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Now that integration into Europe is on the public agenda, the discourse in Bosnia-Herzegovina is tending to build up a narrative about Bosnia-Herzegovina that is not actually integrating but returning to Europe from which it was “torn away” when it joined the Yugoslav state in 1918. Similar narratives, characteristic of Croatia and Slovenia, may have found their way into Bosnia-Herzegovina too. Indeed, what happened to Bosnia-Herzegovina from 1918 up to 1992, and was it really "abducted" from Europe where, as part of the Habsburg Monarchy, it had spent the last decades of the 19th and first decades of the 20th century? Has Bosnia-Herzegovina returned to the Balkans since 1918, where it had been up to 1878 and wherefrom, now in the early 21st century, it is trying to join Europe or - in line with this new narrative - is it once again “"making a break" for it? What, in this sense, are Bosniak, Croat and Serb experiences of Yugoslavia and what memories of Yugoslavia are they building in Bosnia-Herzegovina?

Bibliographie: Ivkovic, Marjan: Praxis Philosophy’s ’Older Sister‘: The Reception of Critical Theory in the Former Yugoslavia, ZPTh, 2-2017, S. 271-280. https://doi.org/10.3224/zpth.v8i2.10

After the Second World War, a new regional identity was configured through collaboration agreements not only between the USSR and each of the Eastern Bloc countries but, at the same time, through less hierarchical relationships between the newly installed communist regimes. These relationships also entailed cultural conventions, which stipulated joint events and exhibitions or documentary trips for artists. This article focuses on the artistic exchanges between Romania, Bulgaria and Yugoslavia in the early years of the postwar era giving special attention to the art institutions that were assigned to operate them. Such international relationships are revealing for the local negotiations concerning the relation between artists and the state, but also for the political prospects in the Balkans. Moreover, the early artistic exchanges set out a series of practices that were maintained throughout the entire socialist period and therefore contributed to charting a common artistic identity. Although the Soviet cultural model settled certain borders and modes of action in each country through imported art institutions or policies, the artistic exchanges within the Eastern Bloc had also an independent life, which sometimes even bypassed it. Furthermore, in each country, Socialist Realism was configured at the intersection of Soviet directives, local artistic hierarchies and practices, and bilateral exchanges.

Die vorliegende Arbeit beschaftigt sich mit dem Begriff des Anderen/Nachsten/Bruders im Orthodoxen Christentum sowie im Rahmen von verschiedenen aktuellen gesellschaftlichen und politischen Diskursen, wie z. B. zwischenmenschliche Beziehungen, interreligioser Dialog oder der Dialog uber die Vergangenheit in die Post-Konflikt-Periode auf dem Balkan. Die Uberlegungen der Autorin basieren dabei auf einer Erorterung des Phanomens von Nicht-Akzeptanz des Anderen und des Andersartigen bzw. auf einer Analyse der Angst vor dem Anderen/Andersartigen und des Hasses ihm gegenuber. Von solchen negativen Einstellungen und Gefuhlen sind im betreffenden Zusammenhang nicht nur Menschen als Einzelne betroffen, sondern auch ganze ethnische Gruppen und Nationen. Als einer der Schlusselfaktoren bei der Beziehung zum Anderen, bei einem friedlichen Miteinander mit ihm und sogar bei dem Versohnungsprozess im ehemaligen Jugoslawien wird dabei der Dialog verstanden und seine Bedeutung in dieser Rolle hervorgehoben. Erortert wird auserdem die unterstutzende Rolle, welche das orthodoxe Christentum bei der Entwicklung eines friedlichen Miteinanders sowie bei der Friedenserhaltung heute potenziell spielen konnte.

In the present paper, we discuss the time before the “age of reports”. Besides the Coleman Report in the period of Coleman, the Lady Plowden Report also appeared, while there were important studies in France (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1964; Peyre, 1959) and studies that inaugurated comprehensive education in Nordic countries. We focus on the period after the World War II, which was marked by rising economic nationalism, on the one hand, and by the second wave of mass education, on the other, bearing the promise of more equality and a reduction of several social inequalities, both supposed to be ensured by school. It was a period of great expectations related to the power of education and the rise of educational meritocracy. On this background, in the second part of the paper, the authors attempt to explore the phenomenon of the aforementioned reports, which significantly questioned the power of education and, at the same time, enabled the formation of evidence-based education policies. In this part of the paper, the central place is devoted to the case of socialist Yugoslavia/Slovenia and its striving for more equality and equity through education. Through the socialist ideology of more education for all, socialist Yugoslavia, with its exaggerated stress on the unified school and its overemphasised belief in simple equality, overstepped the line between relying on comprehensive education as an important mechanism for increasing the possibility of more equal and just education, on the one hand, and the myth of the almighty unified school capable of eradicating social inequalities, especially class inequalities, on the other. With this radical approach to the reduction of inequalities, socialist policy in the then Yugoslavia paradoxically reduced the opportunity for greater equality, and even more so for more equitable education.

The aim of this article is to analyze application of the participatory model of democracy in the former communist countries, emphasizing influences of communist legacies. First part of paper covers basic characteristics of the participatory model of democracy and discusses communist heritage that is hypothesized to hamper development of participative democracy. In the third part of the paper goals of the investigation are defined and countries of the former communist block grouped. The last part of research presents analysis of the data obtained by the EVS research conducted on 2008. (author's abstract)

Muss ein Staat seine Untaten bereuen, um außenpolitische Legitimität zu erhalten? Was bedeutet es, Kriegsverbrechen aufzuarbeiten? Und wie agieren und kommunizieren Politiker, die unter internationalem Druck aufarbeiten müssen? Am Beispiel des serbischen Umgangs mit während der Jugoslawienkriege begangener Kriegsverbrechen sucht Daniela Mehler Erklärungen für Politikwandel und Ambivalenzen. Sie rekonstruiert die serbischen Aufarbeitungsdebatten vom Beginn der Jugoslawienkriege bis zur Verhaftung von Ratko Mladic und stellt die Positionen und Norminterpretationen der serbischen Akteure vor.

(nemacki) Was ist vom Begriff der "Souver?nit?t" geblieben, mit anderen Worten: ist es nach der Schaffung einer Vielzahl kleiner souver?ner Staaten in Osteuropa noch m?glich, ?ber die Figur des Souver?ns zu sprechen? Was ist ein Staat sofern er kein Souver?n ist bzw. sofern er nur teilweise ein Souver?n ist? Wieviel Souver?nit?t bedarf es (ist es m?glich, die Souver?nit?t zu messen?) damit ein Staat wirklich souver?n ist? Verhandelt der Internationale Gerichtshof f?r Kriegsverbrechen, die innerhalb des ehemaligen Jugoslawien begangen wurden, de facto die Folgen jener Verbrechen, die die Grundlage der Souver?nit?t und der Unabh?ngigkeit aller dieser neuen kleinen Staaten liegen, w?hrend er de iure auf einer rein pers?nlichen Verantwortlichkeit insistiert? Die Ausf?hrungen versuchen, eine der grundlegenden Aporien der internationalen Rechts zu problematisieren, die - von Kant bis heute - die Unverletzlichkeit der Souver?nit?t eines Staates und, im selben Moment, das Recht auf humanit?re Intervention und auf pr?ventive Gewalt betrifft.

Der Zerfall des sozialistischen Jugoslawien ließ aus seinen acht föderalen Einheiten sieben neue Staaten ent-stehen. Die einzige bislang unerforschte Ausnahme ist dabei die Autonome Provinz Vojvodina, die weiterhin ein Teil Serbiens bleibt, wenn auch mit einer erheblich eingeschränkten Autonomie. Insbesondere Fragen nach Qualität bzw. Quantität der Autonomie waren Gegenstand heftiger politischer Auseinandersetzungen in der Vojvodina seit Ende der 1980er Jahre. Die politischen Unterschiede zwischen den „Autonomisten“ in der Provinz, die sich auch in den 1990ern für eine breite Autonomie einsetzten, und der Belgrader Zentralregierung, deren Macht auf der Idee eines starken vereinten Serbiens beruhte, wurden von den ersteren zunehmend als historisch vorbestimmte kulturelle Differenzen ausgelegt, die hier als „Phantomgrenzen“ untersucht werden. In Form verschiedener symbolisch verknüpfter Aussagen über die historische Besonderheit der Bevölkerung, Wirtschaft und Kultur der Vojvodina wurden die politischen Forderungen nach mehr Autonomie wiederholt bekräftigt. Diese wiederum wurde auch als Schutz vor dem und Gegenmodell zum erstarkten serbischen Nationalismus der „Ära Milošević“ dargestellt. Im Laufe der inzwischen mehr als zwei Jahrzehnte fügten sich diese Deutungen zu einem neuen Autonomiediskurs zusammen. Wie dieser entstand, d.h. welche Akteure wie und zu welchen Zwecken die Phantomgrenzen der Vojvodina wieder auftauchen ließen, sowie welche Bedeutung die Autonomieidee in der Umbruchszeit der 1990er Jahre im Alltag der Menschen in der Vojvodina erlangte, sind zentrale Forschungsfragen der Fallstudie. Sie bietet damit nicht nur neue empirische Erkenntnisse zur Geschichte des jugoslawischen Staatszerfalls und der postsozialistischen Zeit in Südosteuropa, sondern ermöglicht mit dem verwendeten Modell der „Phantomgrenzen“ auch neue Einblicke in und allgemeine Aussagen über das Wiederauftauchen von Geschichte und historischen Grenzen in Osteuropa nach 1989. The breakup of socialist Yugoslavia led to the creation of seven new states out of its eight federal units. The only exception, until now unexplored, is the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina, which remains a part of Serbia, although with a substantially restricted autonomy. Notably questions about the quality and quantity of autonomy have been a subject of heavy political conflicts in Vojvodina since the end of the 1980s. Political differences between the „autonomists“ in the province, who also during the 1990s advocated a broad autonomy, and the central government in Belgrade, whose power was based on the idea of a strong unified Serbia, the former increasingly presented as historically predetermined cultural differences, which are explored here as “phantom borders”. The political claims for more autonomy were thus repeatedly reinforced in terms of various symbolically connected statements about the historical distinctiveness of the population, economy and culture of Vojvodina. The autonomy in turn was also represented as an instrument of protection against and alternative model to the growing Serbian nationalism during the “Milošević era”. In the course of meanwhile more than two decades these interpretations merged into a new autonomy discourse. How this emerged, i.e. which agents made how and for what purposes the phantom borders of Vojvodina reappear, as well as what relevance the idea of autonomy gained during the period of radical change in the 1990s in everyday life of the people in Vojvodina are the central research questions of the case study. It hereby offers not only new empirical findings about the history of the breakup of the Yugoslav state and the post-socialist period in Southeastern Europe, but due to the used model of “phantom borders” also permits new insights into and general conclusions about the reappearance of history and historical borders in Eastern Europe after 1989.

Sowohl Ägypter als auch Ashkali sind heute in der Verfassung der Republik Kosovo festgeschriebene communities mit Minderheitenrechten. Ihre Angehörige sind mehrheitlich muslimisch. Ashkali und Ägypter sind albanischsprachig während Roma meist einen der drei im Kosovo vorkommenden Dialekte des Romanes sprechen. In dieser Arbeit wurde untersucht, wie und vor welchem Hintergrund neue ethnische Identifizierungen in Konfliktgesellschaften entstehen, welche historischen und politischen Rahmenbedingungen dafür gegeben sein müssen, damit sie sich erfolgreich etablieren und was der jeweilige Vorteil für eine Identifizierung mit der einen oder der anderen Gruppe ist. Historisch-kritisch untersucht wurden schriftliche Ego-Dokumente von Ägyptern und Ashkali (Webseiten, Offene Briefe, Artikel und Monographien) sowie problemzentrierte Interviews, Statistiken, Menschenrechtsberichten und Artikel aus serbischen und kosovarischen Zeitungen. Der Zusammenhang von Antiziganismus und dem Wunsch nach Schaffung einer neuen nationalen Kategorie wurde dabei in der historischen Perspektive deutlich: in den 1960er/70er Jahren grenzten sich jugoslawische Roma von den negativen Stereotypen und ihrer Bezeichnung als „Zigeuner“ ab, promoteten die Bezeichnung ''Roma'' und vernetzten sich mit Roma anderer europäischer Ländern. Ab Ende der 1980er Jahre versuchten in Südwest-Mazedonien einige Menschen sich zu organisieren und ihr Image als „Zigeuner“ zu verlieren, ohne gleichzeitig den Albanern zugerechnet zu werden, die sich von Jugoslawien separieren wollten. Sie organisierten sich über die Republik Mazedonien und auch Jugoslawien hinaus und schafften es, in Serbien und Mazedonien als positive Alternative zur albanischen Minderheit anerkannt zu werden und ihre eigene Kategorie in der Volkszählung zu erhalten. Die Ashkali entstanden 1999 als Ausweg aus der Nachkriegs-Gewalt im Kosovo. Both Egyptians and Ashkali are formally defined as communities with minority rights in the current constitution of the Republic of Kosovo. Their members are overwhelmingly Muslim. Ashkali and Egyptians are Albanian-speaking whereas Roma tend to speak one of the three Romany dialects spoken in Kosovo. This work examined how new ethnic identifications originate in societies in conflict and the causes behind this development; the historical and political conditions that must be in place to enable these new identities to become successfully established and what the respective benefits are behind identifying with one group over another. Written autobiographical documents from Egyptians and Ashkali (web sites, open letters, articles and monographs) as well as problem-centred interviews, statistics, human rights reports and articles from Serbian and Kosovan newspapers were critically examined from a historical standpoint. The relationship between antiziganism and the desire to establish a new national ethnic grouping is evident when viewed from a historical perspective: in the 1960s and 70s the Yugoslav Roma distanced themselves from the negative stereotypes associated with the name “Zigeuner” (gypsy), promoted the name Roma and built links with Roma from other European countries. At the end of the 1980s groups in south-west Macedonia joined together to shed their “Zigeuner” (gypsy) image, creating a group distinct from the Albanians who in turn were trying to separate themselves from Yugoslavia. The groups became more organised, extending beyond the Republic of Macedonia and Yugoslavia and they succeeded in being recognised as a positive alternative to the Albanian minority in Serbia and Macedonia where they were included in the census as a separate ethnic category. The Ashkali identity was created in 1999 in response to the post-war violence in Kosovo.

The article explores certain characteristics of the Yugoslav fan culture by facing major aspects of the politicization of supporter groups, which took place during the 1980s. It starts with a brief description of the development of Yugoslav football and fan cultures with the focus on political and sociohistorical interferences. Using interviews with supporters from this period as well as interviews with experts and other sources, the article describes the youth-cultural manifestations of the fan culture and the active role of the Yugoslav Ultras in the period of homogenization and nationalization of the society – so far the common stereotypes about football fans in Yugoslavia. But there were also supporter groups, defending the idea of a multi-ethnical Yugoslavia until the very end, since a collapse would mean the end of their multi-ethnical group structures. As it is often the case, a generalization about supporters, nationalism and the collapse of Yugoslavia is not appropriate.

The predominant “story” about the Slovenian nationalism before the collapse of the SFRY is simple: The Slovenian nationalism (negative perception) or “the Slovenian spring” (positive perception) “ap-peared” in the 1980s, it identified itself as “anti-Yugoslavism” and reached the climax in 1991 with the Slovenian independence. Yet, historical sources - both archival and publicist - expose different story: the relation between Slovenian nationalism and Yugoslavism is much more ambiguous and complicated. Why is the Slovenian Yugoslavism of the 1980s a relevant topic for international com-parative historiography of the second Yugoslavia and its successor states? I would point out two rea-sons. First, I claim that Yugoslavism of any kind could not exist without Slovenianism, especially since the creation of the first Yugoslavia in 1918. The history of Slovenian Yugoslavism (or Sloveni-an nationalism in general) is not just relevant for “the Slovenian national historiography”, without “the Slovenian component” we cannot understand Yugoslavia or Yugoslavism in general, which could be understood only in historical context. Although almost all authors recognize the significance of the Slovenian-Serbian conflict for the Yugoslav collapse: they assign surprisingly little attention to Slovenian intellectual circles. They are almost always mentioned, but rarely properly analyzed. Sec-ondly, most of historical analysis is preoccupied with the reasons for the collapse of the Yugoslavia. As H. Grandits and H. Sundhaussen have pointed out, if we research the history of a state that does not exist anymore, we unintentionally “search for” elements of the past, which explain why the state had failed. This is also the reason why Slovenian historians – those who consider the methodology of the academic historiography – are mainly focused on the “processes of independence” or the “process-es of democratization”. Slovenian Yugoslavism is not in the spotlight of attention, furthermore, it is mostly seen as an insignificant side-effect of the official Yugoslav ideology of “brotherhood and uni-ty”, not as something genuinely Slovenian.

This article shows that corruption in socialist Yugoslavia was a specific phenomenon when compared to the inter-war period or to post-socialism. In contrast to liberalism, communist ideology did not support an understanding of corruption as a problem of its own but tended to see political and material “deviations” as originating from the same root – i.e. from a lack of political morale. The League of Communists failed to live up to its role as an educator of society, since it was trapped between declarative moral rigorism and the fact that material need and greed could be satisfied best by becoming a party member. Corruption practices often did not involve bribes but still fit into Transparency International’s broad definition of corruption as the “the abuse of entrusted power for private gain”, in particular for obtaining rare goods such as apartments, jobs or raw materials. While the anticorruption discourse in socialist Yugoslavia was often linked to anti-bureaucratic, anti-elitist and sometimes to dogmatic communist stances, liberal remedies such as transparent and regular procedures were also discussed and applied, though less frequently. The article is based on archival sources from the League of Communists and other Yugoslav institutions. Since the research was centered on Serbia, the majority of concrete examples come from this republic.

Der Zerfall des sozialistischen Jugoslawien ließ aus seinen acht föderalen Einheiten sieben neue Staaten entstehen. Die einzige bislang unerforschte Ausnahme ist dabei die Autonome Provinz Vojvodina, die weiterhin ein Teil Serbiens bleibt, wenn auch mit einer erheblich eingeschränkten Autonomie. Insbesondere Fragen nach Qualität bzw. Quantität der Autonomie waren Gegenstand heftiger politischer Auseinandersetzungen in der Vojvodina seit Ende der 1980er Jahre. Die politischen Unterschiede zwischen den "Autonomisten" in der Provinz, die sich auch in den 1990ern für eine breite Autonomie einsetzten, und der Belgrader Zentralregierung, deren Macht auf der Idee eines starken vereinten Serbiens beruhte, wurden von den ersteren zunehmend als historisch vorbestimmte kulturelle Differenzen ausgelegt, die hier als "Phantomgrenzen" untersucht werden. In Form verschiedener symbolisch verknüpfter Aussagen über die historische Besonderheit der Bevölkerung, Wirtschaft und Kultur der Vojvodina wurden die politischen Forderungen nach mehr Autonomie wiederholt bekräftigt. Diese wiederum wurde auch als Schutz vor dem und Gegenmodell zum erstarkten serbischen Nationalismus der "Ära Milošević" dargestellt. Im Laufe der inzwischen mehr als zwei Jahrzehnte fügten sich diese Deutungen zu einem neuen Autonomiediskurs zusammen. Wie dieser entstand, d.h. welche Akteure wie und zu welchen Zwecken die Phantomgrenzen der Vojvodina wieder auftauchen ließen, sowie welche Bedeutung die Autonomieidee in der Umbruchszeit der 1990er Jahre im Alltag der Menschen in der Vojvodina erlangte, sind zentrale Forschungsfragen der Fallstudie. Sie bietet damit nicht nur neue empirische Erkenntnisse zur Geschichte des jugoslawischen Staatszerfalls und der postsozialistischen Zeit in Südosteuropa, sondern ermöglicht mit dem verwendeten Modell der "Phantomgrenzen" auch neue Einblicke in und allgemeine Aussagen über das Wiederauftauchen von Geschichte und historischen Grenzen in Osteuropa nach 1989., The breakup of socialist Yugoslavia led to the creation of seven new states out of its eight federal units. The only exception, until now unexplored, is the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina, which remains a part of Serbia, although with a substantially restricted autonomy. Notably questions about the quality and quantity of autonomy have been a subject of heavy political conflicts in Vojvodina since the end of the 1980s. Political differences between the "autonomists" in the province, who also during the 1990s advocated a broad autonomy, and the central government in Belgrade, whose power was based on the idea of a strong unified Serbia, the former increasingly presented as historically predetermined cultural differences, which are explored here as "phantom borders". The political claims for more autonomy were thus repeatedly reinforced in terms of various symbolically connected statements about the historical distinctiveness of the population, economy and culture of Vojvodina. The autonomy in turn was also represented as an instrument of protection against and alternative model to the growing Serbian nationalism during the "Milošević era". In the course of meanwhile more than two decades these interpretations merged into a new autonomy discourse. How this emerged, i.e. which agents made how and for what purposes the phantom borders of Vojvodina reappear, as well as what relevance the idea of autonomy gained during the period of radical change in the 1990s in everyday life of the people in Vojvodina are the central research questions of the case study. It hereby offers not only new empirical findings about the history of the breakup of the Yugoslav state and the post-socialist period in Southeastern Europe, but due to the used model of "phantom borders" also permits new insights into and general conclusions about the reappearance of history and historical borders in Eastern Europe after 1989.

The international community has determined it carries the responsibility to protect civilians from atrocity crimes if a state is unable or unwilling to do so. These crimes are often perpetrated in authoritarian regimes where they are legitimized through an exclusionary ideology. A comparative case study of Pol Pot and Milosevic indicates that whether the leader truly believes in the ideology he puts forward or merely uses it instrumentally to manipulate the population, is an important variable, which affects the manner in which third parties can respond effectively to these crimes. While Pol Pot was motivated by his ideological zeal, Milosevic used ideology to create a climate in which mass atrocities could be perpetrated in order to garner further power and prestige. In Max Weber’s terminology, Milosevic was guided by instrumental rationality while Pol Pot acted on the basis of value rationality. This case study compares two crucial moments - Vietnam's invasion of Cambodia and NATO's bombing of Serbia when the crisis in Kosovo escalated - to analyze the responsiveness of the two leaders. It is argued that ideological leaders are less responsive than non-ideological leaders to foreign policy measures targeted to stop or mitigate the occurrence of atrocities. (author's abstract)

The article focuses on the question of a possible linkage between unemployment and self-management in socialist Yugoslavia. Departing from secondary sources and offering a critical literature review, the article sketches the development of unemployment in Yugoslavia from the 1950s to the beginning of the 1980s, outlines different points of discussion and explores concrete gaps in the existing interpretations. By proposing a differentiated view of self-management, the a uthors conclude that from an economic perspective the relationship between self-management and unemployment was at best an indirect one. The broader system of self-management can hardly be interpreted as an obstacle to political participation or social integration of unemployed persons. In contrast to previous interpretations of Yugoslavia's unemployment which regard it as a paradox, the authors suggest that the paradox was not the existence of unemployment in a socialist state, but the way in which the society - especially when organized on the basis of socialist self-management - reacted to it. In fact, the Yugoslav response to the problem of unemployment proved to be not really different from the way this was handled by other (capitalist) states in this period.

Die Erinnerungen an Krieg und Flucht wiegen besonders schwer und verlangen nicht nur Energie, Behutsamkeit und Sensibilität im Umgang mit den Betroffenen, sondern beeinflussen auch ihren Tagesablauf. Teilweise ist die Schwere der Vergangenheit so erdrückend, dass das Individuum ganz davon vereinnahmt wird und von einem normalen Alltag nicht mehr die Rede sein kann. Unscheinbar wirkende Impulse versetzen die Betroffenen zurück in einen Zustand aus Angst, Unsicherheit und Misstrauen. Auf die Frauen und Männer, die vor der unvorstellbaren Gewalt und Bedrohung des Bosnienkrieges nach Berlin geflohen sind, trifft diese Beschreibung sehr häufig zu. Doch nicht nur die Erinnerungen an den Krieg belasten die Männer und Frauen, auch die Situation nach der Ankunft in Berlin brachte viel Leid mit sich. Durch den langjährigen unsicheren Aufenthaltsstatus als ‚Geduldeter‘ wurden die bereits bestehenden Probleme auf sozialer und wirtschaftlicher Ebene intensiviert und für die Betroffenen wurde es nahezu unmöglich, die psychischen Wunden heilen lassen zu können. Dieser Artikel veranschaulicht die unterschiedlichen Formen der Vergangenheitsannäherung bosnischer Flüchtlinge in Berlin, ihre Beeinflussung durch bestimmte Alltagssituationen bzw. Stressoren, sowie ihre Relation zu biografischen Hintergründen, Generation und Geschlecht. Die Art der Erinnerung lässt dabei Rückschlüsse auf den individuellen Umgang mit der Vergangenheit zu. Anhand verschiedener Narrationen kristallisiert sich der unterschiedliche Umgang mit der Vergangenheit auf einerseits reflektiert-distanzierter und andererseits wiedererlebend-emotionaler Ebene heraus.

This article's aim is to present the particular case of Romania’s border situation with Yugoslavia between 1948 and roughly 1955-56 as an extreme example of the “Westphalian culture of border control”, within the larger framework of the totalitarian communist model of managing one's borders. This will be achieved by evaluating the manner in which the Romanian border defence system was influenced by the political tensions that appeared between the Soviet Union and Tito’s Yugoslavia. Drawing on a strong and aggressive political discourse, implemented within the new border defence organization and structure, the philosophy of “internal detention”, so typical of communist totalitarianism, was enhanced by the Romanian authorities, serving to consolidate the regime at the same time.

This paper aims to contribute to ongoing endeavors to investigate organisations by and for working migrants in Germany. It particularly focuses on the Croatian Catholic Mission in West Berlin (HKMB), intending to help further illuminating its work as well as its goals from the late 1960s until the early 1980s. Departing from the assumption that all forms of group belonging are necessarily situational and contextual, identity politics as pursued by the mission shall be scrutinized. Furthermore, the paper investigates fractions and continuities regarding their representation paying close attention to temporal and spatial aspects. The author argues that from the late 1970s onwards the HKMB increasingly sought to articulate something that will be referred to as “Croatian identity in Berlin”. This development has to be understood against the background of both the demographic situation in Berlin as well as of concurrent efforts of the Yugoslav state to address “its” citizens abroad.

Der Artikel geht der Frage nach, welche negativen Energien durch Prozesse der staatlichen Aufsplitterung freigesetzt werden. An rezenten Beispielen aus der Ukraine, dem Nahen Osten und Ex-Jugoslawien wird der Widerspruch zwischen einer von Außen und von Innen initiierten Demokratisierung einerseits oder eben einem Scheitern der Bemühungen um Demokratie und starken autoritären Mustern andererseits diskutiert.

"How was the discourse which went on in 1992 in the Federal Republic of Germany concerning the acceptance of war refugees from the disintegertated SFRY with regards to the debate on the amendment of the consitution in order to generally limit reception?" This is the central question of the thesis. It includes the internal consistency of the "reception discourse" and aims at presentating the relations between representative statements in the discourse. In order to answer this question, all articles which comment on the topic "intake of asylum seekers" (comments$^1$, quotes, readers letters and interviews) found in the two national daily newspapers, the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FAZ) and the Süddeutsche Zeitung (SZ), in 1992 were gathered and in all a total of 1,722 articles were reviewed and analyzed.The main question implies that the problem be considered in the context of two discourse complexes which in 1992 were equally relevant to society and were thematically also closely interrelated.a) The civil war discourse motivated by the foreign policy (on the subject: "war refugees from the former Yugoslavia"$^2$b) The asylum discourse which was motivated by domestic policy (on the subject: "constitutional amendment and anti-immigrant sentiments"$^3$These are two sub-discourses of the main discourse on the reception of refugees. The quantitative-qualitative analysis method which was presented by Thomas Niehr in 2004, as part of a "historical investigation of comparative discourse"$^4$ is considered a methodical option and in this work-is applied for the first time in comparing two sub-discourses in relation to a main discourse. The aim is to provide evidence of German public receptiveness and to present the transformation in the thinking and mentality which in 1992 was between the break up and merging of european structures. The analysis of argumentation based on historical discourse considers discourse in relation to their historical context. For this reason, in the first part of this work (I. Factual historical framework Chapter 1 and 2) discourse on the reception of refugees in 1992, foreign policy (Yugoslavia conflict) as well as the domestic affairs (constitutional amendment) are presented in detail. The second part (II. Theoretical prerequisites) the theory of language comprehension is presented, on the basis of the historical approach discourse represented in this work. The reception of essential philosophies of langauge based on the main ideas of Wilhelm von Humboldt, Ludwig Wittgenstein and Ferdinand de Saussure are taken up and discussed within the framework of the developing of theory of historical semantics and discourse history. By making reference to the models of Karl Buhler, John L. Austin and Paul Grice on the importance of communicative use of language, the connection is made to the socio-philosophical foundations on the discourse on linguistic development of theories which is particularly characterized by Michel Foucault’s historical reception. Language is understood as handling in a social and contextual manner which constitutes and organizes social reality. As a result, this work comprehends linguistic discourse analysis as a methodological approach, which is perceived as part of a social science oriented Linguistics (Chapter 4). This notion is also confirmed by other approaches which preceded the present understanding of theory. The course of development from the word and conceptual history (Chapter 4.4.) to historical semantics (Chapter 4.3.) to the linguistic discourse analysis of the Düsseldorf School (Chapter 4.5.) ends in the concept which states that mentalities can be described by the analysis of historical discourse. In the third part (III. The analysis of the reception discourse) the mentioned sub discourses of the main discourse on reception are analyzed on the basis of the analytical argumentation process by Thomas Niehrs (2004) and in view of the historical background of 1992. The prototypical formulated arguments of the reception discourse are made observable in their usage. It therefore becomes clear that parts of discourse could represent opposing statements or which compete in an inner discursive manner. Furthermore the idea is developed to create an intersection of corpus and to analyze the prototypical arguments of the sub-discourses in combination with their usages. By this method, the opposition between controversial innerdiskursive sub- discourses is made transparent and able to be interpreted in terms of their functions in the relation to the main discourse namely, the reception discourse (Chapter 8). More especially because of the fact that discourse analysis are linked to limited and rigid corpora - and it is only due to this static nature that discourses are methodically able to become describable for linguistic discourse analysis, it is important to examine corpora to find indicators of inner discursive dynamics. Such indicators could be prototypical arguments which are considered in the context of their usage. In contrast to critical approaches of discourse analysis (Critical Discourse Analysis, CDA and CDA, KDA) a moderate-critical interpretation of the analytical results is presented here in a methodical proximity to epistemologically-descriptive and discourse semantic approach of the Düsseldorf School. The change in thinking of the German mentality 1992 concerning the reception discourse is described as complex, ambivalent and discontinuous. It does not transpire through a change in readiness for reception , and also not through an open discursive process by exchanging factual arguments; it takes place by a shift in the (collective) perspective of reality. This shift is revealed by the discourse analysis of this work. $^1$Quoted comments are comments from other newspapers on current topics, denoted as "The voices of the others" in the mentioned daily newspapers "Stimmen der Anderen“(FAZ) or Insight into the press media". „Blick in die Presse" SZ). $^2$Denoted as "discourse on war refugees". $^3$Denoted as "discourse on the amendment of the constitution". $^4$Niehr, Thomas (2004): Der Streit um Migration in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, der Schweiz und Österreich. Eine vergleichende diskursgeschichtliche Untersuchung. Heidelberg.

Mittelpunkt der Recherche sind Gemeinschaftsraeume, die w��hrend der sozialistischen Aera Jugoslawiens entstanden. Der Fokus liegt auf dem Konzept der 'Mesna Zajednica' (Ortsgemeinschaft) das waehrend Jugoslawiens Entwicklung in Richtung Dezentraliseirung und der Einfuehrung der Arbeiterselbstverwaltung nach dem Bruch mit der Sowjet Union 1948, entwickelt wurde. Die Ortsgemeinschaft war die kleinste administrative Einheit der jugoslawischen Stadt und Kern der Selbstverwaltung auf der stadtraeumlichen Ebene. Novi Beograd (Neu Belgrad), ein Bezirk der serbischen Hauptstadt Belgrad, dient dabei als Fallstudie um das jugoslawische Konzept der Selbstverwaltung auf der Nachbarschaftsebene zu untersuchen. Novi Beograd wurde nach dem 2. Weltkrieg als sozialistische 'Modellstadt'; mittels technokratischen Planungsprinzipien und allumfassendem `Social Engineering' von raeumlichen als auch sozialen Beziehungen erbaut. In neuen (modernistischen) Stadtteilen wie Novi Beograd, war die Ortsgemeinschaft gleichzeitig auch Planungsbaustein der zur Schaffung autarker 'Gemeinschaften', die fuer 5.000 bis 15.000 Einwohner dienen sollte. Das Kernstueck jeder Ortsgemeinschaft war das Gemeinschaftszentrum. Dort konnten sich die BewohnerInnen treffen, ihre taeglichen Einkaeufe erledigen, soziale Dienstleistungen erhalten und an der politischen Organisation ihrer Nachbarschaft teilnehmen. Basierend auf der Annahme, dass sozialistische Konzeptionen von Gemeinschaft auch heute noch einen Einfluss auf das Leben in der Stadt haben, werden ihre Entwicklungen und symbolischen Dimensionen genauer untersucht. Unterschiedliche Facetten und Masst��be sollen erkundet werden: ihre Definition als Orte politischer Partizipation, Raeume ideologischer Repraesentation und Ort an dem Gemeinschaft in der modernen Stadtgesellschaft wieder Wirklichkeit werden sollte. Die Theorie des jugoslawischen Gemeinschaftsraumes soll dem Alltagsleben welches sich an diesen Orten entfaltet hat gegenuebergestellt und relativiert werden. Die Diskrepanz zwischen der staatlichen Konzeption und wie der Raum wahrgenommen und erlebt wird sind zentrale Aspekte der Arbeit., My research revolves around common spaces that were created during the socialist period in former Yugoslavia. The focus is on the concept of the `Mesna Zajednica' (`Local Community') that was developed in the course of Yugoslavia's process of decentralisation and the introduction of worker's self-management after the break with the Soviet Union in 1948. The Local Community was the smallest administrative unit of the Yugoslav city and basic cell of self-government on the urban level. Novi Beograd (New Belgrade), a municipality of the Serbian capital Belgrade, will serve as a case study to investigate the concept of the Yugoslav common space on the neighbourhood level. After Second World War Novi Beograd was planned as a socialist `model town', following technocratic planning principles of the time that aimed at the all-encompassing `engineering' of urban space and social relations. In new (modernist) city quarters, like Novi Beograd, the Local Community was also the basic planning element that aimed at the creation of self-sufficient `communities' of 5,000 to 15,000 people. The heart of each `community' was a neighbourhood-centre. Here the inhabitants could meet, buy their daily supplies, receive services and get involved in the political organisation of their neighbourhood. Based on the assumption that socialist conceptions of common spaces continue to have an effect on life in the city, their development and symbolic dimensions are central parts of this work. Different facets and scales of this concept will be explored: its definition as a political space for citizen participation, space of ideological representation and a realm where `community' was believed to be still possible within the modern city. The theory of the Yugoslav common space will be put in perspective when looking at the culture of everyday life that unfolded in these spaces. The discrepancy between the state's ideological conception and the space as it is perceived and lived by its inhabitants today will be explored.

Essen und Essgewohnheiten stellen in der geschichtswissenschaftlichen Südosteuropaforschung ein noch immer vernachlässigtes Forschungsfeld dar – zu Unrecht, lassen sich doch anhand von Kulinarik und Küchentraditionen Diskurse über den Balkan innerhalb und außerhalb der Region, identitäre Deutungskämpfe auf individueller und kollektiver Ebene sowie Phänomene der Konsum- und Migrationsgeschichte untersuchen. Der Beitrag gibt einen ersten Überblick über die vielfältigen Anwendungsbereiche, Fragestellungen und Themenkomplexe der Balkanküche als Gegenstand geschichtswissenschaftlicher Forschung.

In den Vielvölkerreichen, die den europäischen Südosten beherrschten, begannen sich im Laufe des 19. Jahrhunderts Nationalbewegungen herauszugestalten, in denen nach 1850 Sokol- und anderen Turnverbänden zunehmend wichtige Rollen zukamen. In der Zwischenkriegszeit dienten sie zum Aufbau einer jugoslawischen nationalen und religiösen Identität; auch in Rumänien und Bulgarien wurden Sportverbände zur Festigung der jungen Nationalstaaten eingesetzt. Nach dem Zweiten Welt-krieg wurden sie wie die Sokolverbände durch sozialistische Organisationen ersetzt. Mit dem Zerfall des jugoslawischen Bundesstaates und der Ablösung auch der anderen sozialistischen Regime wurde Sport in der ganzen Region teilweise zu einem Medium der Mobilisierung nationalen Enthusiasmus der neu-alten Nationalstaaten. Der Beitrag versucht, innovative Zugänge zur Sportgeschichte zusammenzufassen. Er weist auf Perspektiven einer Kulturgeschichte des Sports als Teil moderner Dis-kurse der Nationalisierung, Militarisierung und Verwissenschaftlichung gesellschaftlicher Entwürfe in Südosteuropa hin. After 1850, Sokol associations played an important role in fostering Slavic national movements inside the multi-ethnic empires which dominated South Eastern Europe. Between the World Wars, their role was to help building a Yugoslavian national and religious identity, similarly, they served in Romania and Bulgaria to institutionalize the young nation-state. After World War II. the Sokols were replaced by socialist as-sociations of physical culture. With the decay of the Yugoslavian Federation and the socialist regimes, sport became a central means for mobilizing national enthusiasm for the (partly new) postcommunist national states. The essay tries to contextualise innovative studies on sport history. It hints at perspectives of a cultural history of sports as part of modern discourses of nationalisation, militarisation and scientification of societies in South Eastern Europe., Handbuch der Sportgeschichte Osteuropas

During the First World War, Czechoslovakia and the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (called “Yugoslavia” from 1929) emerged as new national states on the territories of the crumbling Habsburg Empire. Pre-dating the establishment of the states, the elites of the respective countries had convinced the Great Powers that they should be accepted as allies at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919-1920. After the founding of Czechoslovakia and the South Slavic Kingdom, they were recognized internationally and allowed broad territorial expansion with the Great Powers' consent. Their statebuilding showed some common characteristics, for example both Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia created a synthetic, “super-national” ideology (Czechoslovakism and Yugoslavism) to homogenize the ethnic diversity and the different nationalities within the states., 1914-1918-Online International Encyclopedia of the First World War

This article centres around the Czechoslovakian perception of holiday travel to Yugoslavia in the 1920s with particular attention to the typology of Czech tourists. It has been shown that travel to Yugoslavia was very popular among the middle classes who had enough time and money. The wealthier classes preferred France. The main selling points travel agents and hotel owners used to promote travel to Yugoslavia were affordability, service targeted to Czechs and Pan-slavism. The idea of a mutual Slavonic tradition had been in existence since the 19th century. Evidence would seem to show that the most significant factor for repeat travel was affordability. Conservative Czech tourists remained loyal guests of Yugoslavia during the 1920s and 1930s.

In 1989 the triumphant discourse on the 'end of history' brought the death of socialism and the expansion of liberal democracy. The proclamation of the end of history could also be read literally, as the death of 'history' as a discipline with a homogenized narrative. It is in the same year that Pierra Nora wrote a groundbreaking article, which disentangled the fundamental opposition between history and memory, and at the end assumed the standpoint of memory. The article departs from the diagnosis of post-Yugoslav contemporary accounts of Yugoslav and partisan events. The critique of nationalist and Yugonostalgic discourses discloses shared assumptions that are based on the 'romantic' temporality of Nation and on history as a closed process. In the main part of the article the author works on the special, multiple temporality of partisan poetry that emerged during the WWII partisan struggle. The special temporality hinges on the productive and tensed relationship between the 'not yet existing' - the position of the new society free of foreign occupation, but also in a radically transformed society - and the contemporary struggle within war, which is also marked by the fear that the rupture of the struggle might not be remembered rightly, if at all. The memory of the present struggle remains to be the task to be realized not only for poets, but for everyone participating in the struggle. This is where the revolutionary temporality of the unfinished process comes to its fore, relating poetry to struggle, but again producing a form of poetry in the struggle.

CEPS Journal 4 (2014) 4, S. 163-166, Book review of: Bacevic, Jana (2014). From class to identity / The Politics of education reforms in former Yugoslavia. Budapest - New York: CEU press, 235 pp. ISBN 978-615-5225-72-7

Rad se bavi pojmom Drugog/bližnjeg/brata u pravoslavnom hrišćanstvu i u raznim aktuelnim kontekstima kao što su odnos među ljudima, međureligijski dijalog i dijalog o prošlosti na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije, sa naglaskom na postkonfliktni period. U osnovi rada je analiza neprihvatanja Drugog i drugačijeg, straha i mržnje prema drugom, što se ne zadržava samo na čoveku kao pojedincu, već se reflektuje i na čitav(e) narod(e). Razmatra se i dijalog kao neizbežan činilac odnosa sa Drugim, suživota i pomirenja na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije. Postavlja se pitanje mogućeg doprinosa pravoslavlja mirnom suživotu i očuvanju mira među narodima na pomenutom prostoru danas.

Diplomarbeit 1997; Universität Wien