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While fossil fuels are a well‐researched element of nationalist discourse, the relationship between nationalism and renewable energy has not yet been adequately explored. We address this gap by investigating the impact of the energy transition on the Scottish National Party's (SNP) discourse between 1983 and 2021. Through an analysis of SNP manifestos and speeches, we discursively trace the evolution of three pertinent amalgams of nationalism—green nationalism, resource nationalism and techno‐nationalism—revealing renewable energy to have been co‐opted and deployed in all three. Rather than the energy transition intuitively resulting in the decline of fossil fuel‐based nationalisms in favour of those rooted in an emergent renewable energy paradigm, we find that adaptations in the SNP's discursive strategies allowed the former to co‐exist with the latter, enhancing complementarity and mitigating goal conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under Putin's tenure, the geopolitical representation of Russia as an 'energy superpower' has become a powerful mainstay for the restoration of a global status and a revanchist foreign policy. This article seeks to assess the extent to which such a nationalist narrative is prevalent among Russian academics in the oil and gas sector. Using a survey administered to research and teaching staff in selected industrial universities in 2021, we found partial confirmation of the relevance of centre‐periphery relations and that nationalist attitudes are aligned with a state‐centric approach. However, this perspective does not necessarily entail opposition to industry privatisation or foreign partnerships. These findings highlight the inadequacy of a simplistic privatisation/nationalisation dichotomy in capturing the hybrid nature of resource governance in petro‐states. Additionally, our study suggests that resource nationalism plays a role in shaping experts' support for the government's energy policy. These findings contribute to the literature on resource nationalism and suggest potential avenues for future research exploring the role of higher education institutions in shaping resource governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article suggests that local places and civic identities were historically relevant in the period when national politics and cultures emerged in Europe but have largely not received due attention in the historiography. It argues that the production of the local is a significant factor for understanding the configuration of the nation and that it was tied to how communities—and the agents that constituted them—constructed their own subjectivity and negotiated their place in the social world. It first provides a review of recent historical studies on collective territorial identities to underscore the relative lack of attention given to the local dimension and identify approaches that can be applied to the study of local cultures. It then focuses on the case of Catalonia in Restoration Spain, showing how region‐building dynamics and nationalisation processes coexisted and interacted with strongly assertive civic identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing theories of international relations have failed to interpret the hostile relations between Korea and Japan due to their Cartesian assumptions about the nature of national sovereignty and identity. Such theories view the hostilities between the two states as the result of incorrect policies or unhealthy interactions between domestic norms and foreign policies, because they believe that there are few negative structural elements between Japan and Korea. This study suggests an alternative explanation by utilising the worldview of East Asian medicine. By interpreting the formation of the Japanese and Korean national identities from the late nineteenth century and by viewing the hostility between the two states not as evidence of 'malfunctioning' inter-state relations but as a core element of their national identities, this study proposes an alternative understanding of 'problem-solving' with respect to Korea–Japan relations that is directed towards healing their relations with a long-term perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Central European countries with a historically dominant Roman Catholic heritage belong to a particular cluster in respect to the governance of religion. This paper focuses on Hungary and Slovakia and addresses the effect of religious nationalism on the regimes of governance of religion in the two countries. After the fall of the Berlin Wall, there was a brief period of neutral stance towards religion, which was characterized by liberal values. With the introduction of the bilateral Concordat agreements with the Holy See, both countries started to treat traditional Christian Churches preferentially. By the 2010s legislation in both countries created restrictive entry barriers for "new" religions. This created two or multi-tiered systems for "old" and "new" religions, in which the former enjoyed closer relationship with the state. As a result, the separation of church and state has become blurred. Preferentially treated churches reappeared in the public space as providers of certain educational and social services. Preferentially treated churches and the state developed asymmetrically interdependent relationships, the state having the upper hand. Meanwhile, increasingly populist and nationalist parties instrumentalized religion by involving Christianity in their nationalistic political discourse. This helped create a normative space, in which the state is able to give further preferential treatment to certain religious groups over others. The emphasis on Christian national identity underpinned these governments' narratives that conflates migration with security and Islam, which pushed those religious groups on the margins, which do not fit in the religious nationalist narrative of the increasingly right- and populism-leaning governing elite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the collapse of Communism, a major overhaul of the systems of religious governance took place in Bulgaria and Russia. Policies of liberalisation were pursued in both states which created conditions for the revival of religion and growth of religious diversity. This research article analyses the state approaches and policy orientations characterising the governance of religious diversity in Russia and Bulgaria in the post-Communist years as well as challenges to the fulfilment of religious freedom and religious equality. Using the lens of religious nationalism, it demonstrates that religious nationalistic tendencies are significant in both states when it comes to the governance of religious diversity. Furthermore, the analysis suggests that such tendencies are inscribed in a contradiction between constitutionally-established principles and nationalism-tainted practices when it comes to the treatment of some minority religions or/and groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although decades have passed since the constituent republics of what used to be the USSR and the member-states of its satellite Warsaw Pact dropped off the communist rule, in many regards, the countries of Eastern Europe continue to be in transition. One of the areas where this transition is clearly observable in these countries is the governance of religious diversity. In the aftermath of the collapse of communism, most of the states in the region adopted liberal regimes of the governance of religion as well as pro-diversity tendencies, which allowed for the burgeoning and thriving of various religious collectivities. Recently, however, there has been an observable purported turn away from a generally positive attitude in regards to religious diversity in different parts of the region from alleged freedom towards greater control of religious collectivities and their activities. To account for such processes, this special issue takes on the theoretical perspective of religious nationalism to analyse some of the underlying dynamics of such processes. In this the special issue addresses a number of questions, the major of which is: whether religious nationalism influences the governance of religion in post-communist Europe, and if so, how? This introductory piece outlines the research agenda of this special issue and briefly presents the major argument of each case study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we argue that the religious governance in Croatia was shaped by the specific position that was given to the Catholic Church in Croatia as the historical and moral guardian of the Croatian people. We describe how the fusion of religious and national identity occurred and how it was connected to the relationship between the Catholic Church and the political party that governed Croatia in the 1990s, as well as the relationship between the state and minority religious communities. The article also deals with the issue of whether religious nationalism, which is very strong at the levels of society and national self-consciousness, played any role in the governance of religious diversity and how it has influenced social movements that have reconfigured mutual recognition of different religious communities in Croatia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the dynamics behind the rise of religious nationalism in Central Eastern and Southeastern Europe with distinct populist, nativist, and authoritarian overtones. The paper explores the relationship between nationalism and religion today and the broader transformation challenges both within the region and more globally that can shape this relationship. It then looks closer into the historical experiences in the region with regard to the relationship between state and church as well as nationalism and religion, critically analysing how these relations have evolved during nation-state formation in the 19th and early 20th century, under Communism, and in the last three decades. Analysing critically the relevant literature, the paper discusses the entanglements between state and religious institutions as well as between national identity and faith, and how these are mobilised today. The paper argues for the need to consider both internal and external factors in the evolution of the relationship between nationalism and religion in Central Eastern and Southeastern Europe and more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The analysis of the dynamics of the governance of religious diversity in Southeastern and Central Eastern Europe and Russia provided in country studies in this special issue reveals that the countries of the region share several common tendencies but also exhibit significant divergences. This contribution compares the experiences of post-communist transition in religious diversity governance in the countries covered in the special issue. I assess the degree to which liberal regimes of religious diversity governance have been achieved or abandoned. I explore the explanatory factors behind the diversity of regimes in the region and the internal dynamics that these regimes have undergone throughout the post-communist period. I also compare policy issues related to the governance of religious diversity and the subsequent policy approaches adopted to tackle those challenges. The papers in this collection seek to explain a recent turn away from pro-diversity policy orientations by examining the influence of religious nationalism and the securitization of religion. In the conclusion, I argue for the need to consider additional factors related to post-communist transition in analyzing outcomes related to religious diversity governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sociolinguists study the valorization of specific languages as a 'language ideology'. Contemporary nation-states frequently identify with and promote specific languages. Such linguistic nationalism is a language ideology, but not the only one. This article examines earlier millennia to uncover the dynamics by which imperial systems managed linguistic diversity and how and why they favored and disfavored particular languages and scripts. I analyze states and empires as coalitions of interest groups. I invoke the scribal masters of imperial chanceries and archives as one such group. I develop a heuristic framework (or "model") to understand the interactions of language and power that unfolded across West and South Asia. I begin with a great empire, the Persian, that did not employ its founders' ethnic speech but instead refined an older state language in governance. That choice entrenched an interest group that endured through a thousand years till displaced by Arab conquest after 660 CE. But a simpler 'New Persian' revived in the eastern Iranian lands. Turkish and Mongol conquest elites emerging from Inner Asia carried this language and its scribes into their growing domains in the Indian subcontinent. I then explain why the non-Persian Mughals in the 1550s selected Persian as their state language and rejected the constant pressure to use Urdu creole. Mughal rule left behind a tenacious Persian-writing elite that the early British empire employed. Finally, I explain the state processes behind the colonial-era decline of Persianate administration and the emergence of a new linguistic politics in colonial India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This editors' introduction into the themed issue of IJCS dedicated to the analysis of comparative survey work on national identity and globalization presents a very brief overview of core hypotheses from the five articles collected in the issue. The articles offer a variety of new, rather differentiated insights into how individual-level national identity attitudes and sibling concepts like national pride, patriotism, and nationalist chauvinism are related to societal-level variables that tend to vary with exposure to aspects of globalization, such as migrant influx and economic competition. Aside from the focus on those new contributions, the introduction also offers a few observations on the challenges that the wider national identity research field still faces. Given that the field is dealing with several overlapping attitude concepts, this centrally concerns a partial lack of conceptual clarity, which sometimes translates into ambiguous operationalizations and incomplete or imprecise explication of theoretical mechanisms. We conclude that the contributions of the themed issue, with their careful attention to particular aspects of measures and multi-level processes, may serve as another stepping stone for overcoming at least some of those challenges in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how nationalism, together with group conflict factors (namely, immigrant group size and economic conditions), affects ethnic threat perceptions over a period of almost 20 years across European and non-European countries. For this purpose, we analyze three rounds (1995, 2003, and 2013) of the International Social Survey Program (ISSP) National Identity Module using societal growth curve models. Our findings contribute to the ongoing discussion on the contextual drivers and dynamics of threat perceptions in various ways. First, our models show that nationalism is a highly relevant factor in explaining cultural as well as economic threats. However, nationalist attitudes operate purely at the individual level, as no effect of the group-level aggregate of nationalism is found. Second, the growth curve models make it possible to disentangle longitudinal effects (describing how threat perceptions evolve within countries) from cross-sectional patterns (describing the stable differences between countries). The longitudinal effects of group conflict variables deviate from the cross-sectional effects and are mostly insignificant. Given that these longitudinal effects are the litmus test for a causal interpretation, we must conclude that we find little to no evidence for the dynamic claims of group conflict theory. Finally, we detect an interaction between nationalism and labor market conditions: The impact of unemployment rates on threat perceptions is found to be contingent on the nationalist attitudes of individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Perceptions of violated entitlement resulting from group-based relative deprivation shape attitudes and behaviors decisively. Drawing on social identity theory, I hypothesize that nationalism and constructive patriotism portray divergent relationships with subjective feelings of being disadvantaged due to different coping strategies to overcome status inferiority. Employing an original, large-scale survey from six European countries, the results clearly show that group-based relative deprivation is positively linked to nationalism, whereas the reverse holds for constructive patriotism. These results hold irrespective of a wide array of robustness checks. Thus, the present study adds to extant literature by identifying feelings of disadvantage as crucial for predicting nationalism and constructive patriotism, two key manifestations of group membership and in-group identification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study seeks to understand how national chauvinism and cultural patriotism are related to xenophobic attitudes toward immigrants. It does this by examining the extent to which historical legacy, in terms of geopolitical threats and national identity, moderates this relationship. A multilevel analysis across 24 European countries combines measures of national chauvinism, cultural patriotism, and xenophobic attitudes at the individual level with historical data, the geopolitical threat scale, and the national identity longevity index at the country level. Findings demonstrate that, according to these measures, historical legacies of threats and conflicts do not have an interaction effect, but the longevity of national identity moderates the relationship between national chauvinism/cultural patriotism and xenophobic attitudes. That is, in countries with greater national identity longevity, the positive relations between national chauvinism and xenophobic attitudes are weaker, but the negative relations between cultural patriotism and xenophobic attitudes are stronger. These findings contribute to the understanding of national identity by suggesting how it is related to a nation's historical legacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of anti-Muslim violence in Buddhist majority states in Asia, increased scholarly attention is paid to anti-Muslim Buddhist nationalism. These studies have paid particular attention to historical legacies within the confines of state borders, be they colonial or post-colonial. However, as this paper shows, the concerns raised in Buddhist anti-Muslim nationalism are not only shaped by local contexts. On the contrary, they are very much informed by global discourses and concerns. Drawing on media and globalization theory, this paper explores the transnational and global aspects of anti-Muslim Buddhist nationalism, arguing that it needs to be understood as a constituent element of global Islamophobia(s). Moreover, the paper shows that Buddhist Islamophobia cannot be reduced to being the result of Western export of Islamophobia globally. Rather, Buddhist Islamophobia has to be understood as a global as well as a globalizing phenomenon, contributing in its own right to global Islamophobia(s). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how and why substate nationalism shapes support for redistribution. An experiment embedded in an original survey reveals that in Spanish regions with extensive substate nationalist mobilization, preferences for redistribution vary based on the proposed boundaries of redistribution. In this context, individuals have preferences regarding where redistribution will occur, and not just on how much there will be. The results provide the first micro-level evidence for how preferences for redistribution depend on the geographic boundaries of a proposed policy and why mobilized group identities interact with those preferences to determine support for redistribution. The findings suggest that substate nationalist mobilization has significant implications for policy preferences beyond secession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's annexation of Crimea occurred after twenty years of relative peace and the apex (and failure) of pro-Russian sentiments within Crimea. Annexation is surprising for Putin's willingness to pursue such risky actions, but also because it required elite support within Crimea. This article uses process tracing to test ethnonationalism in explaining support for Russia's annexation against a rival explanation focusing on the role of criminality and crime (financial-criminal incentive structure). By exposing how and which elites defected in Crimea, the article demonstrates that elite breakage and realignments occurred within a financial-criminal incentive structure to motivate engagement in annexation. In turn, this article discusses its broader implications for understanding Russia's full-scale war against Ukraine and the politics of conflict, nationalism, and the wider former Soviet Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Liberated on August 15, 1945, Seoul was reorganized as the "capital" of the nation-state instead of a "colonial dual city." Public spaces and buildings in Gyeongseong that were built under Imperial Japan's assimilation policy were dismantled. During the national construction period, national monuments were built, and spaces for national ceremonies were established. Seoul was reshuffled into an ideological space based on the anti-communist ideology of U.S. military rule, the blockade of the 38th Parallel, and the establishment of respective governments of the two Koreas. With the formation of the global Cold War order, the aim was to unify Seoul's spatial power and compete for an inter-Korean regime. Seoul established a spatial order for right-wing nationalism through the U.S. military government and the Rhee Syng-man regime, as confirmed in the Korean literature's spatial representation during the liberation period. However, the literature of Yi Gwang-su and Yeom Sang-seop showed that Seoul functioned as a cultural contact zone during the liberation period through the spatial practice of diverse and heterogeneous subjects who did not move according to the spatial order of such right-wing nationalism. This confirms Seoul's multi-layered spatiality, where cultures, such as modern and pre-modern, Western and Eastern, empires and colonies, and leftists and rightists, are mixed and overlapped. Its spatial representation as a cultural contact zone created a rift in its spatial order, reorganized it as the capital of a nation-state and activated the literary imagination for producing diverse and heterogeneous social spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of Taiwanese nationalism in the late 1980s and early 1990s that rapidly, radically, but "peacefully" replaced Chinese nationalism to become the hegemonic discourse in two decades is a political "miracle." My paper argues that this compressed political transformation would not have been possible without the help of psychoanalytic discourse mediated by critical theory in the activist and critical intellectual circles. In the context of the (post-) Cold War era, there was a peculiar form of decolonization equated with de-Sinicization. At stake is a translational concept that itself becomes untranslatable: zhu-ti-xing, the Chinese word for subjectivity. By analyzing the conflicts within the Chinese-speaking activists and intellectuals in the United States and in Taiwan, I will demonstrate in this paper the ways in which the Lacanian idea of the subject as having a lack becomes a critical tool for the advocates for the independence of Taiwan to break through the existing discursive inertia and to effectively make Taiwan a nation without essence, a nation of zhu-ti-xing/subjectivity, and to facilitate the fitting of this new hegemony into the ideology of Pax Americana. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study aims to compare the cinematic propaganda of colonial Korea and Nazi Germany, revealing how the two countries used film to construct narratives of nationalism. Furthermore, this study will aid our recognition and understanding of the similarities and differences between victims and aggressors in spreading nationalist propaganda. Despite the similarities between the colonial Korean and Nazi German film industries in spreading nationalist propaganda, there are significant differences between these two countries' ways of promoting national values: the colonial Koreans adopted transcolonial nationhood (i.e. the strategy of integrating nations), whereas the Nazis excluded minorities, such as Jews. Therefore, dichotomous evaluations of the victim and the aggressor are inconsistent with existing standard interpretations. Colonial Korea, generally known as having experienced the trauma of colonization, also engaged in cinematic fabrication and the weaponization of history, as Nazi Germany did. Propaganda films in both colonial Korea and Nazi Germany played a significant role in reconstructing their national identities. Regarding the cinematic reinvention of these national identities, we should eschew the artificial dichotomy between victims and aggressors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how highly skilled immigrants from Poland become middle-class in Germany through a transnational and intersectional lens. Hence, it asks what is the middle-class, and who and where belongs to it. First, it considers the fluidity of social class in post-socialist Poland to deconstruct middle-classness. Second, it draws on Reckwitz's distinction between the new and old middle classes in Germany and their factions to argue that immigrants cannot become middle class members by default. Based on the analysis of empirical material consisting of narrations of Polish immigrants, the article asks if Polish immigrants become middle class 'by effort'. The analysis shows that Polish immigrants' habitus locates them in-between different middle-class factions. The narrations suggest that these immigrants experience discrimination and exclusion, but – curiously – also demonstrate these immigrants' lack of awareness of structural barriers in access to the middle-class factions in Germany. It argues that such 'blindness' to structural underpinnings of exclusion is a result of the entanglements of nationalism and neoliberalism, for example, the immigrants' belief in meritocratic principles. Finally, the article suggests avenues for future theory-building by addressing the intersection of social class, gender, life course, and ethnicity to better understand middle-classness of immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary nationalism in the West tends to be understood in ethnic terms and associated with a bottom-up reaction to disliked effects of globalization, in particular migration. But there is also a top-down nationalism that is inherent in states' boundary-policing and – constituting membership policies. This paper draws the contours of a state-level neoliberal nationalism. Its imprint can be found in social policy, citizenship policy, and – the focus of this paper – immigration policy, in particular for the highly-skilled. Neoliberal nationalism combines diversity and meritocracy, and thus a modicum of cultural and economic liberalism. The prefix 'neo' flags the refashioning of political community from solidarity-based to contract-based, conditional on individual contribution and strict reciprocity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the final decade of the Dutch colonial era, Indonesia witnessed a heated conflict over the relationship between Islam and nationalism. This paper examines several opinions within the Indonesian Islamic movement during the conflict, considering the influence of the Arab Middle East. Around 1930, behind the conflict with secular nationalists, a movement of Islamic groups sympathetic to nationalism emerged, resulting in a fierce debate from the latter half of the 1930s. At the end, those who accepted nationalism while demanding an Islamic movement and an Islamic state became the mainstream position. The rise of Indonesian Islamic nationalism was influenced by the Arab Middle East via Cairo-educated Indonesians and the writings of Arab Middle Eastern intellectuals. However, the acceptance of the influence depended on regional factors. It took some time before those writings became a contentious issue in Indonesia, and Indonesian Muslims selectively utilized the writings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout the last decade, the refugee issue has profoundly impacted global politics. Accordingly, this study seeks to provide insight into a new political phenomenon in Turkey, namely, the Victory Party (Zafer Partisi, ZP) by analyzing the characteristics of the party's political discourse. Using content analysis and the discourse-historical approach as an extension of critical discourse analysis, this study argues that the ZP's political discourse, which is based on the combination of nationalism and populism, is massively shaped by anti-refugee sentiment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In early 2022, in the wake of the state collapse in Sri Lanka (due to a severe economic meltdown with near-political anarchy), we observed an extraordinary ambience of ethnic tolerance and togetherness among masses gathered under the slogan #GoHomeGota to protest the corrupt regime. The nexus between state collapse and ethnic identity construction is puzzling. Does state collapse facilitate the disintegration of ethnic attributes? To find answers, this paper draws on protest materials publicly posted on Twitter from April to June 2022. Rather than the collapse of the state in Sri Lanka weakening the ethnic ties of all ethnic groups equally, findings suggest that the state's collapse has hindered the ability of Sinhalese nationalism/majoritarianism to take hold, which may give the impression that the Sinhalese are becoming less tied to their ethnicity. However, while Aragalaya is largely represented by all ethnic, religious, and language groups in the country, it has been unable to erase minorities' strong in-group attachment, as well as their suspicion of Sinhala majoritarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Situated efforts to combat species extinction mobilize a network of institutional and logistical interventions, as well as politicized ideas about indigeneity and belonging. This article maps out the knowledge exchange and circulation of animal bodies between the Zoological Garden in Poznań and the forest reserve in Białowieża during the interwar period in Poland as part of the state-building project. A focus on the reintroduction of the wisent (Bison bonasus) and the back-breeding of the tarpan wild horse (Equus ferus ferus) exposes the biopolitical logistics of infrastructuring wildlife in the age of nationalism. Through these two breeding projects, animal bodies emerge at the interface between zoological and war logistics, demonstrating how biological life becomes the target of military intervention via species conservation. Looking closely at the efforts to restore the populations of extinct and extant representatives of local megafauna, this article highlights the renewed interest in native species as an accessible resource for recrafting institutional and national identities. By analyzing the logistical strategies of a marginal zoological collection in relation to a nature reserve in the last primeval forest of Europe, it traces how these strategies impacted both local and global scientific research and its popularization. Not only does such a shared institutional history reveal the itineraries of knowledge production but also the ways in which war has shaped nature management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Korea, which has, for a long time, prided itself as a mono-racial nation, is experiencing a significant shift in its demographic from racial homogeneity to multi-raciality. Such change is fueled by the rise in interracial relationships between Korean men and non-Korean women. In this article, I address the question: How are Korean masculinity and national identity reconceptualized through interracial relationships? I build on feminist theories on race and eroticism to critically examine the YouTube videos uploaded by couples comprised of Korean men and white women. These videos garner hundreds of thousands of views and become spaces of lively debate about issues of masculinity, nationalism, and femininity. I argue that the viewer responses to the videos mobilize misogynistic binaries that pit supposedly problematic Korean women against the supposedly ideal white women. I demonstrate how misogyny in Korea is being rearticulated to conform to the nation's demographic shift. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drownproofing, a swimming technique focused on the prevention of drowning, became popular in the United States in the mid-twentieth century. Although women performed better in drownproofing, they still had to conform to masculine standards, methods, and expectations. In this article, I explain why drownproofing instructors used masculine standards to teach a technique in which women performed better. I argue that the reason for that had less to do with drowning and more with the need to protect students' masculinity and to turn them into "real" men. Men not only tolerated the harsh swimming drills, but they also learned, through science, that inequalities among bodies are natural, biological, innate, and, therefore, inescapable. Relying on archival materials and interviews with former students of drownproofing, this article shows how masculine values are sought after and used as norms even when women's characteristics would be more advantageous. This research advances conversations about masculinity, sport, and national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The religious veneration of Bharat Mata began with the three temples honouring her in the Hindu pilgrimage sites of Varanasi, Haridwar, and Ujjain. They symbolise the nation by anthropomorphising the territory and establish the relationship between nation-divine and its citizen-devotee through 'darshan' wherein the latter is imbued with feelings of patriotism. By studying the narratives emerging from these spaces, referred to as temple publics, it has been argued that they are reflective of majoritarian politics, where the aim is to construct a new religion called nationalism, with Bharat Mata at its helm and a set of rituals and unique traditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the relationships between nationalism and conspiracy theories during the COVID-19 pandemic. We focus on the two main issues: 1) the intensity and character of belief in the COVID-19 conspiracy theories across five European societies: Germany, England, Ireland, Serbia, and Sweden; and 2) how is the commitment to specific nationalist ideologies linked with the belief in conspiracy theories. The data indicates that those who described themselves as highly religious and politically right-wing are more prone to believe in the strong versions of conspiracy theories. Furthermore, primordialism and the nation-centric view of the world are positively correlated with the propensity towards stronger versions of conspiracy theories. The paper zooms in on the significant differences across the five countries: the Serbian respondents stand out in terms of their strong beliefs in conspiracy theories while the Irish and Serbian respondents who are prone to strong version of conspiratorial thinking also subscribe more to the primordialist understanding of nationhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Zimbabwe, like in most African countries, sexuality is strongly tied with national identities. Previous studies show that queer sexualities are associated with Western values. While this narrative is contested, it has, nevertheless, been promoted by the mainstream media. However, this article focuses on social media, Twitter to be specific, to examine how users discuss sexuality and national identities. The focus is on social media platforms as they enable users to bypass traditional gatekeepers and use reason and emotions to argue about different issues. The article uses the case studies of a Zimbabwean school teacher, Neal Hovelmeier, and a South African gay celebrity, Somizi Mhlongo, who became subjects of Twitter discussions in Zimbabwe because of their homosexual orientation. The article established that Twitter reflects a wide range of reactions and formulations of queerness within what is imagined to be normative identities in Zimbabwe. It further noted that queer struggles are tied to contemporary political and social struggles and Twitter users frame their responses in ways that show these intersections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China is often considered as motivated by a desire to challenge the international status quo, a challenge the West is trying to mitigate. Social constructivists account for this challenge via a norm of nationalistic assertiveness in Chinese foreign policy; a norm constructed in the synergetic relationship between China's Communist Party and its nationalist movement. However, this work argues that Chinese foreign policy is motivated, in part, by nationalist pressure arising from an antagonistically symbiotic relationship between the Communist Party and China's nationalist movement. This understanding is significant as it indicates that western policies are paradoxically factoring in the emergence of a challenger China. © 2023 Victoria University of Wellington and John Wiley & Sons Australia, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amhara nationalism emerged in the Ethiopian political discourse in the 1990s, and has appeared at varying paces across time. This article examines whether the trajectories in Amhara identity conceptions go from rejection to embracing Amhara ethnicity. A qualitative data analysis is used gleaned from various sources including archives, opinions expressed in social media platforms, and key informant interviews undertaken largely in 2020. The article revealed how Amhara ethnicity has been built under various political contexts in Ethiopia. In the last, nearly three decades' actors and political parties shift their subscription from Ethiopian identity to Amhara and the other way around. This shows the situationality, and variability of ethnicity, and more importantly, the weight of context in the construction of identity discourses and practices. The practice of "Amhara democratic nationalism", with its Bolshevik ingredients, aimed to "discipline" Amhara, accompanied by the attitude of many ethnonationalist elites which consider all Amhara as an oppressor gave way to reactive ethnicity, and Amhara political identity is already established with essential implications for the current political discontent and future of Ethiopia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Iranian cinema is an artistic forum in which cultural values and national sentiments are discursively performed, rehearsed, and negotiated. It plays a pivotal role in propagating and consolidating various vestiges of national identity. The interplay between cinema and national identity finds its apotheosis in the directorial oeuvre of Dariush Mehrjui, which is characterised by a vested interest in cross-cultural appropriation of canonical literary texts. This study examines the ways Mehrjui appropriates Saul Bellow's Herzog (1964) to project a spiritual spectatorship anchored in Islamic ethos in Hamoun (1990). It builds upon Robert Stam's concept of 'intertextual dialogism' to pinpoint the articulation of an alternative texture of 'Iranian-ness' within the mythopoetic narrative flow of the film. Hamoun is a character-driven quest narrative in which the protagonist abdicates material life in favour of achieving spiritual salvation. As a filmic discourse, the movie instructs how the narrative trajectory of the refashioned national identity should be conceived in cinema at the turn of the millennium. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: The decade of the 1920s witnessed a significant transformation in Peruvian political culture with the widespread recognition of the indigenous problem as a socioeconomic phenomenon, which paved the way for new political languages. This article aims to recover the role of myth in the Peruvian indigenista debate during this period. Specifically, it delves into the literary polemic of indigenismo in 1927, focusing on how intellectuals from Lima, Cusco, and Puno bestowed their arguments with legitimacy, effectively intertwining literature and history through the incorporation of mythical elements. Methodology: The study proposes an examination of the arguments put forth by indigenista intellectuals using the tools of conceptual history, drawing heavily from Hans Blumenberg's work on myth. This theoretical framework helps uncover the semantic foundations of Peruvian indigenist's language and sheds light on the historical temporalities of their political projects. Originality: This article advances a novel analysis of the intellectual field by reinterpreting primary sources related to the 1927 indigenismo polemic, reconstructing synchronic languages on national identity, and highlighting the role of myth as a significant rhetorical device. By exploring how supporters of indigenismo creatively employed myth to imagine the past and mobilize politically, this study uncovers previously overlooked conceptual shifts and their mythical underpinnings. Conclusions: The study argues that myth played a crucial role in shaping the political language of a new generation of Peruvian intellectuals. Indigenismo facilitated the emergence of novel conceptual frameworks that interrogated national identity, accelerated expectations of change, and incorporated mythical elements from indigenous experiences, including rebellions in the south and the activities of the Comité Pro-Derecho Indígena Tahuantinsuyo. Concepts such as nation and socialism were democratized and imbued with mythical significance, reflecting the diverse temporalities within the indigenista movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2022, the Welsh Government announced plans to increase the size of the Welsh Parliament/Senedd Cymru, a culmination of two decades of elite-level argument over whether more members should parallel the institution's growing suite of legislative and fiscal powers. While an expanded legislature may improve the Senedd's capacity to scrutinise the executive, opposition has focused on increased costs that detract from core public spending. Using a novel survey experiment conducted in the 2021 Welsh Election Study, we assess public attitudes and find that support for expanding the Senedd is limited to those with a strong Welsh-only identity and pro-autonomy preferences. Although appeals to holding the executive to account do not broaden this base of support, a framing that the Senedd should be comparable in size to legislatures in Scotland and Northern Ireland does have a positive effect on voters with more median constitutional preferences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the architectural and political significance of the Legislative Building in the Philippines, particularly within the context of colonialism and nationalism. It explores how the construction and symbolism of the building reflect broader themes of colonial power dynamics, Filipino identity formation, and the struggle for independence.

This article examines the collection activities of Paul Dyck (1917–2016), a collector of Native North American Plains objects. Paul Dyck's extensive archive is employed to explore networks of collectors and their practices, spanning the entirety of the United States in the mid-twentieth century. Weaving ethnographic material conducted with private collectors and heirs alongside Dyck's correspondence, Dyck's activities are situated within the history of anthropological thought, a discourse on the nature of settler colonial practices of collection, and U.S. settler identity formation. The article draws on these insights to introduce settler materiality, a new theoretical term and definition with relevance for anthropologists, Native American and Indigenous Studies scholars, historians, and settlercolonial theorists interested in the way material culture functions in settler colonial societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How did revolutions facilitate empires' transition to nation-states? This article compares the Bolshevik and the Chinese Communist Revolutions. It conceptualizes this Soviet–Sino comparison through three dimensions of nation-building: separating from a universal community, building a national cultural core and overcoming internal ethnopolitics. Both socialist regimes accommodated the nation-state model by fusing centralized control with limited autonomy for ethnic minorities. Yet, whereas the Soviet Union claimed to be a universal union of nation-states, which was supposed to keep accepting new members until it covered the entire globe, the People's Republic of China resembled a typical nation-state that preserved multiethnicity and enclosed borders under the title of the 'Chinese Nation'. In analyzing the influence of revolutions, this article probes three relations: inter-revolution, revolution–society and revolution–counterrevolution. Arising after the Bolsheviks as a follower-revolution, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was confined to a national component of the USSR's global communism project. This shaped the CCP's enclosed geographical activity space, Han-dominated ethnic composition and the consciousness of national liberation. The CCP's mobilization covered far wider social strata than the Bolsheviks' had, which engendered stronger manpower and motivation to transform the traditional culture into a national culture. Being weak at its borderlands, the CCP was cautious about the doctrine of 'national self-determination', not daring to make it a geopolitical weapon for revolution export as the Bolsheviks had done in founding the Soviet Union. Owing to each of these differences in revolutionary trajectories, the CCP was more receptive to 'China' than the Bolsheviks were to 'Russia', and this led to two distinctive ways of reorganizing empires into nation-states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThe paper addresses and contributes to one of the core debates concerning the usage of terminologies such as ‘loyalists’ and ‘rebels’, often ascribed to actors involved in the anti-colonial movements across the world. By taking the case of the Indian rebellion of 1857, the paper argues that moments such as this, more often than not, have subtle and nuanced reflections, and the trajectories of responses transcend simplistic categorisations. In the mid-nineteenth century colonial Bengal ‘loyalism’ of the middle-class intelligentsia towards the foreign rule contained internal contradictions, which was far more nuanced than has been portrayed in the last one and half centuries. Based on the contemporary reports, memoirs, and writings, the paper argues that while the nature of opposition and resistance were reflected in a rhetoric that was different, they emanated from similar sets of discontents, and would play a pivotal role in shaping the later-day discourse of nationalism in South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The exercise of public power by substate entities poses a challenge for international law. Although such entities lack international legal personality, their actions can have international significance and, because they are state organs, must always adhere to the international obligations assumed by the state. In Spain, the autonomous communities exercise broad powers, which, in the case of Catalonia (via the Generalitat), include education, healthcare, prisons and police. Research shows that the Generalitat has exercised – and, to some extent, continues to exercise – some of its powers in disregard of certain constitutional and legal obligations. This action by public authorities in disregard of the law can have international consequences, and various international organizations have expressed positions on it through their bodies. This paper examines these positions on the Generalitat's actions in connection with the secession process and other related policies, including both those that have been critical of this behaviour and those that have expressed direct or indirect support for it. The practice of the European Union, the Council of Europe, and the UN Human Rights Council through its Special Rapporteur on minority issues is analysed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the biographical process of becoming a nationalist activist in the environment of Polish football supporters. Analysing the issue in focus, it also aims to show how the biographical approach can be a useful method to study the processes of reproduction of bottom–up nationalism in general. To this end, we use the classic theoretical approach of Thomas and Znaniecki to explore autobiographical narratives from interviews with 35 nationalist activists from supporter groups of Polish football clubs. The analysis identifies three patterns of the process of becoming a nationalist activist, which are described as patterns typical of keepers, the awakened and followers. The study indicates that the national-martyrological attitude is the foundation of the distinguished paths, and shows how the supporter environment develops the national-martyrological attitude into nationalist activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses a Polanyian frame to place the plight of Roma in Europe in the context of an age of crisis, as evidenced by faltering neoliberal economies and a corresponding rise in xenophobia and extreme manifestations of nationalism. The situation of the Roma remains precarious, a situation exacerbated by the 2008 economic crises and the COVID-pandemic. Despite a number of social inclusion measures in recent decades, at the national and European level which target the Roma, Roma exclusion remains a serious challenge. The paper assesses why previous policy regimes failed but also reflects on what is the way forward in terms of inclusive policy frameworks. The article seeks to provide some answers to these questions with a vision of a Polanyian countermovement in the form of a New Social Europe predicated on redistribution, recognition and community action but also a re-envisioning of integration and transformative change in structural and cultural terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alongside the private military company Wagner and his notorious Internet Research Agency (IRA), Yevgeny Prigozhin was associated with the Patriot Media Group (PMG) which amplified state narratives through its webpages and was registered by Roskomnadzor, the federal agency for supervision of Russian media. The Patriot Media Group was shut down after the mutiny, June 23, 2023, while most of its channels were removed or remain inactive currently. The essay provides a brief account of the Patriot Media Group’s structures, partnerships, and campaigns based on digital ethnographic observations of their web channels. The news coverage from predominantly Russian language news outlets sheds light on how the Group operated and what happened after Prigozhin’s mutiny. The essay concludes with some directions for future research on a complex and murky media production facility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic unleashed a torrent of conspiracy theories across different social media platforms. Parallel to this conspiracy wave was a heightened sense of nationalism, which manifested through both in-group solidarity and perceived out-group threats. In this study, we examine how individuals' use of government social media to gather political information correlated with nation-related conspiracy beliefs during the pandemic. Data were collected from 745 subjects in China and analyzed through path analyses, which allowed us to examine the direct association with political information consumption from government social media and the indirect association with nationalism on conspiracy beliefs. The results indicated that the use of government social media to gather political information was associated with greater beliefs in nation-variant COVID-19 conspiracies, both directly and through different mediations of nationalism. Our findings highlight the importance of examining government social media use and how nationalism can have differentiated mediation effects on beliefs in conspiracy theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The establishment of the Turkish and Irish republics took place nearly simultaneously, under the influence of the nationalist movement. This study discusses the cultural foundations of nationalism that emerged during the independence struggles and the necessity of transferring them to children in comparison. In particular, it is claimed that nations that have fought for independence want to create myths about these difficult times, immortalize them with works such as poetry, stories, and novels, and then pass them to the next generations. This study indicates that although they have different languages, religions, and traditions, these two countries tell fairy tales and epics for children in almost the same period for the same purposes. To illustrate this, two folk narratives of both cultures were compared in this study. In conclusion, these comparisons show that the Irish and Turkish nationalist movements exercise their freedom to 'conceive themselves' and hope to benefit somewhat from reflecting this on children's literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]