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While it is often assumed that the core debates about nationalism were settled by modernist scholars already in the 1980s, there are reasons to question this theoretical 'consensus', especially because it fails to anticipate the wave of nationalist geopolitics that is currently sweeping through the world. Contemporary studies of nationalism typically refrain from conceptualising politics in spatial terms, while overstating states' ability to shape ethno‐national identities irrespective of their ethnic roots and offering little empirical validation. To overcome these limitations, it is useful to analyse how nationalism transforms the state, rather than the reverse. This article reports findings from an EU‐funded research project that uses historical maps covering borders of states and ethnic groups to show how nationalism causes increasing congruence between these borders and how a lack thereof makes conflict and border change more likely. This risk is further increased by 'restorative' narratives bemoaning supposedly lost independence and unity. Further research traces the spread of reactive nationalism through modernisation processes driven by railroad expansion until the early 20th century. Yet this does not mean that state partition offers the only, or the best, solution to nationality problems. Power sharing can pacify at least as well as ethno‐nationalist border change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This mixed-methods study examines university students' reflections on their high school social studies teachers' views and pedagogy surrounding the issues of immigration, nationalism, and patriotism within the classroom. The article is based within the framework of critical pedagogy, particularly critical nationalism. The sample (N=58) comes from students enrolled in an introductory education course at a university in the American Southeast. The quantitative data revealed that students believed their teachers tended toward more inclusive views regarding immigration overall, but they were more exclusive toward undocumented immigration. They also tended to have high levels of patriotism and more moderate levels of nationalism. The qualitative data revealed a lack of discussion on immigration, which related to a larger fear of discussing contemporary issues of controversy within the classroom. This study has strong relevance for both educators and teacher educators in critically and thoroughly examining issues such as nationalism and immigration, particularly in more conservative settings like the American Southeast where these topics are often given little more than a cursory overview.

This study aims to investigate the role of moderate Islamic education in enhancing nationalism among Indonesian Islamic student organizations in the era of Society 5.0. The research design took a qualitative approach, and the location for the research was IAIN Parepare, Southeast Sulawesi Province, Indonesia. Some 21 people participated in the study, including 18 students who belonged to an Islamic student organization and three lecturers who taught Islamic religious education courses. Data were collected through observation, interviews, and documentation that focused on three themes, namely moderate Islamic education, Islamic student organizations, and nationalism. The findings revealed that the process for internalizing moderate Islamic values through Islamic religious education courses can foster a spirit of nationalism that manifests in the attitudes and behaviors of students in the community. Unfortunately, moderate Islamic education at IAIN Parepare has not been optimally applied, with observations showing that promotion of the moderate Islamic movement through seminars and workshops is still limited. In addition, students who belong to the Islamic student organization have not fully enhanced their moderate Islamic literacy on campus. In reality, moderate Islamic values are very important for improving students' moral and intellectual capacity and instilling a broad sense of nationalism. Stakeholders should therefore support campus activities for moderate Islamic education as a way of preventing radicalism and improving the intellectual and moral capacities of Islamic college graduates. It is hoped that through moderate Islamic education and a strong sense of nationalism, Islamic student organizations throughout Indonesia can help support national development and realize a peaceful life for everyone.

The discussion about the loss of nationalism values in the Indonesian migrant workers' (IMW's) children in border areas, has become an important issue in the world of Indonesian education. The purpose of this study is to describe the role of Community Learning Center (CLC) in fostering nationalism values in IMW's children, as well as to reveal the teaching experience and meaning of nationalism from the perspective of teachers at CLC Sarawak, Malaysia. The research uses qualitative method with case study approach that focuses on factors that can foster nationalism of IMW's children. Data collection obtained through observation techniques, in-depth interviews, and documentation. The results showed meaningful findings according to the conditions in the education system in CLC, as well as socio-cultural conditions that affect every activity in the border area. The first finding indicates that CLC has an important (central) role in fostering the nationalism of IMW's children in border areas. The second finding shows the fact that teachers are still experiencing some problems in the field, such as; limited access to information and communication, teacher education background, school conditions, limited educational units, learning facilities, and family and social environments. The third finding emphasizes the importance of nationalism for teachers who devote themselves to teaching in border areas, because teachers have a crucial role in transferring knowledge, providing meaningful learning experiences, and fostering the nationalism of IMW's children.

The ascendance of White Christian nationalism has profound implications for democracy and public institutions in the United States, including public education. This article explains the core beliefs and features of White Christian nationalism as a contemporary religiopolitical movement that seeks to fuse Christianity with civic life; delineates how and why it matters for educational research; and identifies how education scholars might begin to address White Christian nationalism, particularly by investigating how it can be unlearned. We argue that learning about White Christian nationalism can help educational stakeholders better understand current educational battles, such as banning books and discussion of critical race theory, and contextualize a wide range of pressing problems facing US education, especially problems involving educational justice and equity.

Identity issues have been an area of focus in language learning motivation scholarship. However, the role of national identity in language learning motivation has not received sufficient attention. In response to the timely call for reflections on nationalism and language education, this study examines how political nationalism and cultural nationalism shape Chinese learners' motivation to learn Japanese. Our analysis suggests that cultural nationalism considerably enhances Chinese learners' motivation whereas the motivational impact of political nationalism is bifurcate. Our research helps illuminate the mechanism of the rooted L2 self and national interest in language learning motivation, especially in the Chinese context.

English language learners should become successful intercultural speakers and global citizens promoting qualities that go beyond national boundaries. Supposed to be globally appropriate, global course books from Global North publishing houses reproduce coloniality and are neither neutral nor free of nationalism. Local(ised) teaching materials allow contextualised content but fall short, with negligible adaptions. Interviews with lecturers at Savannakhet University show: the global course books barely leave room for Lao students to express their experiences. In a return to the nation and to decolonise education, I argue for local(ised) material including pluralistic and multicultural forms of nationalism, building on the learners' diverse backgrounds.

This study focused on the experiences of three Asian undergraduate students at a private urban institution in the United States. The findings indicate that the participants' racial, cultural and linguistic identities are dynamic and complex, echoing features indicated by the concept of superdiversity. Yet, under the influences of the rising nationalism and the strong grip of monolingualism, participants have been constantly under the pressure from English-only ideologies and the so-called forever-foreigner stereotype against Asian Americans. This study sheds light on rethinking higher education teaching and learning from the perspectives of marginalized students in the era simultaneously featuring superdiversity and nationalism.

This study demonstrates ways that geopolitics may interfere with the pursuit of global science. In particular, the study sought to understand the impact of the U.S. Department of Justice's China Initiative on the U.S. scientific community, especially among those of Chinese and other Asian descent. Based on a survey of about 2,000 scientists in top U.S. research universities, findings show a consistent pattern of neo-racism, neo-nationalism, and the consequences for future international collaborations and maintaining highly skilled talent. The findings show how neo-racism and neo-nationalism may be sabotaging the efforts of the U.S. to be globally competitive.

This study explores a group of social studies teachers' conceptions of citizenship by taking into consideration the country's increasingly authoritarian political culture. It offers an analysis of semi-structured interviews carried out with 20 teachers working at state middle schools in a relatively secular city. The study found that the majority of the teachers are subscribed to a non-democratic conception of citizenship that prioritizes an uncritical loyalty to the nation, inculcates passive compliance, relies on a pro-Muslim notion of human rights, and makes little room for political issues discussion. Despite that, some teachers seem to develop oppositional discourses and seek ways to claim their agencies. The study concludes that the authoritarian Islamic nationalism in power has intensified the ethno-religiously nationalist, statist, and duty-centric aspects of citizenship education (CE). Some teachers' explicit emphasis on pro-Islamic and anti-western discourses and almost all teachers' explicit concern to stay away from politics emerge as novel characteristics that are consistent with the dictates of Turkey's authoritarian regime. It seems authoritarian populist nationalism redresses citizenship as an exclusionary notion grounded in race, ethnicity, religion, and civilizational claims. Insights from this research may help the advocates keep CE supportive of democratic values under authoritarian conditions.

This article addresses the ways in which education systems responded to the aftermath of World War I with respect to education for nationalism and internationalism. It does so by drawing on theories of internationalism and through an analysis of the writings of Daniel Prescott, an American scholar who toured European schools in the middle of the 1920s. Influenced by his experience of frontline warfare as a volunteer driver in France in 1917, Prescott travelled in Austria, Czechoslovakia, England, France, Germany and Switzerland from September 1926 to June 1927 hoping to see education systems being more internationalist and less chauvinist. He interviewed prominent educationists and observed and interviewed teachers in schools, sending regular reports by letter to his sponsors and then publishing a book "Education and International Relations. A Study of the Social Forces That Determine the Influence of Education," in 1930. The analysis of his account of his observations demonstrates that Prescott collected evidence of a growing internationalist approach to education particularly among elementary school teachers. The analysis also relates this to the contemporaneous concern to develop internationalism as a response to the nationalism at the heart of WWI.

While ample research has examined how youth in the United States define 'Americanness', little attention has been given to how youth imagine the nation of the future, particularly in light of ongoing immigration. This study investigates how middle school students envision necessary national reforms, and how these views reflect different models of nationalism. To explore how these perceptions are informed by experiences in school and the local community, I analyze ethnographic and student and staff interview data from two middle schools in California located in vastly different sociopolitical communities. I find that, (1) exposure to school curriculum that encourages critical reflection--including a critique of national inequality and hostility toward immigrants--influences whether students support individual or structural national reforms, and (2) students' degree of critical reflection shapes their endorsement of expansive vs. restrictive nationalism. I conclude with implications for educators to support student sociopolitical development and critical reflection.

The settler nature of Québécois society makes it a distinct case of minority nationalism. Québec's claim of self‐determination is necessarily more complex and intricately woven with parallel claims from the Indigenous peoples of the territory. This paper argues, first, that Québécois society holds significant obligations toward Indigenous peoples reflected in the commitments made in the historical French treaties and second, that the normative principles embedded in those treaties should be used to transform the relationships it holds with Indigenous peoples and Québec's nationalist project itself. Overall, the paper suggests that Québécois nationalism needs to move away from settler colonialism by considering more seriously the shared nature of the territory it purports to have sovereignty over and by upholding the principles that allowed settlers to stay on the land. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research that aimed to (1) produce instruments that were feasible to measure the ability to solve physics problems and nationalism, and (2) determine the quality of instruments that have been developed. This research was conducted through four stages, namely the design, preparation of tests, test trials, and preparation of valid instruments. The instruments developed are physics problem solving ability test instrument consists of 10 number essay questions and nationalism questionnaire consists of 35 items arranged in the form of a Likert scale. This research used qualitative and quantitative analysis provided by eight validators (experts, physics teachers, and peer reviewers), and empirical validation analysis. The content validation showed that the instruments developed were in the valid category with a validity value of 1.00 for each item in the two instruments developed. Empirical validation involved 250 high school students who were randomly selected. It was found that: (1) instruments developed in accordance with Partial Credit Model (PCM) in which all items developed were in the range of 0.77 to 1.33, (2) the instrument reliability was in the good category with in the range of 0.72 to 0.98 for both instruments, (3) the level of difficulty of problem solving ability instrument has good criteria in the range of -0.88 to 1.81e.

Amhara nationalism emerged in the Ethiopian political discourse in the 1990s, and has appeared at varying paces across time. This article examines whether the trajectories in Amhara identity conceptions go from rejection to embracing Amhara ethnicity. A qualitative data analysis is used gleaned from various sources including archives, opinions expressed in social media platforms, and key informant interviews undertaken largely in 2020. The article revealed how Amhara ethnicity has been built under various political contexts in Ethiopia. In the last, nearly three decades' actors and political parties shift their subscription from Ethiopian identity to Amhara and the other way around. This shows the situationality, and variability of ethnicity, and more importantly, the weight of context in the construction of identity discourses and practices. The practice of "Amhara democratic nationalism", with its Bolshevik ingredients, aimed to "discipline" Amhara, accompanied by the attitude of many ethnonationalist elites which consider all Amhara as an oppressor gave way to reactive ethnicity, and Amhara political identity is already established with essential implications for the current political discontent and future of Ethiopia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While fossil fuels are a well‐researched element of nationalist discourse, the relationship between nationalism and renewable energy has not yet been adequately explored. We address this gap by investigating the impact of the energy transition on the Scottish National Party's (SNP) discourse between 1983 and 2021. Through an analysis of SNP manifestos and speeches, we discursively trace the evolution of three pertinent amalgams of nationalism—green nationalism, resource nationalism and techno‐nationalism—revealing renewable energy to have been co‐opted and deployed in all three. Rather than the energy transition intuitively resulting in the decline of fossil fuel‐based nationalisms in favour of those rooted in an emergent renewable energy paradigm, we find that adaptations in the SNP's discursive strategies allowed the former to co‐exist with the latter, enhancing complementarity and mitigating goal conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Methodological nationalism (MN) pervades higher education scholarship and practice, particularly in the arena of globalisation of higher education (HE) (Shahjahan and Kezar 2013). MN refers to the assumption that national boundaries define the natural category or unit of analysis for society. Drawing on affect theories, this conceptual article aims to problematise how the 'nation state' as a natural category (or container) pervades global HE practices and policies. Affect refers to emotions, responses, reactions and feelings that are relational and transpersonal, and an object's (e.g., nation-state) continuous emergence and unfolding in a world driven by intensities and feelings. Based on three real-life examples in/about South Asian HE, we demonstrate how the 'nation-state' category comes into being (and becomes 'sticky') through the experienced and imagined encounters among: (a) individuals, (b) national policy and (c) transnational actors. We show how, through imaginaries and practices, the 'global' manifested through using the 'nation-state', indicating a strong and evolving relationship between the two categories, informed by emotional and imaginative futures. We argue that an affect lens illuminates how MN is perpetuated as the nation-state becomes a naturalised container for (potential) encounters in the enactments of HE globalisation and moving beyond MN requires an ontological shift.

This article considers the potential of language-focused online teaching platforms (OTPs) for fostering intercultural communication among their users. Drawing on interviews alongside an analysis of two OTPs websites, I argue that OTPs' webpages (re)produce banal nationalism grounded in nation-language congruence and instrumentalist language ideologies that conceive of language learning in terms of potential socioeconomic gains. However, I also find that: (1) learners' experiences can result in them questioning essentialist language ideologies; and (2) many users embrace a language ideology of conversational cosmopolitanism, which is premised on open-minded interaction with others and is consistent with the goals of intercultural communication educators.

This article focuses on China's policy response to US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi's visit to Taiwan in August 2022. Pelosi's action triggered a surge of popular nationalist sentiments in China, but the response of the Chinese government was far less tough than what many popular nationalists had expected. The article argues that the Chinese government's policy choice in response to Pelosi's visit to Taiwan did not depend on the demands of popular nationalists, but rather was based on a cost-benefit analysis according to its perceptions. The influence of popular nationalism on the government's foreign policy choices has been exaggerated owing to an overestimation of the government's reliance on nationalism for its regime legitimacy, and an underestimation of the government's control over public opinion and nationalist activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As China's power grows, a widespread perception is that China is more willing to respond to nationalist demands and act assertively in international incidents. In reality, China has not supported and accommodated nationalism in all events but has cooled down nationalism in some cases. An important unanswered question is, why does the Chinese government demonstrate selectivity when responding to nationalism and take different foreign policies concerning nationalism in various incidents? This article provides a coherent and testable framework to answer this question and uses five cases to test the congruence and validity of the analytical framework. The core argument is that the primary concern of the Chinese government in dealing with nationalism is its legitimacy. When policymakers perceive severe threats to China's regime security and stability, they will open a 'safety valve' to embrace nationalism, allowing nationalism to unleash its anger under the government's monitor and escalating disputes to defend national interests and appease nationalism. When there are few threats to the regime, three factors will affect China's choice: the economic value of the diplomatic relationship, elements of China's core interests, and the viability of reaching an agreement that sets aside the dispute. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is first to elucidate the nature and worldview of theideology of pre–World War II Japan that inspired the Japanese elite to embark on global conquest and that mobilized the Japanese masses to fight to the death even after the dropping of the atomic bombs. Second, the aim is to examine how this ideology first emerged in the Meiji period and how it came to dominate Japanese politics until the end of the war. Third, it will illustrate not only what has survived of this form of ultranationalism in the postwar period, identifying the ideas of core thinkers and organizations, but it will also examine the emergence of different, or perhaps more moderate, forms of Japanese nationalism, pinpointing their key ideas and describing their visions for a future Japan. Finally, I will attempt to shed light on the historical forces and scenarios that might return Japanese ultranationalists to the center of political influence and power in the Japanese state and overturn Japan’s postwar pacifist constitution and noninterventionist military foreign policy.

The study of Hong Kong identity has traditionally been positioned in a local–national dichotomy, where Hong Kong identity is viewed primarily as a local identity while the label of national identity is reserved for identification with the Chinese nation. Hong Kong nationalism, on the other hand, is generally considered a new phenomenon, the study of which has focused predominantly on the political activities in the post-handover period. Drawing on Partha Chatterjee's theory of anti-colonial nationalism, this paper seeks to broaden the understanding of Hong Kong nationalism by examining the nationalistic sentiments manifested during the Chinese language campaign (1964–1971). This paper draws on archival materials to shed light on the presence of anti-colonial nationalism in colonial Hong Kong, an aspect often overlooked or considered a mere extension of Chinese nationalism from mainland China. This paper also discusses the distinctions between anti-colonial nationalism in Hong Kong and Chinese nationalism, highlighting the intricate nature of the concept of Chineseness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a study of the role of Cuba and its influ-ence on the Catalan national movement in the late 19th to ear-ly 20th centuries. Complex socio-political processes, identity formation, and the development of separatist ideas in the con-text of Catalan-Cuban relations were analyzed. Catalonia sup-ported the Spanish government and Castilian nationalism as long as it held colonies, pursued protectionist policies, and acted in the interest of Catalan capital. The catastrophe of 1898 had a significant impact on Catalan nationalism, prompt-ing the development of the idea of regional independence and its desire for greater autonomy. Special attention is paid to the role of Catalan emigrants in Cuba, their influence on the for-mation of separatist organizations, and financial support for the independence movement. The study also highlights the importance of cultural exchanges between Catalonia and Cuba in preserving Catalan identity. It also underscores the key role of Catalan emigrants in the development of Catalan national-ism and the struggle for autonomy, as well as their contribu-tion to the creation of the 1932 Statut of Catalonia.

Following the Second World War, the Cold War initiated a bipolar contest for superiority that would last for decades, and in this era the Soviet Union established communist regimes in Eastern Europe. Nationalism, which the Soviet Union tried to oppress but which played a role in the delegitimization of Soviet control, became an important topic of discussion between authorisation regimes and democratisation efforts in the world politics. During and after the Cold War period several thoughts were introduced about nationalism from different perspectives. Francis Fukuyama was among the important figures who thought about nationalism at that time. In his book “The End of History”, Fukuyama touched upon nationalism to explain the struggle for recognition and argued that nationalism is a form of recognition. In this context, this article first focuses on the historical timeline and nationalism in Eastern Europe in the Cold War era. Then, it examines the events that took place in Eastern Europe in the aftermath of the Cold War by concentrating on Fukuyama’s inferences about nationalism and seeks an answer to the reconsideration of nationalism.

International education is a popular educational strategy among middle-class and affluent families in China and is pursued at increasingly younger ages. Yet, we do not know the implications of this family strategy for the identities and worldviews of privileged Chinese youth and what this may mean for the future of the Chinese nation-state, given the important role of the middle and affluent classes in the trajectory of a nation. To investigate this question, the current study draws on data collected at two high schools that cater to socioeconomically advantaged Chinese families: an international school in Beijing and a standard curriculum school in neighboring Tianjin. Despite unusually high levels of international travel and contact with non-Chinese groups, students at the international school were markedly similar to their counterparts at the standard curriculum school in identities and worldviews. Overall, findings suggest that families that engage with international education for strategic purposes cultivate mundane and strategic forms of cosmopolitanism in their children, as opposed to moral-ideological cosmopolitanism or a sense of global citizenship. Consequently, this study raises issues with arguments that international education will result in more globally-oriented individuals, and with theories that pit the forces of globalization and cosmopolitanism against the nation-state.