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The contemporary debate on participatory democracy agrees with the proposal of new political-territorial arrangements to build more virtuous relations between citizen and state. From this perspective, the article proposes to discuss metropolitan governance from the premise that new territory management strategies are fundamental for thinking about the contemporary dynamics of the urban phenomenon. We use researches already developed about Rio de Janeiro Metropolitan Region to analyze the proposed governance of the metropolitan region of Mexico City from the new Political Constitution promulgated in 2018. With a comparative investigation between the two cases, the article reveals the virtues and impasses existing in the new Constitution of the Mexican capital and show political and spatial characteristics that need to be taken into account to manage one of the largest urban agglomerations in the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we address the issue of metropolitan governance by examining its current state and the factors responsible for that state in Poland and the U.S. We find that, despite numerous differences between the two nations, the state of metropolitan governance is quite similar in both. That is, neither country exhibits examples of well-developed metropolitan governance. What is even more interesting is that the factors responsible for this situation are quite similar in both countries. Our principal finding is that political factors (mainly having to do with citizens’ preferences and the resulting lack of support for metropolitan institutions) have prevented the development of metropolitan governance in both. Moreover, because of the strength of these political factors, the current state of metropolitan governance in Poland and the U.S. is not likely to change in the foreseeable future, even under the presumed pressure of economic competitiveness.

This paper proposes and defines new metropolitan governance strategies for territorial cohesion between inland and urban areas. Different reflections are here presented to comprehend how is it possible to implement cities’ ability to understand and manage metropolitan dynamics. In Europe, urbanisation and land abandonment is a widespread phenomenon compared to many other parts of the world. According to research carried out by the European Union it is estimated that four out of five European citizens will be living in urban areas abandoning villages and rural areas. Many European metropolitan areas are character-rized by overpopulated centres, degraded suburbs and different abandoned or almost abandoned inland areas. These areas, if well connected among them and to the main metropolitan centre, can contribute to solving many urban challenges. There is the necessity to image metropolitan areas as a single entity to increase the cohesion of lands. The latent capital of inland areas can be considered as driving factor behind territorial cohesion and development. This paper analyses in deep the case of the Italian Metropolitan Cities proposing a new governance approach to increase the capacity of urban systems to adapt to natural and man-made changes, considering the hinterland as a strong point rather than a disadvantage. Strategic and Spatial Plans drive the growth of metropolitan areas in a competitive space-economy and support sustainable development policy by ensuring a balance between urban areas with strong competitiveness and inland areas.

In order to become engines of development, large cities require modernization in the area of urban governance. The first part of the article focuses on theoretical concepts of governance and territorial governance, including the instruments that promote good governance, such as the fight against corruption, and its measurement indicators. The second part of the article deals with governance in metropolitan areas, describing several metropolitan bodies of governance, specialised in spatial planning and transportation, discussing the need of coordination and the collaborative approach as a premise for ensuring better transport accessibility and more harmonized spatial plans. Finally, the article presents solutions and recommendations for an efficient reform of metropolitan governance.

The growing concentration of production and population in capital cities in Europe is accompanied by metropolitan governance reform with two policy objectives in mind. Firstly, capital cities are promoted as 'national champions' in the context of global territorial competition. Secondly, metropolitan regions are characterised by recurrent crises of 'governability' as economic, social, environmental and infrastructural interdependencies escape existing jurisdictional scales. However, this process is highly uneven, reflecting the ways in which cities are embedded in their national contexts. Drawing from the literature on varieties of capitalism, and in particular O'Riain's perspective on the Irish case, we suggest that in an era when cities are claimed to be acting as 'national champions', territorial politics need to be more strongly foregrounded in these discussions. Through an in-depth qualitative case-study of Dublin (Ireland), we argue that while government power may be strongly centralised in the city of Dublin, the spatial entity of Dublin is relatively powerless. Despite a number of recommendations since the 1970s, there has been little will or action to meaningfully devolve power to the city-regional level in any way, contrary to comparative European experiences. The paper illustrates how a central state stranglehold over the Dublin metropolitan area is hampering the efficient governance and sustainable development of the city. These governance constraints at the sub-national level with significant planning implications indicate a reluctance to engage with the metropolitan as a particular territorial scale in Ireland – and a profound fixity in the architecture of the state. We term this metro-phobia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on policies seeking to address social inequalities in metropolitan areas, where the allocation of resources to places with needs often clashes with the politics of redistribution in fragmented local government systems. Scholarship on metropolitan governance has yet to overcome the opposition between proponents of consolidation and defenders of polycentrism. The crucial open question is whether and how intergovernmental cooperation and revenue-sharing can redress spatial equity in institutionally fragmented metropolitan areas. This article addresses this question by exploring the determinants of social expenditures in the 630 municipalities of seven major metropolitan areas in Switzerland, where revenue-sharing systems are common. The analysis shows that intergovernmental grants make a significant but limited contribution to reducing the mismatch between needs and resources in fragmented and decentralized metropolitan areas, depending on the redistributive efforts made by higher state levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The author explores the problem of territorial reorganization of the metropolitan area within the Canadian evolutionary federal system, taking as an example the cities of Toronto and Montreal. The results of the research indicate that adaptation strategies, applied by states aiming at empowering the metropolis, depend on the general level of the territorial units’ autonomy. The existence of strong local self-government favours creation of intercommunal cooperation structures without dissolution of current local territorial units. Territorial reorganization in the case of states with a low level of local autonomy may facilitate elimination of former local units by theirs amalgamation in new, larger metropolitan self-government structures. As far as this context is concerned, Canada constitutes a very interesting study case. Taking into consideration Canadian evolutionary federal system, highly limited local autonomy of the cities, and its mix of European and American traditions, one can observe almost all the above-mentioned dimensions of reform and adaptation strategies. Advanced and institutionalized intercommunal cooperation, developed in Toronto and Montreal in the middle of the 20th century, was interrupted by amalgamation imposed by provincial government, which resulted in creation of new, enlarged metropolitan cities of Toronto in 1998 and Montreal in 2002. In both cases the amalgamation has not been accepted by a part of the population and destabilized cooperation in these metropolitan areas. The trouble with amalgamation led to abandonment of further structural and territorial reforms, which were replaced by functional ones, taking the form of special agreements between Toronto and Montreal and their respective provinces (Ontario and Quebec), giving them both new competences and financial resources. Regardless of any difficulties in pursuing an appropriate metropolitan regime and the suitable position for the metropolis in the structure of a political and territorial system, both cities have achieved strong economic performance and high quality of life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper questions the routes to knowledge of metropolitan governance elsewhere in the world and then explains how and why these are rendered more difficult in Australia. The paper begins with the policy literature on the exchange of knowledge relevant to metropolitan governance. The paper next explains the constitutional and fiscal backdrop to metropolitan governance in Australia; the 'unique' role of state governments in the funding, planning, and management of cities, and the powers adopted by the federal government that are made possible by vertical fiscal imbalance and funding conditionality. The paper then explores horizontal knowledge exchange of metropolitan governance in the form of transnational municipal networks, corporations, international organisations, and consultants. The final section of the paper considers the thesis that were Australia's cities to function independently, as metropolitan governments, the potential for knowledge exchange would be optimised. Knowledge of smart city technologies is used for case study purposes. Australia's metropolitan areas suffer from a knowledge deficit that compromises their competitiveness, ability to address climate change and to adopt smart city technologies. The knowledge deficit arises from the role of the Commonwealth and state governments in determining metropolitan outcomes, whereas globally knowledge exchange primarily occurring at a metropolitan level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Legitimacy is a central factor in democratic administrative systems, as it determines the success-or failure-of governance structures. In this article, we search for the sources of legitimacy in metropolitan governance by focusing on governance tiers and mechanisms. Auckland, Dublin, Oslo, and Montreal serve as empirical examples. We highlight the strengths and limitations of different types of metropolitan governance structures, and identify factors that may help to establish long-lasting governance structures. To be legitimate, metropolitan governance must take place at a contextually legitimate administrative level, and the governance mechanisms must be in harmony with a legitimate administrative actor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this paper is to analyse the ways in which one of the European Union's Cohesion Policy instrument, i.e. the Integrated Territorial Investment (the ITI), can be used, with specific reference to the example of the Kraków Functional Urban Area (the KFUA). ITI is an instrument of EU policy and was introduced during the 2014-2020 program period. It was designed to promote the development of functional areas, especially on a metropolitan scale, and to strengthen the co-operation ability of local entities. Research design: The reasoning utilised in this article uses participant observation as the primary research method. The complimentary analytical methods are desk research of documents, written questionnaires and individual direct interviews. It is important to underline the direct involvement of the author in the preparation of the ITI Strategy for the KFUA, participative workshops concerning the introduction of ITIs, and expert reports commissioned by the Kraków Metropolis Association (the KMA). The findings enable one to clarify mechanisms disclosed in the national scale with specific features also present in the KFUA. The first part of this paper includes a brief review of the literature concerning the nature of the metropolitan scale, management of the development of functional urban areas, and deliberation procedures. In the second part, the author presents the results of his qualitative research revealing the way an instrument of ITI is implemented by the KMA. Tools used by the KMA, taking into consideration juridical and cultural conditioning, demonstrate how the ITI instrument can become, beyond financial support for communities, a real creator of a co-operative ecosystem of entities. The added value is to show that the ITI instrument, despite some bureaucratic sluggishness, can be, thanks to understanding the essence of "metropolitan governance", an approach which builds real territorial co-operation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The county as the main source of local identity has a key influence on public life in the Republic of Ireland, and amongst other things is reflected in Dáil constituencies, vote transfer patterns, and as the basis for local government. Previous proposals around territorial reform and recent experience with attempted reconfigurations of the county structure (and in particular reviews of county boundaries) suggest that the county is one of those aspects of Irish political life that is highly resistant to change. Contemporary and future debates over public service reform and consolidation, as well as over urbanisation, metropolitan governance and the economic importance of ‘city regions’ will perhaps frame the next phase of debate over the future of the county. However, based on past and more recent proposals for local government reform and boundary change, any future proposals for territorial restructuring are likely to be mediated by a requirement to respect traditional county loyalties. Planning reforms and efforts to place a greater focus on urban-led growth may be challenged by the status of the county as a central and enduring source of identity for most Irish citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the institutionalisation of 100 Resilient Cities [100RC] governance experiments in cities that lack a metropolitan government. In examining this phenomenon, the research develops a novel analytical framework that builds upon the 'beyond experiments' literature and two conceptual foundations: the role of urban governance context, particularly cities lacking a metropolitan government, and the role of transnational city networks. The framework is then applied to review the case study of Living Melbourne (Resilient Melbourne) – a 100RC governance experiment implemented in Melbourne, Australia. Key findings show that the institutionalisation of 100RC governance experiments occurs in cities lacking a metropolitan government by generating new changes in governance, particularly around two key domains: ways of thinking and ways of organising. The study also reveals that most changes generated via institutionalisation are incremental and reformistic, rarely transformational adjustments that can directly bring about urban sustainability transitions. In addition, this research suggests that the extent of institutionalisation is influenced by three key factors: (1) existing metropolitan governance conditions, (2) internal conditions of governance experiments and (3) city networks (only to a limited extent). • Institutionalising 100 Resilient Cities governance experiments leads to new changes in urban governance. • Most changes instigated via institutionalisation are incremental and reformistic, rarely sufficiently transformational. • The extent of institutionalisation is influenced by existing governance conditions and experiments' internal conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under the conditions of globalisation, economic success has been related in politics and theoretical debate to the strength of regions. The concept of the region has therefore also been strengthened in Germany. Within the architecture of a historically grown political landscape, the implementation of the new forms of so-called metropolitan governance, however, has had limited effects. While the limits of “new regionalism” in Germany – by the federal organisation of political geography – are evident, the very idea of regional governance is also to be challenged. Therefore, the article discusses whether the introduction of “Metropolitan regions” can be regarded in the light of the international research on global city-regions.

This study identifies three types of legitimation from the literature that can be applied within metropolitan governance in the contested sphere of spatial planning: input legitimation, throughput legitimation, and output legitimation. The reason for discussing different forms of legitimation within metropolitan governance is that, globally, only a relatively few metropolitan regions are governed directly through a single elected tier of government such as a regional council. Thus, governance mechanisms in most metropolitan regions involve some form of joint working or cross border governance initiatives that have to be legitimized in the absence of a single overarching elected council covering the whole metropolitan area. The main question discussed in this paper is, therefore, whether all three types of legitimation identified are utilized to legitimize governance mechanisms at the metropolitan scale with a specific focus—as a core part of metropolitan governance—on spatial planning processes and projects. In conceptual terms, our typology structures fuzzy lines of legitimation across the three (the “how”, “who” and “what”) suggested aspects of metropolitan governance in the literature. From this point, we draw on cross-case reviews of variables involved in the design, application, and outcome of input, throughput, and output legitimation in Germany and England, chosen because neither has a formal tier of metropolitan-wide government despite their differences in terms of their highly regionalised and highly centralised national government contexts respectively. This relational methodology helps us to learn about the contextual dynamics of how the three types of legitimation might reinforce one another in different international settings, leading to the overall conclusion that they will work best in combination, although output legitimation has a distinctive capacity to work in less formal settings.

Due to the national importance of metropolitan areas, central governments seek to make them as attractive and competitive as possible. In many cases, this is done through state control over metropolitan areas and their governance arrangements. This article examines the relationship between state control and metropolitan governance capacity based on a comparative case study of four metropolitan areas: Auckland, Dublin, Montreal and Oslo. These areas represent different models of metropolitan governance, as well as different forms of state control. We studied state control by focusing on political and administrative decentralization: how independently can the metropolitan government make decisions and perform its tasks? The conclusion is that the different dimensions of decentralization are connected to capacity, but not straightforwardly. This study indicates that state involvement through different forms of control can increase metropolitan governance capacity, but only if it is combined with mandate and supportive policy actions.

This article is an invitation to critically analyze “metropolitan governance” from the point of view of metropolitan fringes and peripheries instead of city-centres. Our aim is to characterize the coalitions of actors built around stakes often considered as non-strategic at the scale of metropolitan policies. In this way, we propose to analyze metropolitan governance not only by identifying which coalition(s) govern, but more precisely which coalition(s) govern which part(s) of the urban space and which metropolitan stake(s). In order to answer these questions, we mobilize materials from two research projects offering two complementary “peripheral” points of view: the territories of urban redevelopment and the territories of logistics development. Thus, it appears that those which govern winning strategic places are not those which govern non-strategic or common places. These spatial divides, that is to say the socio-economic profiles of the territories, are more crucial determinants than the institutional, party-based and corporatist variables to understand and explain the aggregation mechanisms of urban interests. Finally, the perspective on metropolitan governance which we propose constitutes another way of tackling the discussion between the thesis of the neoliberalization of urban policies and the thesis of “the return of the European cities” (Le Galès, 2011a). The existence of a multitude of urban coalitions at stake tends to show that the pluralist urban governance model is only one mode of governance among others within metropolitan areas. This focus on metropolitan fringes and peripheries is thus a way to reconsider urban and metropolitan governance as a multiscale process, which reveals, reflects and reinforces severe hierarchies between sub-metropolitan territories.

The paper presents a reflection on the process of strategic metropolitan governance in the context of the author’s own experience. The author, since 2004 (sometimes with his own company), has prepared or participated in the preparation (as expert, researcher and manager) of many strategies and development programs e.g.: Malopolska Voivodship, Krakow Functional Urban Zone, City of Krakow, City of Rzeszow, and others. That experience allows the formulation of the objectives of the paper, which consist in the disclosing of real mechanisms undermining the strategic reflection of metropolitan governance. The idea of smart governance is then seen in the context of institutional conditionings and determinants. Regional, sub-regional and local scales differ in terms of administrative circumstances and institutional constraints. However those limitations reflect the deeper institutional dimension of governance. Participative, inclusive approaches compete with bureaucratic environment. The authorities, acting in a neo-weberian governance style, pretend to open themselves to new urban movements and civic groups. At the same time, they are still tightly bonded to legal procedures (which is a good custom) and a hierarchical system of making decisions (which – nowadays cannot be evaluated as a best practice). The author’s observations, especially concerning the preparation of the Krakow Development Strategy and Krakow Revitalization Program are confronted with theoretical approaches to the strategic planning of raising the significance of the contractual approach and the territorial dimension. The conclusions of the paper form a set of recommendations concerning the implementation of the idea of smart governance at the metropolitan scale, comprising sub-regional and regional measures.

This research studies the process and the political decisions that were carried out in the creation of Seoul Metropolitan Area (SMA) in order to respond to a territorial reorganization associated to a public transport supply that resulted in a model of transit-oriented development (TOD). Contemporaneously, the paper studies the normative framework that governs the metropolitan areas in Colombia and its metropolitan public transport, as well as, it studies the structuring of the metropolitan collective public transport system of the Aburrá Valley Metropolitan Area (AVMA). The aim of the research is to understand the process of territorial and transport policy decisions that were held in the SMA, which makes it an example and case of study to contextualize a reorganization of the collective public transportation system in the Colombian case, specifically in the AVMA. The objectives of the research are identifying the regulatory principles of territorial and transport planning, strategies, and instruments used for setting the policy decisions that have a binding character on the operating entities of the collective public transport system. In order to put the characteristics of the AVMA collective public transport bus system in evidence, a comparison between SMA and AVMA was developed. The implications emerged from this comparison are used to generate guidelines through three themes: a) governance; b) financial system and c) operational aspects. The guidelines hope point the reorganization of the public transportation bus system and a future transition to a model of Transport -and People - Oriented Development in the Colombian metropolitan level context.

The capital region of the Philippines is one of the largest urban areas in the world in terms of population. The official perimeter of Metro Manila (17 municipalities) is home to about 12 million people and périmetropolitan expansion brings the real figure Manila to 15 or 16 million. The rapid growth of the urban area since the 1960s has led to major management problems of housing, traffic, waste and flood risk, among others. These phenomena are interdependent. Created under Ferdinand Marcos, the National Capital Region was managed by his wife Imelda Marcos, Governor of Metro Manila. After the fall of the dictatorship, a desire for autonomy of the constituent municipalities has led to give strong powers to local governments and mayors. MMDA, the development agency of the city of Manila, which is supposed to coordinate policy development of the capital region, appears to be weak and unable to ensure harmonious growth of the city. This communication discusses some of the difficulties encountered, and examines the most relevant scale for the management of everyday life’s problems.

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The practices of metropolitan governance in the South are normalized and legitimized through the workings of a 'knowledge market' that has evolved at an extraordinary juncture between geopolitical and technological transformations. This essay describes the packaging and management of knowledge since the early 1990s, a period which has seen increasing references to concepts such as 'public–private partnerships', 'new public management' (NPM), 'metropolitan governance' and 'best practice'. It explains the shift in terms of the coinciding dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, which removed the brakes on 'neoliberal policy programmes', and the practicability of using the web for knowledge management. Accompanying the 'metropolitan renaissance' since the early 1990s, NPM theory provided support for private sector‐style management of formerly public services and the claimed 'global trend' of decentralization of those services. The essay subsequently explains how, since the early 2000s, knowledge exchange relevant to metros in the South has also arisen from participation in transnational municipal networks (TMNs). Knowledge exchange has become more geographically complex, including learning across sites in the South. A policy discourse once dominated by global agencies and national governments now primarily takes the form of global agency knowledge transfer via the web and participation in TMNs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globally, cities are fast becoming the locus of initiatives for building urban resilience and local sustainability. How - ever, imperatives for integration in disaster risk management amid boundary transcending disasters in urban agglomerations and metropolitan regions, spur new contentions with regards to what constitutes as a responsive construction of the geographic scale and functional scope of the local, particularly in decentralized regimes. This paper assesses the relevance of the Philip - pines' current framing of the local jurisdictions, as well as prevailing metropolitan governance arrangements and reform agenda, whether these are responsive to managing disaster variability and their required scales for integrated interventions. Specifically examining the case of urban flooding and management in the country's major metropolitan regions - Metro Manila, Metro Cebu and Metro Davao – the study identifies the pitfalls of current frameworks of metropolitan disaster governance across the three conurbations, using the lens of scalar politics. It takes off from the different flood risk analyses and integrated flood manage - ment master plans proposed for these metropolises, which illustrate the growing salience of the metropolitan region as a crucial scale for positioning urban governance capacity. The paper argues that the Philippines' construction of local political boundaries does not respond to the needed integration and scale for urban disaster management in metropolitan regions, which remain hijacked in the contestations for political control between and among central and local structures of power. The country's de - centralization system embeds metropolitan governance within the regional administrative governance coordinated by the central government. This creates an ironic capitulation of integrated urban disaster management mandates to central agencies; however, absent political authority, central government-led metropolitan institutions are constrained by prevailing socio-spatial fragmenta - tion. Integrated flood management reforms therefore rely on ad hoc inter-local collaborations that are vulnerable to impasse in inter-jurisdictional negotiations. The study suggests that the Philippines is in a critical juncture to seriously consider reconfiguring its intergovernmental/decentralization system, and adopt a more appropriate scale reference towards institutionalizing political mandates for metropolitan structures. It concludes that responsive reframing of local and metropolitan regulatory authorities, in accordance with required scales and functional scopes of integrated disaster interventions, is a key reform agenda for govern - ments to consider, if they are to seriously promote local capacity for urban resilience and sustainability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the first time in histroy, the concept of metropolis was used in ancient Greece with the combination of the words of metropol (main) and police (city), in modern time in Europe it was used for the cities such as London, Paris and Rome which are rapidly growing due to immigration and industrialization. The new Republic of Turkey have formed the basis of the polity as centralism with the influence of France. In the early years of the Republic, since the urban population was low and a large proportion of the population lived in the rural area, Village Law No. 442 issued in 1924 was considered sufficient. From 1960's, with the development of life and employment opportunities in the cities, the immigration to the city accelerated and the population of the cities increased. In this period, it has been thought that the city municipalities should be governed by a new management mentality and legal infrastructure, successively in 1930 the Municipal Law No. 1580, in 2004 Law No. 5216 the Metropolitan Municipality, in 2005 Law No. 5302 provincial special administration and Law No.5393 Municipality Law and finally in 2012 Law no. 6360 issued under the law on amendment of resolutions in certain statutory provisions has been enacted. Law No. 6360 has redesigned the municipalities about the issues such as; the mission, authority and responsibility sharing between the metropolitan and district municipalities, urban and rural area management, zoning and planning, personnel system, commercial enterprises and subsidiaries of the municipalities. With the Law No. 6360, 30 cities have become metropolitan. Before the 2019 local elections, the conditions of being a metropolitan have been rearranged and it is planned that of 51 provinces will be whole-city with the administrative model called "whole- city". Within the scope of the work, a discussion is held on the future of the "whole-city governance" model that have been impelemented since 2012 and has been criticized sometimes especially the practitioner mayors, and considered necessary to be reorganized besides positive opinions. In study; by conducting the related literature search, besides legal regulations, current opinions and proposals of legislators and practitioners have been mentioned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This review examines two new socio-ecological imperatives that have the potential to reshape planning practice and policy: urban climate governance and governance for resilience. The roots of the new imperatives lie in international city collaborative networks funded by philanthropy organisations that operate at city scale. City networks operating at the metropolitan scale raise issues for Australian cities with distributed governance. This practice review considers the early manifestation of both imperatives in what might be termed ‘policy experiments’ in Australia’s two largest cities: the new climate governance framework emerging through the City of Sydney’s collaboration with the C40 network and the resilience regime being shaped by the City of Melbourne’s partnership with Rockefeller Foundation’s Resilient 100 program. Whilst our early analysis has accentuated the positive to some degree, pointing to different, if preliminary, forms of success in both Sydney and Melbourne, the limits and frustrations that present in both contexts cannot be discounted. Urban planners in many world cities and regions will need to consider and possibly absorb these new agendas of urban climate governance and governing for resilience driven by international city collaborative networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Metropolitan governance arrangements and their policy purposes have been a matter of debate among researchers and practitioners around the globe. While we may trace three broad schools of metropolitan governance - reform school, public choice theory and new regionalism - with each still having its proponents, we are interested to learn whether there are assumptions on metropolitan governance that have today become general knowledge among urban political elites. By investigating the attitudes and perceptions of city mayors across Europe, we show that functional multipurpose governance bodies are indeed more generally associated with equitable service distribution, whereas the preconditions for cost-efficiency and sustainable development are more equivocally placed at different modes of governance. Moreover, we show that a perceived general lack of problem-solving capacities does not automatically translate into pressures for metropolitan reform, but it is only in combination with a general disaffection with the governance structures currently in place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses Spanish Mayors' perceptions on three areas of possible reforms that are currently on the local government agenda: re-scaling, amalgamations and metropolitanization. This study shows two main features: On the one hand, a relative homogeneity regarding mayors' perceptions of reforms and, on the other hand, a consistent difference in the mayors' orientations from two groups of autonomous communities. The first ones acceded to the "fast track" decentralization process that unfolded in Spain since 1978, due to the pressure exerted by their political leaders; the second group acceded to autonomy in a later wave, equating the distribution of power in all the territories of the state. Specifically, it is found that homogeneity in responses is only apparent when the two groups of mayors are considered. Thus, those from "fast track" regions are more in favor of decentralization towards their regions and structures of coordination or cooperation between levels of government than mayors in "slow track" autonomous communities. We conclude that, in a scenario of shared power and multilevel interdependence, fast-track mayors tend to protect more intergovernmental agreements that favor spaces where they can control the formulation of policies that affect them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the emergence of the larger urban areas the cities become spatially and functionally reliant on their surrounding rural areas. In order to achieve their long-term development goals and territorial cohesion, metropolitan areas strongly rely on their capacity to practice integrated governance. Therefore, the question the paper addresses is to what extent does integrative governance eliminate the peripheralization of the rural actors of the metropolitan area? The efficiency of an integrated governance approach is analyzed through the case of Cluj Metropolitan Area. The investigation is based on interviews with decision makers, territorial planners and academics from the urban core and its surrounding rural authorities. The results show that in order to act in an integrative manner and avoid peripheralization of the surrounding areas there is a need for a common metropolitan vision, partnership development and an institutional framework on a metropolitan scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: A quarter of the European population lives in ‘polycentric urban regions’ (PURs): clusters of historically and administratively distinct but proximate and well‐connected cities of relatively similar size. This paper explores whether tighter integration can increase agglomeration benefits at the PUR‐level. We provide the first comprehensive list of European PURs (117 in total), establish their level of functional, institutional and cultural integration and measure whether this affects their performance. ‘Performance’ is defined as the extent to which urbanisation economies have developed, proxied by the presence of metropolitan functions. In this first‐ever cross‐sectional analysis of PURs we find that while there is evidence for all dimensions of integration having a positive effect, particularly functional integration has great significance. Regarding institutional integration, it appears that having some form of metropolitan co‐operation is more important than its exact shape. Theoretically, our results substantiate the assumption that networks may substitute for proximity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research studies the process and the political decisions that were carried out in the creation of Seoul Metropolitan Area (SMA) in order to respond to a territorial reorganization associated to a public transport supply that resulted in a model of transit-oriented development (TOD). Contemporaneously, the paper studies the normative framework that governs the metropolitan areas in Colombia and its metropolitan public transport, as well as, it studies the structuring of the metropolitan collective public transport system of the Aburrá Valley Metropolitan Area (AVMA). The aim of the research is to understand the process of territorial and transport policy decisions that were held in the SMA, which makes it an example and case of study to contextualize a reorganization of the collective public transportation system in the Colombian case, specifically in the AVMA. The objectives of the research are identifying the regulatory principles of territorial and transport planning, strategies, and instruments used for setting the policy decisions that have a binding character on the operating entities of the collective public transport system. In order to put the characteristics of the AVMA collective public transport bus system in evidence, a comparison between SMA and AVMA was developed. The implications emerged from this comparison are used to generate guidelines through three themes: a) governance; b) financial system and c) operational aspects. The guidelines hope point the reorganization of the public transportation bus system and a future transition to a model of Transport - and People - Oriented Development in the Colombian metropolitan level context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]