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Copyright of Sociedade e Estado is the property of Sociedade e Estado and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tiempo y Economía is the property of La Fundacion Universidad de Bogota Jorge Tadeo Lozano and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The concept of legalizing properties and constructions without permission is currently under debate in Kosovo's field of property rights. Efforts to establish an appropriate legal framework have led to the enactment of laws and by-laws aimed at addressing illegal construction. Constructions on "social" properties without permission, informal acquisition, failure of ownership transfer, and unresolved matters related to properties confiscated under the 1933 agrarian reform have not yet been dealt with, except for their inclusion on the waiting list, which denies legal certainty. The study finds that the main cause of the issues evident in the property legalization process and the exercise of development rights on these properties is Yugoslavia's agrarian reform of 1933. The research concludes that legalizing properties requires a normative approach and utilizing similar experiences from other Western Balkan contexts. Therefore, the objective of this paper is to analyze, using analytical, legaldogmatic, chronological, and qualitative methods, the policies for property legalization and thus recognizing citizen property rights. The research is of great importance for decision-making institutions because it can be used as an impetus for finding the right approach, aside from the normative one, to address the issue of property legalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to promote the optimal allocation of land, China began market-oriented reform of industrial land in 2007. The actions of state-owned enterprises during this reform can reflect the effect of reform. Therefore, this research takes state-owned enterprises as the core object of research, and uses industrial enterprise land purchase data to carry out research from the perspective of land purchase opportunity and purchase price. The results show that: the advantage of state-owned enterprises to purchase high-quality land parcels has been weakened, and a more market-oriented land market has been gradually established. As for land purchase price, the advantage of state-owned enterprises to purchase land at a low price has been gradually weakened. The distortion of industrial land price has been mitigated. These findings show that market-oriented reform of China is effective. State-owned enterprises have gradually integrated into the environment of market-oriented allocation of industrial land. The allocation of land has become more open and efficient. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anales de Investigación en Arquitectura is the property of Universidad ORT Uruguay, Facultad de Arquitectura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Can the establishment of private property rights to land improve child health and nutrition outcomes? We exploit a natural experiment in the Kyrgyz Republic following the collapse of socialism, whereby the government rapidly liquidated state and collective farms containing 75% of agricultural land and distributed it to individuals, providing 99-year transferable use rights. We use household surveys collected before, during, and after the privatization reform and spatial variation in its timing to identify its health and nutrition impacts. We find that young children aged 0–5 exposed to land privatization for longer periods of time accumulated significantly greater gains in height- and weight-for-age z -scores, both critical measures of long-term child health and nutrition. Health improvements appear to be driven by increases in consumption of home-produced food rather than increased income from sale of production, likely due to underdeveloped markets. We find minimal impacts on urban-dwelling children affected only indirectly by the reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of HiSTOReLo: Revista de Historia Regional y Local is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Centro Editorial Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In December 1961, Venezuela signed a technical cooperation agreement with the State of Israel in the context of its agrarian reform. As a result, a group of Israeli experts provided assistance for several years in a series of regional projects and in building local expertise in rural development. Their involvement helped Venezuela’s agrarian reform quickly gain momentum; however, it would be a mistake to believe that this achievement was solely due to the Israeli contribution. By highlighting the differences and continuities in some official policies concerning rural development in Venezuela before and after the passing of the Agrarian Reform Law of 1960, this paper will demonstrate that while Venezuelan democracy wanted to make a clean break from the past and promoted important structural changes that provided a greater degree of spatial and social justice in the countryside, there were also many continuity elements involving previous rural development policies. The technical expertise that made the agrarian reform possible, as well as the set of ideas and ideals that propelled its implementation, were built in part on a succession of previous experiences that paved the way for what was to come.

New Caledonian customary land is an exception within the French land tenure system. Its legal framework warrants a specific collective management of land resources. Since the disruption sustained during colonization (expropriation, population displacement, etc.), contemporary Kanak struggles have focused on land issues. In 1978, what later became a large-scale land reform began, mainly in favour of the Kanak community; in 1998, the Noumea Agreement acknowledged that the Kanak identity was structured by a specific link to land. Three types of land were subsequently defined: private land, public land, and customary land. However, the land breakdown reproduces the social inequalities already existing between communities. Furthermore, the development of customary lands is hampered by the inadequacy of the ordinary tools of urban planning. Consequently, since the 2000s, public, private, and customary stakeholders have innovated, setting up mechanisms and tools for the development of Kanak lands that respect their legal status and governance system. A first practice centred on addressing the critical dwelling needs of Kanak communities. With a second practice, Kanak communities provided to other users’ temporary provision of land with a fixed-term agreement, without transferring full ownership to users or authorization to implement development projects within their influence zone. As compensation, they benefited from funding and support for the residential development of their retroceded land. A third practice focused on economic and commercial development beyond the typical agricultural and livestock sectors. These current development practices are creating bridges between ordinary law and customary practices. Kanak communities seek innovative mechanisms to guarantee the representation of customary bodies and to steer development. Legal and judicial tools specific to New Caledonia are also being created. However, some difficulties are arising. These new kinds of operations have emerged in very specific land pressure contexts. Thus, the sustainability of the land agreements is uncertain, in terms of transmission through generations, as well as for the use of amenities after land retrocessions. Today, the main challenges in New Caledonia are to build a land policy encompassing the different land status and to balance between communities’ aspirations for autonomy and public authorities’ roles in assuring social and spatial balance and the public interest. The analysis of New Caledonian customary lands developments can feed the discussion on urban land commons (Simonneau, 2018). Although modern market mechanisms are usually not part of a traditional system, here, community (Kanak tribe or clan) management of the common resource (land) persists, serving its interests (in this case, housing or financial resources).* Furthermore, these innovations are helping redefine notions of land security, urban inclusion, and participatory democracy. However, although the process is meant to be inclusive, some risks have appeared relative to agreement transmission and sustainability. *This case study shows a remarkable search of balance between customary management and economic development, a conciliation between a legal and cultural framework. It traces over the long term the history of power struggles and conciliations building the “common”.

This paper comprehensively presents the complex transformation of rural Hungary after the turn of the millennium. The post-socialist land re-privatization provided land to more than 2 million families, but by the time of EU accession (2004) a highly concentrated large estate structure had already developed. The number of the village population decreased somewhat, but its proportion remained high at around one-third, together with rural towns people 50% in Hungarian society. Despite the surviving and hybrid structures, depeasantization, the disappearance of the traditional peasantry, took place, as a result of tourism, the new type of town-village relations, the cultural reinterpretation of the countryside and its traditions began, but the social disadvantages are still more strongly concentrated in the villages than in the cities.

Yeni kurulan cumhuriyetin, siyasi, iktisadi ve sosyal meselelerde milletin rejimle olan bağlarını güçlendirmek amacıyla bir takım gelişmeler kaydettiği açıktır. İçeriği itibariyle siyasi, sosyal, iktisadi ve kültürel konuları bünyesinde barındıran ‘toprak meselesi’, önemini daha da arttırarak çözülmesi gereken öncelikli meselelerden biri olmuştur. 1930’lu yıllarda çıkarılan kanunlarla meselenin çözümüne yönelik adımlar atılsa da tam bir reformdan bahsetmek mümkün değildir. Dâhiliye, Sıhhat ve İçtimai Muavenet Vekâletleri tarafından hazırlanan toprak reformu tasarıları da muhalefetin ve büyük toprak sahiplerinin tepkisi, yaklaşan II. Dünya Savaşı gibi nedenlerle hayata geçirilememiştir. Bu çalışmada, toprak meselesinin çözümüne yönelik atılan adımlar yeni belgeler ışığında kısaca değerlendirilerek, Dâhiliye Vekâletinin 1937 tarihli toprak kanunu tasarısı incelenecektir. Çalışmamızda özellikle, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Cumhurbaşkanlığı Devlet Arşivlerinde bulunan belgelerden istifade edilmiştir. Ayrıca Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi zabıt tutanaklarından, süreli yayınlardan, telif ve tetkik eserlerden faydalanılmıştır.

The post-apartheid South African government prioritises rural development as a tool for reversing the apartheid government legacies of injustice, poverty, and black people's marginalisation, particularly in the former homelands of Ciskei, Transkei, and Venda land. This is evidenced by the implementation of diverse rural development policies and strategies such as the Land Reform Programme the Rural Development Strategy, and the National Development Plan vision 2030. Despite these efforts, evidence shows that most of the policies, such as the Land Reform Programme, have largely failed to promote rural development owing to specific implementation gaps. Bearing in mind these past failures, this paper seeks to assess the socio-economic conditions in the rural municipalities of the Eastern Cape that fall under the former homelands. This assessment will help to understand the gains and failures made through the rural development currently being implemented, such as the National Development Plan vision 2030. A quantitative cross-sectional survey was conducted among 413 participants who were selected using the multi-stage random sampling technique. Data were gathered through closed-ended questionnaires. The results were obtained using SPSS version 27 and analytical tools such as frequencies, cross-tabulation, and the Chi-square test. Results indicated that despite 28 years of implementing rural development policies and strategies, socio-economic conditions are still unsatisfactory in the study area. This is evidenced by low income levels, high unemployment, and limited livelihood activities. To salvage the situation, policies and rural development strategies that are informed by the voices, aspirations, and needs of local communities are urgently required. More so, livelihood diversification should be at the centre of rural development to increase income levels and standards of living. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of both Jeong Yakyong and King Jeongjo was to resolve the gap between rich and poor that in their day was increasing due to landowners buying up extensive areas of land. They regarded this as a question of executing justice. Therefore, Jeong argued the hamlet-land system, and later supplemented this with the well-field system, as he believed this would equalize the people's livelihoods while increasing government revenue. Jeongjo also implemented the well-field system for land reform, albeit on a trial basis for a short period in some towns. Jeongjo's goal was to allow villagers to be farmers in times of peace and soldiers in times war, though ultimately he did not achieve this aim. Later, Jeongjo implemented the military provision-land system of his predecessor King Yeongjo, fearing the implementation of the wellfield system would cause popular resentment. Jeong Yakyong's long-term proposal was for the implementation of the well-field system nationwide. In this, Jeong's proposal was reformative, whereas Jeongjo sought only to maintain the existing land system. But both Jeong and Jeongjo's support of rice paddies meant the maintenance of an existing system, not reform. In his reform proposals, Jeong's focus was on justice, while that of Jeongjo was social stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The processes used to transfer immovable property from a seller to a buyer in South Africa are outdated and not digitised. Paper-based documents increase the risk of fraud and misrepresentation. This study considered the implementation of a cloud-based centralised database for property supply chain partners to enhance transparency, turnaround times, and security while minimising risks and costs. Digitalised property processes would result in title deeds’ dematerialisation and not merely the automation of the paper-based system. This qualitative study was exploratory, and semi-structured interviews were conducted with role-players involved with property transfers in South Africa. These included the South African Reserve Bank, the Department of Agriculture, Land Reform and Rural Development, the Law Society of South Africa, mortgage originators, The Banking Association, the Department of Home Affairs, the Registrar of each Deeds Office, the Surveyor General’s office, municipalities, software companies, National Treasury, South Africa’s Central Securities Depository (Strate Ltd), and the Tshwane Mettropolitan Municipal Council. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Kenya, the return to the multiparty democracy of the 1990s and the initiation of the Constitutional Review of the early 2000s were two critical junctures that catalysed reform momentum and the development of transnational reform networks. Transnational relations were developed between Kenyan professionals (lawyers and academics among others), their international counterparts, and the local activists representing rural constituencies, so as to influence policymaking during constitutional and land policy reforms. These transnational networks influenced content and shape of land policy narratives by vernacularising the international norms that promote formal recognition of customary land rights. These international norms were not straightforwardly imported into Kenyan policies and statues: intense negotiations amongst actors in policy arenas resulted in their vernacularisation. Kenyan translocal actors appropriated the community land narrative, hybridised and reinterpreted it. This paper documents and analyses how the notion of community land was enshrined in Kenyan policy and constitutional documents through transnational relations. I argue that this notion of community land was shaped to the Kenyan historical and political context, at times defeating the original goal of promoting a property rights model alternative to land privatisation, and at times echoing the colonial category of tribal land, and exclusive territorial control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The implementation of US‐backed agricultural initiatives under what became known as the Green Revolution (1945–1970) reshaped populations, ecologies, and landscapes worldwide. While most investigations into the implications of this era focus on the development of intensive farming in places such as Mexico, India, and the Philippines, few offer critical analysis of its Caribbean manifestations. This paper examines the role of the Green Revolution in the production of environmental injustice in Haiti. Historically, we situate Green Revolution technopolitics in a broader trajectory of US‐led imperial and neoliberal interventions that spans from the Occupation of Haiti (1915–1934) to the 21st century. We draw from our long‐term ethnographic research to show how Green Revolution transformations impact agrarian life in Haiti's lower Artibonite Valley and Central Plateau today. Integral to the Occupation were efforts to (re)establish production of export commodities. We demonstrate how such attempts, regardless of outcome, generated indelible material, social, and ecological entanglements that served to intensify empire. In 1949, the US and Haitian governments established an agency tasked with extending Occupation‐era irrigation infrastructure throughout the Artibonite Valley. After these efforts stalled, 1970s interventionists sought different inroads for increasing agricultural production, particularly of rice. Their initiatives paved the way for post‐2010 ventures that perpetuate many of the same consequences, including hunger, economic insecurity, and environmental degradation. We show how the history of imperial intervention in Haiti created the conditions for the ongoing production of environmental injustice through agrarian reform. Ultimately, we argue that the Green Revolution transformed Haiti's agrarian geographies in ways that intensified environmental harms and advanced a project of US empire that continues to shape Haiti today. We examine the contemporary implications of this century of transformation for farmers, who carry on a legacy of agrarian justice that has contested the project of the Green Revolution since its inception. The Green Revolution describes a series of US‐driven technopolitical interventions that reshaped global agriculture and agrarian life across the globe between 1945 and 1970. In Haiti, this project maps onto a broader trajectory of US‐led imperial and neoliberal interventions that spans from the US Occupation (1915–1934) to the 21st century, which we illustrate through the example of the transformation of the rice sector. We draw on a combined decade of research and engagement in Haiti's lower Artibonite Valley and Central Plateau, where we argue that the Green Revolution transformed agrarian geographies in ways that intensified environmental injustice and advanced a contested project of US empire that continues to shape Haiti today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Agraria is the property of Historia Agraria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explains how an interracial alliance that promotes a radical restructuring of agriculture, featuring African American small-scale producers, farmers of Euro-American descent, Latino farmworkers, and Indigenous people, has come into existence. As I argue, this coalition formed due to changes in international political economy and within transnational activist networks. Specifically, the implementation of neoliberal international trade deals beginning in the 1970s disrupted farmers' livelihoods in the Global North and South. It drove migrants from countries such as Mexico and Guatemala to the United States with their experiences of agrarian reform, and it saw US farmers simultaneously begin to engage farmers of color in new and important ways. The transnational activist networks that facilitated visits and meetings subsequently provided opportunities for activists to learn from one another and have new experiences, which, as I explore, led people from diverse backgrounds to agree on various principles and forge a common vision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Akademik Hassasiyetler is the property of Huzeyfe Suleyman Arslan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses constitutional, legislative and policy frameworks strategically introduced post-apartheid era to foster land expropriation reforms that would restore dignity, equity, equality and justice to the forcefully dispossessed Black South Africans from their land during the pre-colonial and apartheid regimes. More importantly, even though the colonial and apartheid settlers metamorphosised into rulers expropriated land without compensation, the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 1996 has brough about various interventions that seek to ensure that the land that was forcefully taken should be returned to the right owners. This proposition has continued to generate fierce debates in the country. While some pundits have asserted that the Black majority now in charge of governance, should use postapartheid laws to expropriate land without compensation, there have been stiff resistant from the white minority who are both the owners of vast land and at the same time exercising right of possession and occupation respectively. It is against these competing interests that this paper postulates that in order to restore the dignity of the dispossessed and forcefully removed Black South Africans from their rightful land, there is need to look at the constitutional imperatives as well as equity and justice based on the post-apartheid frameworks that are available to ensure that the past apartheid land dispossession and injustices are redressed, and the wrongs committed are remedied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1900's autumn, a surprisingly positive review of one of the most important Israeli socio-economic innovations appeared in the Hungarian- language Economic Review [Közgazdasági Szemle). The author, József Gábor, reviewed a book by Walter Preuss, a professor at Tel-Aviv University, on kibbutzim and other cooperatives. This caused a serious reaction, the Hungarian-language New East (U) Kelet) in Israel recognized its importance and described it in its columns, while at the same time a member of the Israeli "partner patty" of the MSZMP, the Israeli Communist Party, of Hungarian origin, wrote a long critique of Gábor's article, disputing the democratic and anti-capitalist significance of the kibbutz, as highlighted by the author. The critique and the claims made in Gåbor's article are in fact linked to the debate that took place in both countries (although with different emphases, because of the different socio-political realities) on the nature of collectives. The extent to which they should follow the cooperative model developed by the Soviets and the extent to which they should adapt to their own social reality. It was no coincidence that the new economic mechanism in Hungary had aroused sympathy in Israel and that there was interest in the kibbutz model among Hungarian agrarian reformers [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Development programs design and operationalize land changes. Although development programs in Iran have been new, interventions in Iranian land have a long history. In other words, the methods of nurturing and exploiting natural and human resources identifiable in indigenous technologies have over time created a specific combination and fabric in the land that reflected the ancient organization of the Iranian land. Therefore, land changes in the Pahlavi era - which result from the implementation of development programs within the framework of modernization- are placed in relation to the organization of the land in the historical background of the country's population. Therefore, the main question of the article is, ‘How did land reform in Iran during the Pahlavi era take shape and what characteristics did it have?’ The present study used descriptive-analytical and critical method. It seems that regarding the external nature of the development programs of the Pahlavi era and their lack of indigenous foundation, the designed land changes lack the characteristic convergence between culture and technology, and neglect and indifference to the vital role of the ecosystem in the mentioned connection. In fact, the findings indicate that land changes resulting from modernization programs were designed and operationalized in confrontation with the pre-modern organization of the land. The interventionist approach in land during the Pahlavi era has resulted in a divergence in the cultural-ecosystem-technology cohesion. The result of this interventionist approach in land during the Pahlavi era has been a divergence in the culturalecosystem-technology cohesion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Article explores whether and to what extent Ethiopia's contemporary land policy is influenced by international institutions chiefly the World Bank and the USAID. To this end, the article has identified and examined two opposing views, the first of which contends government policies including land policies in Ethiopia are dictated by some influential international institutions as the regime in Ethiopia is dependent on aid funds in implementing its social policies, which include land policy. According to this first perspective, such policies are not the result of organized collective action by the insecure land holders. The second view is that such policies are internally driven because international institutions have been unable to push through policy agenda their way meaningfully. Having considered such views, the article finds it is not persuasive to put the extent of influence of international institutions in Ethiopia's land policy in black and white; yet, it seems unreasonable to argue that such institutions which contribute significantly to Ethiopia's annual budget have no influence over land policy at all even if determination of the extent of their roles is complex and vague. For instance, some tenets of Ethiopia's current land policy as a tool to poverty reduction and smallholder commercial agriculture are strikingly similar to the tenets of the WB's 2003 Land Policy which include legalizing land rentals, land use collateralization for agricultural investors and establishment of customary dispute resolution methods, regularization of informal landholdings, and landholding registration programs without however conceding the fundamental aspect of land law. The USAID's involvement in drafting Ethiopian current Federal and regional rural land laws has led to the inclusion of some of these elements. External pressures may not nevertheless have a decisive role as domestic political and bureaucratic interests in land policy at implementation phase may lessen their magnitude. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cities, Communities & Territories / Cidades, Comunidades e Territórios is the property of Instituto Universitario de Lisboa, DINAMIA-CET and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article considers the influence of Maoist China on Tunisian development theory in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The shadow—or brilliant light—of the Chinese experience was evident in Tunisia by the late 1950s, where wide-scale agrarian reform within the People's Republic and the use of cooperatives and labor-intensive agricultural technologies to rationalize the use and allocation of labor were immensely impacting foreign technical attaches, young Tunisian economists and agronomists, and people at the periphery of state planning and within the state-funded university system and research centers. In reading these proposals against the grain, this article situates them in their social and political context and the constraints that context imposed: a hewing away from outright enthusiasm for Communist China within the state-funded research centers, and a warmer embrace within more independent fora. It also situates those discussions amid a Tunisian milieu wherein China was increasingly embraced for its support of Algerian national liberation, its own national liberation war, with its experience seen as a third way for the Third World against the industrial-heavy experience of the USSR. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Distress in the Fields: Indian Agriculture After Economic Liberalization" is a comprehensive analysis of the impact of neoliberal policies on small-scale farming households in India. The book examines various aspects of the agrarian political economy, including land ownership, prices, subsidies, credit, and marketing, to provide a critical account of the transformations in India's agriculture sector between 1991 and 2020. The authors argue that these policies have led to increasing inequality, immiseration, and rural distress, with larger-scale farmers benefiting at the expense of small-scale farmers. The book highlights the need for sustained pro-poor rural public action and redistributive agrarian reform in India. [Extracted from the article]

This article reviews the literature on the social dynamics influencing small-scale agriculture in South Africa. These include three primary factors: the trans-local character of livelihoods; the role of social hierarchies of gender, age and marital status in allocating rights and responsibilities at home; and the ceremonial economy. South African land reform policies must recognise these local practices of distribution and social reproduction as integral to people's livelihood strategies. By doing so, land reform can move beyond the narrow emphasis on productivity and 'self-reliance,' instead focusing on aligning policies with the strategies of the poor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although significant progress has been achieved in the development of spatio-temporal models that capture real-world phenomena, more interaction between phenomenon-based and business-based modeling approaches is still required. This represents a much-needed step forward in balancing the management and scientific aspects of many urban applications. The main goal of this paper is to provide an integrated modeling framework that combines MADS (Modeling of Application Data with Spatio-temporal Features), a specific conceptual spatiotemporal model that successfully represents geographical data, with BPMN (Business Process Model Notation), which models and determines how business processes interact with geographic objects. The integration of MADS and BPMN guarantees clarity, extensibility, and autonomy between data and management operations, as it portrays spatio-temporal abstractions on a conceptual level. This integration offers a unique opportunity to accurately represent, understand, and explain the rationale behind the changes occurring in space and time. The approach has been implemented within a PostgreSQL/PostGIS database management system. A case study implementation shows the practical applicability and potential of this modeling approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the first collective titles of 1996 and 1997. It interrogates Collective Land Titling (CLT) processes and examines the differences between the actors that participated in them. It argues that communities' narratives around their achievement did not conform to those of the other actors involved in granting the collective titles received in 1996 and 1997 or with the characterization of CLT processes as successful land reform. CLT functioned as a policy to recognize black communities' historical presence in the Pacific region and their informal land ownership regimes in lands historically marginalized by the Colombian state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1950s, the Communist Party of China carried out the rural social transformation centering on land reform in central south China. Under the leadership and mobilization of the Communist Party of China, rural women in central and southern China were liberated from the bondage of the feudal system and the barriers of the family, and actively engaged in the tide of land reform with full enthusiasm. The fact that women, as a historically aphasia group, can be so vividly active in the rural political arena is closely related to the correct guidance of the Party. The new regime established by the Communist Party of China and the land reform led by it provided unprecedented opportunities for rural women to improve their social status. Therefore, women increasingly “held up half the sky” and became an indispensable force in the land reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Donald Macleod (1940–) has been called one of the two most important Scottish Reformed theologians of the twentieth century. This article shows that by the 1990s Macleod in his public theology consistently used language and concepts which were also trademarks of Latin American liberation theology. By comparing his work to the three mediations of liberation theology, I show it is possible to speak of Macleod as exhibiting a distinctive Scottish Reformed theology of liberation. I propose this connection should be understood through Macleod's constructive engagement with his own Scottish (and specifically Highland) Reformed tradition, whose interest in liberation carries surprising parallels with Latin American liberation theology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to the moral stakes involved, current scholarship on modern expropriation tends to separate nineteenth-century takings, such as emancipation, from twentieth-century ones, such as Aryanization. This article reconnects Central European expropriations across the fin de siècle by demonstrating how emancipation in Hungary served as a model for later takings. The main subject of this analysis is a press debate in upper Hungary (today's Slovakia) in 1896, roughly fifty years after the Hungarian emancipation and fifty years before the Holocaust and the building of the Soviet Bloc. I show how Christian Socials, Political Antisemites, and Social Democrats in 1896 repurposed emancipation to further their own desired expropriations. This was a critical inner logic of the practice: because the case for emancipation had been persuasive, it now served to legitimate new expropriations. I then demonstrate how emancipatory discourse over the next half century helped to fuel a series of new takings in the area, including land reform, Aryanization, and socialist nationalization. Thus, socially-beneficial takings contributed to later, often criminal ones. Considering that one result of this dynamic was genocide, it behooves scholars to take seriously these linkages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Confronted with the expansion of local governments' implicit debt and the associated risks induced by the practice of "land-based financing", substantial alterations occurred in China's land reserve financing policy during 2016–2017. These modifications led to an entire cessation of land reserve loans and the initiation of specialized bonds designated solely for land reserves. Empirical evidence, gathered through the approximate application of the difference-in-differences method, reveals that the reform of the land reserve financing policy can markedly reduce local governments' implicit debt level. Based upon this foundation, the results of the triple-difference regression demonstrate that the diminution effect of the land reserve financing policy reform on local governments' implicit debt is more pronounced in regions characterized by lower levels of marketization and more substantial legal financing constraints. This research enriches the comprehensive understanding of the impact of land reserve financing policy reform, possessing considerable referential value for the prevention and resolution of local governments' implicit debt. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Afyon Kocatepe University Journal of Social Sciences / Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Afyon Kocatepe University (AKU) Sosyal Bilimler Enstitusu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In Indonesia, land tenure reform has been approached as a policy priority by the government to address rural poverty and achieve distributive economic equity. It is instituted around allocation and consolidation of land ownership and access. Tenure reform policy promises over 21.7 million hectares (including 16.8 million hectares of forestland) to be distributed through two modes, i.e., land subject to agrarian reform and social forestry. Specifically for Java, the country's most populated island, the government has recently allocated 1.1 million hectares of state forests to be entrusted to local communities in a scheme called Kawasan Hutan Dengan Pengelolaan Khusus/KHDPK (Forest Zones for Special Management Purposes). Approximately three-quarters of the KHDPK-reserved forestland is pledged for SF licensing/permits to be completed by 2024. Currently, there is heightened activity to hand over social forestry permits. However, the KHDPK-designated forest is not an unoccupied resource that can simply be transferred/granted to local communities. From only four sites, we discovered that the forests have been guided by contrasting (often conflicting) principles, norms, and values that have shaped the existing tenure arrangements, how it is used and managed, and by whom. Such issues must be navigated prior to introducing the new policy and implementation regime. We conclude that while the policy rationales look perfect as a framework, KHDPK implementation exhibits impediments and potential failures. There is risk of altering it into a mere industry of policy rhetoric, sustaining major flaws from design to execution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Agroecological transitions in the Global North are inhibited by the cultural and legal norms of a 'ownership model' of property that underpins agrarian capitalism. The resulting property system limits asset transfers to agroecological regimes and co-produces technologically oriented reforms. Scotland's land reforms are emergent legal interventions to reshape land ownership within a Western legal context. By examining legal manoeuvres, mobilizing discourses, and governance considerations in Scotland, we sketch a roadmap for rethinking property in regions where the ownership model is entrenched. This case suggests that existing property law can be leveraged to achieve shifts in property norms towards promoting agroecology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors propose a critical reinterpretation of a case study embedded in the historical period of post-WWII in Southern Italy. This period is characterised by relevant socio-political and economic consequences at a global scale, and it has been scarcely investigated from a business perspective. The authors consider the connections between war damages accounting, adverse collateral events, and agricultural accounting as tools to claim for social changes. The analysis specifically concerns the damages caused to the warehouses of hemp growers in the province of Caserta (Campania region, Italy). This area was known as Terra di Lavoro ('land of work' (authors' translation)) since the Middle Ages to outline the poor conditions of hemp growers. The features of the accounting analysed herein, in the light of neo-institutional theory, show how it was used as a technology for problem-solving and a potential trigger for the agrarian reform of 1950. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Digital technologies disrupt agricultural value chains, thereby facilitating enhanced connectivity among various players. This contributes to the development of resilience and sustainability within farms. This study examined behavioural factors that influence farmers' intentions to adopt value chain digital technologies available in South Africa. A simple random sample of 100 Eastern Cape PLAS farms was chosen. Data was collected using a semi-structured questionnaire. The data was analysed in R and STATA statistical packages using the unified theory of acceptance and use of technology (UTAUT) and structural equation modelling (SEM). The results indicated a significant relationship between performance and effort expectancy and the intention to adopt value technologies. Furthermore, male farmers had a higher expectation of performance and effort. Prioritising performance demonstrations and trainings on the utilisation of these technologies is crucial in efforts to enhance their adoption. This contributes to the existing body of literature on the deployment of value chain technologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Foco (Interdisciplinary Studies Journal) is the property of Revista Foco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The most successful economies are underpinned and characterised by very clear governance of acquisition, disposal, and transferability of land or, as it is properly called in law – real property. This article examines the evolving post-apartheid land governance practices under the Southern African Development Community's (SADC) fast-track land reform programmes for their potential to enhance land's utility in framing economic development in concerned states. It shows a worrying potential diminution of land's utility as real property as a direct consequence of insufficient consideration to ensure that agricultural land contributes optimally to the national treasury. The article recommends the integration into the SADC's fast-track land reform programmes of the Torrens system for protecting land's utility as the foundation and cornerstone of powerful and successful economies. The benefits for SADC states would be endless. They include the nurturing of an in-built resilience of SADC economies to withstand the ruthless vagaries of World Trade Organization- (WTO) sponsored trade liberalisation practices in the increasingly deeply integrated world economy. Failure to adopt and implement the Torrens principles on the recognition and protection of land titles would be suicidal for the agrarian economies of the SADC because it would either lower significantly or, in some cases, wipe out altogether land's potential to make a meaningful and consistent contribution to the national treasury. Consequently, land's potential to contribute optimally to the nurturing and development of national economies of affected SADC states would be severely curtailed and, in some cases, hindered from generation to generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To address the challenge posed by a lack of commercial farming skills among beneficiaries of redistributed farms, the South African Government has introduced a mentorship program, by which established commercial farmers share expertise with newly settled farmers. However, commercial farmers' willingness to mentor emerging farmers, and the determinants of their willingness at a national level, are not explicitly known. This article attempts to contribute in this regard by implementing a binary logistic regression model, preceded by descriptive statistics, to a sample of 475 commercial farmers. Our findings show that a majority (76 per cent) of commercial farmers are willing to mentor emerging farmers. Younger farmers with higher levels of education are most likely to show willingness to mentor. Farm characteristics, such as high turnover and low perceived threat regarding a "lack of dependable labour" also contribute to the willingness to mentor. Therefore, a farmer and his or her farm performance should be key attributes in the criteria for mentor selection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses an initiative in 2017 to update and digitise textual land records in Telangana, a south Indian state. Its premise is that experiments to modernise land records have not met with pre‐determined standards of success due, primarily, to the historically evolved contradictions around land as a resource and a commodity. In countries like India, the colonial policies on land and the post‐colonial success of landlords to manipulate land records had already left the post‐War task of ensuring conclusive land titles intractable. In more recent times, however, the agenda of land records modernisation has been absorbed by neoliberalism, which aims to create free land markets and replace traditional subsidies with direct cash transfers. This article shows that, consequently, the task of land records modernisation in Telangana became disembedded from agendas of agrarian egalitarianism and was rendered more complex—historical errors and exclusions were reproduced in new ways; technocratic solutions of the bureaucracy made governmental processes opaque; landed sections continued to subvert implementation; tenants were excluded from the land titles; and there were fears that the scheme would be misused to ease corporate land acquisition. Land records modernisation remains important for agrarian reform, but its success remains contingent on a greater appreciation among policymakers for the historical and political economy aspects of land ownership and possession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Land reform has been perceived to be a major avenue for poverty reduction, amid controversies regarding the impacts of land reform in developing economies. This paper demonstrates how China's land reform in the 1950s succeeded in reducing hunger and poverty. To be more specific, our paper constructs a theoretical model, deriving hypotheses with respect to the welfare effects of land reform in general. The hypotheses are then empirically tested using a unique data set from China. Our identification strategy of combining propensity score matching (PSM) with Differences-in-Differences (DID) estimations ensures the reliability of causal inferences and analytical results. The paper concludes that China's land reform in the 1950s significantly improved the welfare of peasants in terms of subsistence living while its effect on non-subsistence welfare was insignificant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Class division represented arguably the most crucial stage of the land reform campaigns mounted by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), as it not only divided the land but also the political power of rural Chinese society. Based on newly available local archives, this case study of class division during land reform in the suburbs of Beijing argues that the making of "evil tyrant landlords"—and the struggle against them—played a decisive role in conceptualizing the "landlord" as both a figure of Marxist economic exploitation and the morally stigmatized rural elite during land reform and the building of the party-state. After the collapse of the existing rural ruling class, the "struggle against tyrants" movement immediately turned toward enacting formal class division. As a consequence, the discourse of class struggle based on a clear-cut landlord-peasantry dichotomy was, unsurprisingly, allowed by the CCP to infiltrate rural China's post-1949 political culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Economia e Sociologia Rural is the property of Sociedade Brasileira de Economia e Sociologia Rural and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Although drafting and promulgating the expropriation decree-laws in 1918 represented landmark moments in the history of the Romanian agrarian reform, it did not lead to the definitive solution of the "peasant issue". Furthermore, the reform implementation encountered reluctances, generated by biased approaches to the subject in question. The aim of our paper is to present the difficult process of The Agrarian Reform adoption. We are also interested in outlining the immediate outcomes generated by the introduction of the new law. All those aspects included in the general context of the debates involving not only the issue of ownership, but especially that of the destiny of the reformed Romanian agriculture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Diversitas Journal is the property of Diversitas Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)