to Ireland; Geoffrey Keating listed him among those who strove ‘to vilify and calumniate both Anglo-Irish colonists and the Gaelic natives’.

Walter Ralegh (who spelt his surname as ‘Ralegh’ rather than ‘Raleigh’ and as an adult pronounced it as ‘Rahley’) was born in Devon. After a year at Oriel College, Oxford, he went to France for four years, serving in the Huguenot army. He returned to London, where he seems to have studied law at the Middle Temple, and then resumed his military career. In 1580 he sailed for Ireland, where he supervised the massacre of 600 Spanish and Italian mercenaries who had surrendered at Smerwick. He enjoyed the favour of Queen Elizabeth throughout the 1580s, and was knighted in 1584, but in 1594 fell from royal grace and was briefly imprisoned when the Queen discovered that Ralegh had been having an affair with one of her maids of honour (whom he subsequently married). In 1595 he sailed for Guiana (now Venezuela) in search of the mythical wealth of El Dorado, and subsequently led successful military expeditions to Cadiz and the Azores. On the accession of James I in 1603 Ralegh was stripped of his offices and imprisoned in the Tower of London: he was charged with treason, condemned and then reprieved, but was kept in the Tower (in a flat with his wife and a son who was born there) until 1616, during which time he wrote his vast History of the World. He was released in order to undertake another expedition to search for gold in Guiana.