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From the moment it launched its armed insurgency in 1980 until the death of its former leader in September 2021, Peru’s Shining Path mesmerized observers. The Maoist group had a well-established reputation as a personality cult whose members were fanatically devoted to Abimael Guzmán, the messianic leader they revered as “Presidente Gonzalo.” According to this narrative, referred to here as the “Gonzalo mystique,” Shining Path zealots were prepared to submit to Guzmán’s authority and will—no matter how violent or suicidal—because they viewed him as a messiah-prophet who would usher in a new era of communist utopia. Drawing on newly available sources, including the minutes of Shining Path’s 1988–1989 congress, this article complicates the Gonzalo mystique narrative, tracing the unrelenting efforts by middle- and high-ranking militants to challenge, undermine, disobey, and even unseat Guzmán throughout the insurgency. Far from seeing their leader as the undisputed cosmocrat of the popular imagination, these militants recognized Guzmán for who he was: a deeply flawed man with errant ideas, including a dubious interpretation of Maoism, problematic military strategy, and a revolutionary path that was anything but shining. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Military Strategy is the process of matching the resources provided to military power according to the threat. Threat is about the future rather than the present and involves an assessment based on the predictions. In a sense, it is perception. When perception is far from reality, it leads to unnecessary waste of resources or, conversely, to increased risks for countries. This study aims to explain the impact of threat perception on military strategy during the Cold War period through the case of Türkiye. The findings obtained through document analysis are supported by interviews with retired military officers specialized in military strategy. According to the main argument of the article, Türkiye’s threat perception during the Cold War was determined by the United States (US) and Türkiye’s defence design was based on this threat created by the US. Questioning the dimensions and accuracy of the threat revealed that the threat was overestimated. One of the reasons why the US overestimated the Soviet threat was its need to appropriate its resources by distributing the need for conventional power among its allies, and another reason was its desire to keep the Alliance under control. However, countries like Türkiye had to spend more strategic resources on military power than necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The impact that the works of Antoine-Henri de Jomini, especially his flagship book Précis de l'art de la guerre, had upon the development of military thought is commonly known. However, in contrast to the lively interest shown towards Jomini's input with regards to the development of French, Russian, American or Italian military theory, there is no study devoted to the role he played in the shaping of Prussian military thinking. The main interest of the article is to present and explain the conditions of Jomini's influence on Prussian military strategy in the first half of the nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking risks might be encouraged, both in business and military strategy, when the potential price of losing would not be excessive while the gains in winning, worth wagering such a bet. In military contexts, a side set on aggression and conquest might take such a risk. Chance, fortuna, determining the outcome of risk taking has been seen differently throughout history – fatalistically, as prevalent in the Middle Ages – as been something that could not be influenced, or, as in Antiquity and in more recent times, as a factor open to influence by the astute and forceful military commander, or to prudent planners. New situations could be seen as dangerous and risky, with risks against which one has to hedge. Or they could be seen as a chance to change things in one's own interest. This might be done through extensive contingency planning, or by seizing an opportunity quickly, applying the genius general's coup d'oeil to turn a new development to one's advantage, always conscious that this was a gamble and the outcome uncertain. While such a gamble could win or lose a battle and in turn a war, in the nuclear age, such a gamble would seem difficult to justify given the potential negative outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Montesquieu's many works contain a sophisticated account of military strategy that anticipated nineteenth-century developments in the subject. In particular, his influence over Jomini was more significant than previously realized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2019, China's Central Military Commission adopted a new strategy for the People's Liberation Army, titled the 'military strategic guidelines for the new era.' This was consistent with the past but framed by Xi's political consolidation, growing threats from the United States and Taiwan, and a new military structure. This article documents the strategy and asks what would drive a more fundamental adjustment. It concludes that the strategy reflected a determination to focus the PLA on the necessary and the achievable, but a new direction could be influenced by changes in the strategic landscape, rapid modernization, or new operational concepts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does terrorism achieve strategic effect? This question has only received limited contemporary consideration despite the expansion and increased sophistication of terrorism studies as a discreet field of inquiry. This article proposes a novel conceptual framework, drawn from the author's PhD dissertation, that seeks to explain how, and the necessary conditions through which, terrorism is able to achieve strategic effects against its adversaries. The proposed framework argues that three elements must be integrated effectively for the achievement of strategic effect: innovative forms of violence, communicative and narrative dynamics, and the exploitation of emergent information and communications technologies. In detailing these elements, this article also suggests that terrorism retains an enduring nature distinct from the changing character of its specific manifestations. In doing so, the article seeks to contribute to the underdeveloped conceptual literature that informs terrorism studies, as well as the broader literature on asymmetric warfare strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research into the strategies of the sides in the Russia-Ukraine war is of great relevance, as it is one of the most intense conflicts on the territory of Europe since World War II. Further, the violent actions committed by the Russian Federation on the territory of Ukraine have had an unprecedented impact on the international peace architecture and international relations; they have caused a humanitarian, economic, and social crisis on a regional and global scale. The present research may, most notably, help understand the causes and consequences of the conflict. For this reason, this paper aims to analyze and cover the peculiarities of the main military and political strategies of Ukraine and the Russian Federation in the context of the 2022 war, as well as evaluate specific actions the enemies took against each other as international actors. The updating of the states' strategies should be noted, as previously Ukraine was regarded only in the context of European integration and reforms, while the full-scale war increases Ukraine's subjectivity, particularly in terms of planning and implementation of military decisions and more proactive diplomatic efforts. Russia's strategies were considered in the context of Western theoretical models aimed at establishing it as a regional leader with extensive military potential. Moreover, the beginning of the full-scale war proved that in the situation of the military conflict against Ukraine and its allies Russia's strategic resources are limited, which calls for further research. The results of this investigation provide a theoretical basis for further research in the field and are of importance for the understanding of security issues, and safeguarding of peace and stability not only in Ukraine and Europe but all around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The full-scale invasion has caused significant changes to the mechanism of special investigative operations, which has established the need to analyse, systematise and improve existing knowledge and practices, considering the specifics of this phenomenon arising in the context of military operations. Considering the relevance of the issue, the research is intended to determine the specifics of searching for the objects of operational investigative activities (missing persons, fugitives from justice). To achieve this purpose, the research used a set of methods of scientific cognition, which included the method of synthesis, systematisation, comparison, historical, statistical and formal-dogmatic methods. The research analysed effective approaches to the development of search strategies during military operations, including using technology, specialised groups and data analysis to find targets. The specifics of changes in the situation on the battlefield and its impact on investigative operations were identified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The success of any Chinese invasion of Taiwan necessarily involves an amphibious landing operation on Taiwan's beaches. The most vulnerable of these beaches have been referred to as "Red Beaches." Despite the threat of China's invasion of Taiwan garnering significant attention in recent years, little of this attention has been devoted to the questions of how Taiwan defends these critical Red Beaches and to what extent Taiwan's Red Beach defensive strategy has evolved. Employing Lykke's Ends-Ways-Means analytical framework, this paper seeks to answer these questions by examining Taiwan's Red Beach defensive strategy during the Tsai Ingwen administration (2017-present). The main findings are that contrary to popular understanding, Taiwan's defense strategy has undergone significant change entering Tsai's second term. The range of Red Beach defensive operations has extended from the littoral zone to as far as Chinese territory, with the planned use of pre-emptive missile and air-to-ground strikes against "key nodes" of PLA forces. Together with the significantly increased role of Taiwan's missile, naval and air force capabilities, Taiwan's current Red Beach defense strategy can be characterized as having greater range, more integrated, and more offensive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

United States space policy has largely reflected the outlook of a major power. The key distinguishing feature of such a state is their willingness to proactively reshape and engage with international regimes and organizations. They do this to protect their strategic goals and national interest. US space policy has historically been shaped by geopolitical tensions and rivalries. Its space policy is an extension of the military doctrines and strategies that it subsequently developed. The article examines different periods since the start of the space race. These periods reflect how US space policy has adapted to meet new challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Combat-related gunshot wounds (GSW) may differ from those found in civilian trauma centers. Missile velocity, resources, logistics, and body armor may affect injury patterns and management strategies. This study compares injury patterns, management, and outcomes in isolated abdominal GSW between military (MIL) and civilian (CIV) populations. Methods: The Department of Defense Trauma Registry (DoDTR) and TQIP databases were queried for patients with isolated abdominal GSW from 2013 to 2016. MIL patients were propensity score matched 1:3 based on age, sex, and extraabdominal AIS. Injury patterns and in-hospital outcomes were compared. Initial operative management strategies, including selective nonoperative management (SNOM) for isolated solid organ injuries, were also compared. Results: Of the 6435 patients with isolated abdominal GSW, 183 (3%) MIL were identified and matched with 549 CIV patients. The MIL group had more hollow viscus injuries (84% vs. 66%) while the CIV group had more vascular injuries (10% vs. 21%) (p <.05 for both). Operative strategy differed, with more MIL patients undergoing exploratory laparotomy (95% vs. 82%) and colectomy (72% vs. 52%) (p <.05 for both). However, no difference in ostomy creation was appreciated. More SNOM for isolated solid organ injuries was performed in the CIV group (34.1% vs. 12.5%; p < 0.05). In-hospital outcomes, including mortality, were similar between groups. Conclusions: MIL abdominal GSW lead to higher rates of hollow viscus injuries compared to CIV GSW. MIL GSW are more frequently treated with resection but with similar ostomy creation compared to civilian GSW. SNOM of solid organ injuries is infrequently performed following MIL GSW. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Indian Navy, since independence, has found it challenging to be militarily relevant as a valuable instrument of threat or use of force in India's military strategy. The Navy's fortunes, therefore, have depended far more on the inclinations of India's political leadership, the requirements of India's foreign policy priorities in its immediate neighborhood and the outlook of great powers operating in the Indian Ocean towards littoral navies. After the end of the Cold War, the increase in the Indian Navy's profile is indisputable, evident in its growing size, the diverse diplomatic and constabulary roles assigned to her but also the positive perception of the service as a stabilizing force in the Indian Ocean region by extra-regional powers such as the US and other Quad countries. China's encroachment in the Himalayas and the rising profile of the PLA-Navy has provided a startegic rationale for the Indian Navy to project itself as a vital instrument in India's military statecraft. By linking India's military objectives on the land border to the Navy's natural advantage and capabilities in the Indian Ocean, it aims to fundamentally alter its existential crisis as the most irrelevant arm of the Indian military. Yet, this newfound relevance remains doubtful under the inherent risks accompanying naval coercion and the shortage of resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of the conclusion of the Balkan Pact (1934), it was necessary to sign a bilateral secret Romanian-Turkish convention. The convention was based on the strategicmilitary purpose of Romania, namely the isolation of possible Bulgarian attacks, material conditions, the quality of forces, their concentration, the direction of interventions, but also the solution of the strategic problem of maritime traffic. The discussions on the convention, led by the Romanian delegation with Turkey's, had as main purpose the interpretation of the secret articles, the exchange of information on Bulgaria and the proposals for solving possible problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Chronic insomnia is the most prevalent sleep disorder among military service members, and it compromises readiness, performance, and physical and mental health. Cognitive behavioral treatment for insomnia (CBTI) is the standard of care for the treatment of insomnia recommended by the VA/DoD Clinical Practice Guideline, the American Academy of Sleep Medicine, and the American College of Physicians. CBTI is highly effective but has limited scalability. It is often unavailable in clinical settings where service members receive sleep care. Digital technologies offer unique opportunities to scale and broaden the geographic reach of CBTI services and support increased patient access and engagement in behavioral sleep care. This study aims to evaluate the impact and acceptability of digital CBTI hubs to augment military treatment facilities' capabilities in behavioral sleep medicine. Methods: This is a multi-site, non-inferiority randomized clinical trial designed to compare the effects of in-person (face-to-face or virtual) insomnia care as usual at three military sleep clinics versus CBTI delivered remotely and asynchronously through digital CBTI hubs. Digital CBTI hubs are led by licensed, certified clinicians who use NOCTEM's® evidence-based clinical decision support platform COAST™ (Clinician Operated Assistive Sleep Technology). Changes in insomnia severity and daytime symptoms of depression and anxiety will be compared at baseline, at 6–8 weeks, and at 3-month follow-up. Patient satisfaction with insomnia care as usual versus digital CBTI hubs will also be examined. We hypothesize that digital CBTI hubs will be non-inferior to insomnia care as usual for improvements in insomnia and daytime symptoms as well as patient satisfaction with insomnia care. Discussion: Digital technology has a high potential to scale CBTI accessibility and delivery options required to meet the insomnia care needs of military service members. Digital CBTI hubs using COAST offer a novel approach to broaden service members' access to CBTI and to serve as an augmentation strategy for existing sleep services at military treatment facilities. The pragmatic approach leveraging technology in this trial has the potential to rapidly inform clinical practice within the Defense Health Agency as well as other healthcare systems. Trial registration: ClinicalTrials.gov NCT05490550. Registered on 14 July 2023. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The phenomenon of demographic transition and falling birth rates has affected all industrialized countries for many years, and also most emerging countries. However, Japan is undoubtedly the one in which the consequences are already and will be the most extensive. The previously second economic power in the world has been overtaken by China, and the rivalry with this country is not only about industrial development but also about geopolitics. Indeed, the declining population of Japan threatens the long term economic, strategic and geopolitic future of the country. We explore three scenarios for the decades to come. In the first scenario, Japan takes no measures against its demographic plunge and needs to increase its military deterrence to secure its independence. In the second scenario, a moderate openness to immigration may mitigate the geo-economic consequences of the demographic issue. In the third one, the Chinese strategic threat may endanger the independence of Japan itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In ethno-territorial civil wars, which factors influence whether rebels choose and retain conventional warfare as their primary military strategy throughout the conflict, or whether they use guerrilla warfare as a primary strategy during periods judged to be less advantageous to conventional warfare? The existing literature almost exclusively emphasizes relative power as the determining factor: rebels use guerrilla warfare because they typically lack the capability to fight conventional wars effectively against states. I find some support for this hypothesis: ethno-territorial rebels are much more likely to fight exclusively conventional wars when external states intervene conventionally on the rebel side. I also find that rebel leaders with more intense, far-reaching nationalist goals are more likely to employ guerrilla warfare as a primary war strategy. For such leaders, the higher costs of using guerrilla methods pending an eventual transition to conventional warfare are made more acceptable by a higher valuation of the far-reaching gains delivered by military victory—gains expected to be made more likely by interim periods in which guerrilla warfare is the primary strategy. Turning to other factors, I do not find that status quo conditions or a high level of state democracy have a significant influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is an opinion paper of an examination of effects-based ideas. It examines the idea from its fundamental concept. This is developed to examine its broader application to more than air force operations to almost any project concerning military, social, political, and business. In fact, this approach can be used wherever effects of project development have external implications outside systems boundaries and where unforeseen internal implications can affect society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term 'grey zone' indicates a state actor's actions up to the point of armed conflict and is increasingly associated with China's foreign policy. China has harnessed Western social media to defend its national interests, drawing international attention to its discourse of war and its often-hostile rhetoric. This paper analyses Chinese state-sponsored tweets about Taiwan, a focal point for Chinese grey zone activity. Empirical topic modelling techniques to aggregate narratives in large-scale social media data were leveraged to interpret them from a doctrinal understanding of Chinese influence operations. Additionally, the authors used statistical methods to examine the relationship between China's information and military operations toward Taiwan. This paper finds that China uses its state-sponsored accounts to coordinate and amplify social media messaging around military campaigns with strategic importance. Additionally, the presence of a multipronged approach using social media to support military campaigns may indicate an escalation in conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of the Cold War, Australia has experienced strategic misalignment between government defence policy, military deployment to wars of choice, and slow adaptation to major power security challenges. This situation has been underscored by the geopolitical realities of an increasingly assertive People's Republic of China as well as the Russian Federation's 2022 invasion of Ukraine. This 'strategic disconnect' has resulted in the Australian government dealing with the risks from of a resultant, much-reduced strategic warning time. The challenge for the state is its rapid readying for possible military participation alongside the United States in a major power war. Strategic assessments are now addressing involvement in a war that will be characterised by multi-domain, kinetic warfighting. In the period preceding and during any such major power confrontation will be the increased significance of Information Operations (IO) as an important non-kinetic element in 'the management of war'. Malicious state actors and authoritarian powers will increasingly deploy non-kinetic disruptive technologies, such as Artificial Intelligence and deepfakes, to drive global disruptors, such as the informatic environment. This will expose any strategic misalignment that remains between Australia's strategic approaches and its security threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International relations theory has long suggested that uncertainty during militarized crises pushes states to adopt escalatory behavior. However, the leadup to the Russo-Ukrainian War challenges this view, with Kyiv downplaying the risk of conflict and adopting a cautious foreign policy. I argue that Ukrainian behavior in the leadup to the war demonstrates the need to disaggregate between types of uncertainty. While uncertainty over an adversary's intentions and capabilities can push a state to adopt escalatory behavior, uncertainty regarding a potential adversary's military strategy and regarding the level of support it can expect from third parties incentivizes a state to assume a more cautious posture. The piece concludes with a reflection on disciplinary blind spots regarding the impact of uncertainty on state decision-making and offers suggestions for overcoming them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the results of research, which set out to clarify the importance and role played by the concept of using A2/AD capabilities in the military strategy of the Russian Federation. Analysis and criticism of the literature were used to solve the research problems. In order to guide the research process, a hypothesis was formulated, assuming that the Russian concept of using A2/AD capabilities is an operationalisation of a broader military strategy for defeating the adversary, as well as an effective deterrence mechanism. The research process established that the Russian concept of using A2/AD capabilities is a theory and operational practice, a broader military strategy of achieving multi-domain superiority over the adversary by conducting strategic offensive operations. Integrating offensive and defensive operational capabilities plays a key role in this concept, which guarantees possession of the strategic initiative and maintenance of dominance in the international security environment and supports the idea of creating Russian spheres of influence. It also prompts NATO states to counter the supremacy of the Russian Federation.

Purpose: The main purpose of this research is to examine the military threats of the United States and present the military strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran against them.Method: The type of research is applied, and the necessary information is obtained from the study of documents, interviews with experts and questionnaires, and a descriptive method with a mixed approach has been used. The overall statistical population of the research is 70 people and the sample size is consistent with the statistical population and all the numbers have been determined. In order to collect and analyze data, in addition to taking samples from library studies and conducting expert interviews, using document analysis and elite analysis methods, descriptive and inferential statistics methods have also been used.Results: The number of 7 main strategies was calculated based on 73 selected research factors (19 strength factors, 9 weakness factors, 10 opportunity factors and 35 threat factors) relying on the provided partial strategies.Conclusion: The result of the vector on the axis of Cartesian coordinates indicates that the competition of the Islamic Republic of Iran is more focused on strengths than opportunities.

The article discusses the significance of unpredictable and extreme weather conditions faced by the combatants in the Battle of Spotsylvania Court House in Virginia in May 1864 during the U.S. Civil War. According to the article, intense heat, followed by dense fog and heavy rainfall, muddied the battlefield and influenced strategy and tactics of opposing commanders Ulysses S. Grant and Robert E. Lee.

In September 2019, 19,000 amateur runners participated in the Canada Army Run, a road race hosted by the Canadian Forces (CF). This ethnographic study explores the event as a site of socialization, demonstrating that the Army Run: (a) focuses on promoting the CF rather than maximizing race results, (b) promotes the CF by exceptionalizing its members, and (c) is a celebratory site of promilitary socialization and recruitment that precludes critical engagement with the CF. These findings indicate that military promotional strategies have evolved since the immediate post 9/11 era; whereas previous initiatives used sport to tie local military agendas into larger neoliberal military imperatives, the 2019 Army Run demonstrates a new tactic, depoliticizing the CF and reifying an idealized, decontextualized Canadian military. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Zone of Rebellion: Kurdish Insurgents and the Turkish State" by Ayşegül Aydın and Cem Emrence is a book that analyzes the violence between the PKK and the Turkish state. The authors argue that both sides are engaged in a civil war with strategic purposes. They examine the spatial perspective of the conflict and the interaction between combatants and resources. The book explores the formation, ideology, and military strategy of the PKK, as well as the counterinsurgency methods employed by the Turkish state. The authors conclude that neither side was able to fully control the region due to the changing access to resources during the civil war. [Extracted from the article]

For over seventy years, the continued belief in the efficacy of strategic bombing has dominated United States Air Force thinking in times of war and peace. In addition, the core principles of air power articulated by the Air Corps Tactical School continue to reside in USAF doctrine. Despite the outcomes of the Korean, Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan wars, which have all demonstrated the effectiveness of joint operations and the limitations of strategic bombing, the ACTS tenets remain embedded in the very DNA of airmen and continue to influence how the United States Air Force views the modern air, space, and cyber domains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Total Force Fitness (TFF) is a multidomain, holistic framework that provides the Department of Defense (DoD) with the capability to assess, promote, and sustain human performance optimization across the full spectrum of components key to meeting mission requirements. On September 14 and 15, 2021, in Bethesda, MD, The Consortium for Health and Military Performance convened a second TFF Summit with the goal of promoting the mission of optimizing the health and well-being of our service members across their careers. Participants included scientists, clinicians, educators, public health professionals, and military leaders from all the services. The current operating picture of TFF within the DoD was described, and then working groups were convened to address issues related to (1) delivering full spectrum health and performance services; (2) advocacy, awareness, and empowerment; (3) research; (4) education; and (5) standardization, branding, and metrics. The outcomes of the summit included recommendations that operational leadership and a consolidated and joint approach are required for TFF to be successful, and TFF must be regarded as an integral part of the National Defense, Security, and Military Strategy. To that end, TFF should be aligned within OUSD(P&R), not the Military Health System, so it extends beyond the medical setting and fully supports mission readiness and performance. Importantly, we must be proactive and teach new recruits about the TFF holistic approach to sustain optimal performance across their careers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]