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The Covid-19 pandemic has moved relations with Sub-Saharan Africa further up the Maghreb countries' agenda and consolidated existing trends. Morocco is the Maghreb state with the most sophisticated Sub-Sahara policy. Its motivations include attractive growth markets in Africa, frustration over restricted access to Europe, stalemated in­tegration in the Maghreb and the wish to see the Western Sahara recognised as Moroc­can. Morocco's Sub-Sahara policy has heightened tensions with Algeria and awakened ambitions in Tunisia. Algiers, as a significant funder and security actor in the African Union (AU) and "protector" of the Western Sahara independence movement, is seek­ing to thwart Rabat's advances. Tunis for its part is trying to follow in Rabat's foot­steps, hoping that closer relations with Africa will boost economic growth. The Euro­pean Union should treat these trends as an opportunity for African integration and triangular EU/Maghreb/Sub-Sahara cooperation. This could counteract Algeria's feel­ing of growing irrelevance, strengthen Tunisia's economy, put Morocco's hegemonic ambitions in perspective, and thus mitigate the negative dynamics of the rivalry. (author's abstract)

Die Covid‑19-Pandemie hat die Beziehungen zu Subsahara-Afrika weit oben auf die magh­rebinische Agenda gesetzt und damit bestehende Tendenzen verstärkt. Marokko hat unter den Maghreb-Staaten die profilierteste Subsahara-Politik vorzuweisen. Eine Rolle spie­len dabei attraktive Wachstumsmärkte in Afrika, Frustration über den be­schränkten Marktzugang in Europa, die Perspektivlosigkeit der Integration im Magh­reb und der Wunsch, die Westsahara möge als marokkanisch anerkannt werden. Marokkos Subsahara-Politik hat Spannungen mit Algerien verschärft und in Tunesien eigene Ambitionen geweckt. Algier als wichtiger Financier und sicherheitspolitischer Akteur in der Afrikanischen Union (AU) sowie "Schutzmacht" der Unabhängigkeitsbewegung der Westsahara versucht, Rabat auszubremsen. Tunis dagegen setzt auf Nach­ahmung und erhofft sich von engeren Beziehungen zu Afrika mehr Wirtschafts­wachstum. Die Europäische Union (EU) sollte diese Tendenzen als Chance für afrikanische Integration und tri­anguläre EU-Maghreb-Subsahara-Kooperationen verstehen. Dies könnte Marokkos hegemoniale Ansprüche relativieren, Algeriens Gefühl des Bedeutungsverlusts ent­gegenwirken und Tunesiens Wirtschaft stärken - und damit negative Dynamiken des Wettstreits entschärfen. (Autorenreferat)

Journal of Global Archaeology, 2020, Der Artikel beschäftigt sich mit den epipaläolithischen und neolithischen Knochenartefakten der Fundstelle Ifri n´Etsedda, östliches Rif, Marokko. Seit 1995 wird die Region durch ein marokkanisch-deutsches Team archäologisch erforscht, wobei ein Schwerpunkt auf der Untersuchung des Übergangs von aneignender zu produzierender Wirtschaftsweise sowie den hiermit einhergehenden kulturellen Entwicklungen liegt. Innovationen wie Keramikproduktion, domestizierte Tiere und die Kultivierung von Getreiden und Hülsenfrüchten konnten im Rahmen des Projekte ab etwa 7.6 calBP nachgewiesen werden. Die Ifri n´Etsedda, ein kleines Abri nahe des Unterlaufes der Moulouya, ist eine der wichtigsten Fundstellen des östlichen Rif, da hier sowohl epipaläolithische als auch neolithische Ablagerungen untersucht werden können. Während die hier gefundene Keramik auf externe Einflüsse hindeutet, die während des Neolithikums auf die kulturellen Entwicklungen der Region eingewirkt haben, verweisen sowohl Knochenwerkzeuge als auch lithische Artefakte auf lokale, epipaläolithische Traditionen. Die Untersuchung der Knochenwerkzeuge ist daher entscheidend für ein besseres Verständnis von Kontinuität und Diskontinuität zwischen dem Übergang von aneignender zu produzierender Wirtschaftsweise im östlichen Rif. Trotz einer teilweise starken Fragmentierung und intensiver Überformung der Knochenartefakte konnten im Rahmen der vorliegenden techno-funktionalen Analyse, Informationen zu Aspekten der Rohstoffauswahl sowie Produktion, Nutzung und Instandhaltung der Geräte gewonnen werden. Daneben ermöglicht die Präsentation der Ergebnisse eine geographische Erweiterung des bestehenden Corpus an Studien zu epipaläolithischen und neolithischen Knochenartefakten aus Nordafrika, die sich bislang primär auf Fundstellen im heutigen Algerien, Tunesien, Libyen und Ägypten konzentrieren., This paper provides all bone artefacts recovered from the archaeological deposits of Ifri n’Etsedda, Eastern Rif, Morocco. Archaeological research has been carried out in the Eastern Rif since 1995 by a collaborative Moroccan-German research team. A major topic of the project is the transition from hunting-gathering to food production and related cultural developments. Innovations such as pottery, domesticated animals and the cultivation of cereals and pulses appeared around 7.6 ka calBP. Ifri n’Etsedda, a small shelter close to the lower reaches of the Moulouya river, is one of the most important sites in the area containing both Epipaleolithic as well as Neolithic deposits. While innovative technologies such as pottery production and cultivation indicate external influences during the Neolithic period, bone tools, similar to lithic artefacts, demonstrate local technologies of Epipaleolithic tradition. Therefore, the study of bone industries is crucial to understanding the nature of continuity and discontinuity between the hunting-gathering and agricultural populations in the Eastern Rif. The bone artefacts from Ifri n´Etsedda mainly consist of points. Despite their fragmentation and an intense transformation of the original bone, a techno-functional analysis provided information on raw material selection, production, use and maintenance. With the presentation of our results we intend to geographically extend the existing corpus of bone tool studies, which so far primarily focused on sites in present-day Algeria, Tunisia, Libya and Egypt, by adding our assemblage from the Moroccan Rif region, and thus make a contribution to the knowledge on Epipaleolithic and Neolithic bone industries in North Africa.

For scholars, policy-makers and casual observers, there is no doubt that Morocco has undergone an impressive transformation process since Mohammed VI came to power in 1999. The country projects an image of liberal-democratic modernity and socio-economic progress that the international community is happy to go along with. But at the heart of Moroccan modernization lies a glaring paradox: despite two decades of reforms, the dissatisfaction of ordinary citizens with the way the system works has been consistently high, and a number of socio-economic and political indicators do not support the regime’s claim that the country has democratised or is democratising. This article examines the country’s political system through the reformist process – political, economic and social – that began in the 2000s, continued with the constitutional changes of 2011 and culminated with the two PJD-led governments that followed the parliamentary elections of 2011 and 2016. In particular, this study examines the reformist drive in the context of the inter-paradigm debate between democratisation and authoritarian resilience. We employ four criteria to determine to what extent Morocco has democratised: the accountability of decision-makers, the participation of a plurality of voices in the formulation of policies, the degree of individual freedoms and the protection of human rights. This article concludes that the reformist process is simply a narrative the regime has adopted to fend off international criticism and to reconfigure domestic institutions. The fundamentally authoritarian nature of the regime has not changed, and the dominant institutional role that the monarch – unelected and unaccountable – plays undermines all claims of democratisation., Discussion Paper

Research on migrant transnationalism has mostly focused on particular transnational activities, their salience in various contexts and populations, and their relationship with migrant incorporation. Less attention has been paid to the interplay between the different domains of transnationalism (economic, political, and socio-relational) and to the way in which they affect migrants’ identity. This study investigates whether and how one domain of migrant transnationalism—transnational entrepreneurship—influences migrants’ (1) transnational involvement in other domains and (2) sense of belonging to different social groups and places. Focusing on the case of Moroccan entrepreneurs in Amsterdam, the Netherlands, and Milan, Italy, we compare transnational migrant entrepreneurs, whose business is based on cross-border relationships and exchanges, with domestic migrant entrepreneurs, who are active exclusively in the destination country. Combining quantitative and qualitative data, we find that transnational entrepreneurs differ from domestic entrepreneurs mostly in terms of socio-relational transnational involvement. On the other hand, transnational entrepreneurship does not substantially change transnational practices in other domains or sense of belonging among Moroccan migrants., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

At the beginning of the 21th century multitudes of economic, political and cultural mutation have been observed. These transformations are due to the recent audiovisual reforms concerning the multiplication of private platforms (TV and Radios) and the instauration of the higher quality of programs. Our reflexion focused on the facts which have lead some private radios to base their marketing and communication strategy on the digital social medias (DSM) to promote their editorial line and radio programs.

The Moroccan novel, being part of the Arabic novel, is a very recent invention. However, in Morocco the novel has become an emblematic genre, which has known a momentous development. This article attempts a critical analysis of three recently published Arabic novels (Morocco) from a cultural studies perspective by highlighting the translational dimensions inherent in their writing, as well as their tendency to redirect attention to more urgent issues related to Moroccan identity.

The article explores the relation between identity definition and trust in different information sources in Morocco, Jordan and Tunisia following the 2011 Uprisings. While prior to 2011 literature mostly highlighted the role of pan-Arab news channels in consolidating a transnational Arab public sphere, recent studies argued that there has been a reinforcement of national media and identities in the Middle East and North Africa, as a consequence of a partial liberalisation of national broadcasting. Our study is based on the Arab Transformations survey (2014), which unlike previous surveys included questions covering both media consumption and identity definition. We looked at how in the three countries the choice of Muslim, Arab or national identity definition was associated with the preference for distinct sources of political news. The results only partially confirmed the hypothesis of a renewed importance of national media and showed that in the three countries people tended to attribute very different values to the same news sources.

Social networks have been resorted to as effective platforms for social mobility in many parts of the world. This mobility occurs when social media users exploit their interpersonal relationships, especially their ‘weak ties’ (Granovetter, 1973). Social networks enable their users to be producers of information, rather than mere consumers, and to be socially and politically well-informed. They have come to function as the alternative media serving citizens rather than governments’ agendas. The paper investigates whether or not social networks are used for social and political mobility in Morocco. Practically, the boycott campaign 2018 in Morocco is considered to uncover the new services these networks are offering. All these issues are investigated in this paper through administering a survey questionnaire to a Moroccan population. A quantitative and a qualitative analysis of 112 questionnaires show that the majority of the participants not only follow social and political content on social media but also share, post, and re-tweet content. The paper indicates that social media are useful platforms for political and social mobility since they are risk-free, costless, and accessible by everybody. The participants do not deny the outstanding roles that social networks play in organizing campaigns as forms of social mobility, yet they do not consider social media a prerequisite for making such events a success because the world has been witnessing successful mass street protests wherein no use of social media platforms has been mentioned.

Projekte zu Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologien (IKT) in der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit im Globalen Süden operieren mit impliziten und expliziten Vorstellungen, Ansprüchen und Zielen. Die kritische Reflexion zu den Rahmenbedingungen, dem ethischen Status und den Konsequenzen solcher IKT-Interventionen und -Projekte kommt dabei oft zu kurz. Durch eine interdisziplinäre Perspektive und unter Rückgriff auf post- und dekoloniale Theorie können die Bedingungen und Partizipationsmöglichkeiten von "Nord-Süd-Kooperationen" problematisiert und die ihnen zugrunde liegenden Begriffe, Konzepte und deren Konnotationen kritisch beleuchtet werden. Auf der Basis eigener Erfahrungen mit designorientierten Herangehensweisen in einem entwicklungs- und bildungspolitischen Projekt im Hohen Atlas in Marokko sollen diese Kritiken und Problemstellungen veranschaulicht und reflektiert werden. Indem eigene Vorannahmen, Erwartungen und Ansprüche auf den Prüfstand gestellt und Projektverlauf, Technikaneignung und interne Kommunikation nicht als gesetzt, sondern als prozesshaft und wechselseitig aushandelbar verstanden werden, können die Bedingungen für Kooperation in eine dekoloniale Richtung weisen. Information and communications technology (ICT) interventions and development cooperation projects in the Global South operate with implicit and explicit ideas, expectations, and goals about the course of the project and cooperation. Critical reflection on the framework conditions, ethical status, and consequences of such ICT interventions and projects is often neglected. Through an interdisciplinary perspective and recourse to post- and decolonial theory, the conditions and participation possibilities of "North-South cooperation" can be problematized, and the underlying concepts and connotations can be critically examined. Based on our own experiences with design-oriented approaches in a development and education project in the High Atlas in Morocco, we will illustrate and discuss these critiques and problems. The conditions for cooperation can point in a decolonial direction by putting one’s own assumptions, expectations, and demands to the test and by understanding project progress, technology appropriation, or internal communication not as given but as process-oriented and mutually negotiable.

This contribution carves out the co-operative foundations for ethnographic fieldwork, and participant observation in particular, by reflecting on the so-called ‘entry to the field’ as well as the establishment of rapport between ethnographer and interlocutors. Drawing on my fieldwork experience in the Moroccan High Atlas, I propose to understand the ethnographer’s delicate position as being both apprentice and expert simultaneously. Focusing on this relation enables methodological reflections on the workings of ethnographic research, the necessary co-operation of ‘researcher’ and ‘informants’, and the involved media practices. To take this tension seriously makes another insight possible: that the ethnographer, too, is being observed and under constant scrutiny. In this light, successful ethnographic research is possible precisely when successful conditions for mutual exchange and interaction can be situatively created and maintained. It is therefore a process of continuous co-operation that is mediated and necessarily involves media and even produces a range of different media practices.

• Seit 2009 hat sich Marokko zunehmend als Vorreiter der Energiewende inszeniert. Auch die Cop22 nutzte das Land als Bühne, um seine neue Energiepolitik zu präsentieren. • Klima-Diplomatie ist konkreter Bestandteil der außenpolitischen Strategie des Königreichs in Afrika geworden, mit der es eine neue Führungsrolle auf dem Kontinent beansprucht. • Durch die Wiederaufnahme in die Afrikanische Union versucht Marokko, auf eine Lösung des West-Sahara-Konflikts im eigenen Sinne hinzuarbeiten.

In this book, we study demographic developments in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). In the past, the demographic developments in the Middle East and North Africa have been described as "peculiar" and "unique". In particular, the development of fertility got attention from a western point of view because it did not show the sharp decline with increasing development as the western countries did. Moreover, the growing population size and the bulk of young people caused worries, particularly in Europe, where a discussion about "the death of the West" has started. Thus, the demographic processes in the Middle East and North Africa call for a closer inspection of the recent levels and tends. Surprisingly, there is not much literature on these countries, leading us to compile essential descriptive findings. In the present book, we evaluate the current state and recent demographic developments in the MENA countries by presenting comparable and recent data on changes since 1950 and on the current characteristics of the population in the 22 countries of the Arab League (Algeria, Bahrain, the Comoros, Djibouti, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, Oman, State of Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sudan, Syrian Arab Republic, Tunisia, United Arab Emirates, Yemen) plus three neighboring countries (Israel, Turkey, and Iran) using databases of various United Nations agencies and the World Bank. We deliberately refrain from discussing population forecasts which, due to assumptions underlying to them, would be worth to be discussed separately.

This article focuses on the arrangements and interactions between political and social positions of universal standards and those with a conservative character referring to religion. In other words, our concern is to dwell on the manifestation of impact, on the dynamics of gender in Morocco, the confrontation between politico-social institutions referring to religion and those believing in universal principles. Proponents of the secularist view practically conceive of local development far from any discrimination based on social gender. They are thus more open to the public space and to universal values than their Islamist adversaries generally chained by a sometimes radical conservative representation of religious texts. Indeed, social representations, the interpretation of religion, the social imaginary without forgetting the power relations, all this contributed well, within a patriarchal system, to a hierarchy of social relations while determining roles and precise statutes for men and women. A historical approach stopping on some stations of the struggle of the Moroccan feminist movement since independence, especially around the issue of legal status and the family code, will certainly inform us about the new situation of women's rights and the challenges envisioned by the wakes of the patriarchal system. In the same way, the descriptive analytical approach appears indispensable in these conditions.

The potential of renewable energies (REs) goes beyond their contribution to mitigating climate and energy security concerns. Renewables have a high potential for societal support. Different Moroccan stakeholders from policy and decision-making institutions, civil society, academia, youth and industry prefer renewables-based electricity-generating technologies over conventional non-renewables-based technologies. To harness the full potential of societal support of the RE potential in Morocco, small and medium scale RE projects ought to be encouraged in parallel to large-scale projects. There is an intrinsic benefit in streamlining the Moroccan electricity sector transformation process with societal preferences. It helps to foster a sense of ownership among Moroccan citizens. It also permits policymakers and project developers to count on societal support for the policies and the different energy projects. Moroccan stakeholders from policy and decision-making institutions, civil society, academia, youth and industry share and support the national vision of “a low carbon and climate change resilient development” but differ on the priorities of how to achieve it. Over the long term, Moroccan stakeholders have a strong preference for replacing fossil energy sources by REs. Reducing import dependency and lowering electricity costs play a decisive role in these preferences. The stakeholders have even opted for a 100 per cent renewable energy scenario by 2050, whereby the largest share would be provided by wind and solar energy. Such a scenario underscores three of the key sustainability criteria deemed of high importance to the Moroccan stakeholders namely energy independence, electricity costs and water consumption. In future implementation plans of the Moroccan National Energy Strategy, the societal dimension, i.e. the various impacts that the energy strategy will have on society and its different social groups at various levels ought to be empahsized. Beyond the techno– economic effects of the energy strategy on the national level, it has potential societal impacts on the well-being of the communities in the vicinity of the planned power plants. These impacts range from on-site job creation to physical safety, health and air pollution as well as pressure on local land and water security. In Morocco, renewable energies have a high potential of achieving the balance between negative and positive impacts both on the local and national levels compared to non-renewables.

Since coming to power in 1999, Morocco's King Mohamed VI has strengthened his rule by reinforcing his father's strategy of elite co-optation and ­rotation. However, after two decades of economic predation, the gradual waning of rent-distribution channels, and the lack of genuine democratisation, the king's ­strategy of power consolidation may be running out of steam. Mohamed VI's rule has coincided with the adoption of large-scale neo-liberal reforms, which have created new opportunities for economic co-optation and strengthened the monarchy's alliance with local economic and political elites. However, this neo-liberal turn has come with important costs for low-income groups. The last 20 years have been marked by an increase in the obedience of the local elite and the weakening of formal channels of political participation. The king has also been able to take credit for successful policies while simultaneously blaming the administration or elected officials for failed ones and contributing to the de-institutionalisation of the country's politics. Increased inequality and an established culture of contempt towards the "losers" of liberalisation and privatisation policies mean that those dissatisfied with the regime will increasingly turn to coping mechanisms that have a direct impact on European security (e.g. drug and human trafficking, international terrorism, and violent political contestation). A stable and prosperous Morocco is vital to Europe's security. However, inclusive and sustainable economic growth is only possible if genuine democratic reform allows for effective implementation of the rule of law, respect for human rights, and the development of robust democratic participatory channels through which popular grievances can be addressed.

Religious communities frequently work with special motivation, specific credibility and international networks for peace on a global level - even though some perpetrators of violent acts who repeatedly invoke religion cause significant foreign-policy crises. New efforts for peace and challenges in international relations thus require increased competence in and sensitivity to religion in foreign and security policy, and the willingness and qualification to work with religious communities in a spirit of partnership. Numerous states and international organisations have increasingly directed their focus to the peace potential of religions, recognised the strategic meaning of religion-related peace policy and initiated corresponding cooperation. Religions which have assumed responsibility for peace and a foreign policy that has competence in religion could jointly make an important contribution for the peaceful coexistence of humanity. This applies even more so as European societies, which are increasingly becoming secular, are often confronted with communities outside of Europe that are steadily becoming more religious. How can religion-based actors be included into foreign policy as partners? With which subjects, formats or forums?

Religionsgemeinschaften arbeiten vielfach mit besonderen Motivation, spezifischer Glaubwürdigkeit und internationalen Netzwerken weltweit an Frieden, Gerechtigkeit und Solidarität - auch wenn einige andere sich auf Religion berufende Gewalttäter immer wieder außenpolitisch bedeutsame Krisen auslösen. Neue Friedensbemühungen und Herausforderungen in den internationalen Beziehungen erfordern daher vermehrt Religionskompetenz und -sensibilität in der Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik - und die Bereitschaft und Qualifikation, mit Religionsgemeinschaften partnerschaftlich zusammen zu arbeiten. Zahlreiche Staaten und internationale Organisationen haben das Friedenspotenzial von Religionen außenpolitisch verstärkt in den Blick genommen, die strategische Bedeutung religionsbezogener Friedenspolitik erkannt und entsprechende Kooperationen initiiert. Die in die Friedensverantwortung genommenen Religionen sowie eine religionskompetente Außenpolitik können gemeinsam einen wichtigen Beitrag für das friedliche Zusammenleben der Menschheit leisten. Dies gilt umso mehr als säkularer werdende Gesellschaften in Europa sich oft religiöser werdenden Gemeinwesen außerhalb Europas gegenüber sehen. Wie können religionsbasierte Akteure als Partner in die Außenpolitik eingebunden werden? Über welche Themen, Formate oder Foren?

Le potentiel des énergies renouvelables (ER) va bien audelà de leur contribution à la réduction des problèmes en matière de changement climatique et de sécurité énergétique. ER bénéficient d’un haut potentiel de soutien de la part de la société. Bien des acteurs marocains issus des institutions politiques et décisionnaires, de la société civile, du monde universitaire, de la jeunesse et de l’industrie, privilégient les technologies de production de ER par rapport aux technologies fossiles. Pour exploiter pleinement le potentiel des ER et du soutien dont elles bénéficient de la société marocaine, il convient d’encourager des projets de petite et moyenne envergure parallèlement aux projets à grande échelle. Assurer la cohérence du processus de transformation du secteur électrique avec l’appui de la société comporte un avantage indiscutable: cela permet de mieux encourager l’appropriation de ce processus par les citoyens; cela permet également aux décideurs politiques et aux développeurs de projets de compter sur le soutien de la société en matière de politique et de projets énergétiques. Les acteurs marocains partagent et soutiennent la vision nationale d’un "développement pauvre en carbone et résistant aux changements climatiques" mais ils divergent sur les priorités et la manière d’y parvenir. Sur le long terme, les parties prenantes ont une préférence marquée pour le remplacement des sources d’énergie fossile par les ER. La réduction de la dépendance vis-àvis des importations et la baisse du coût de l’électricité jouent un rôle décisif dans ces préférences. Les parties prenantes ont même opté pour un scénario 100 % énergie renouvelable d’ici 2050, dont la part la plus importante serait assurée par les énergies éolienne et solaire. Ce scénario met en avant trois critères clés de durabilité, jugés de la plus haute importance par les parties prenantes: l’indépendance énergétique, le coût de l’électricité et la consommation d’eau. Les futurs plans de mise en œuvre intitulés "Stratégie Energétique Nationale" doivent mettre en avant la dimension sociale. Au-delà de ses effets technico- économiques sur le plan national, la stratégie énergétique a des effets sociaux potentiels sur le bien-être des communautés habitant à proximité des centrales électriques programmées. Ces effets vont de la création d’emplois sur place à la sécurité physique, la santé et la pollution de l’air en passant par la contrainte exercée sur les terres locales et sur la sécurité hydrique. Les énergies renouvelables sont en passe d’atteindre un équilibre entre les effets négatifs et positifs, tant sur le plan local que national, comparé aux énergies fossiles.