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Copyright of Turkish Journal of Security Studies / Güvenlik Calışmalari Dergisi is the property of Turkish National Police Academy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Al-Adab / Al-ādāb is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Literature & Humanities / Edebiyat ve Beşeri Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Ataturk University Coordinatorship of Scientific Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The proximity of local government to communities makes it the best instrument for ensuring social justice in the democratic era. Although social justice is desirable, there are various interpretations and understandings of the concept in South Africa because various actors, structures, and agencies have different perspectives. This paper explores the relationship between municipal service provision and social justice within the macroeconomic policy of neoliberalism in South Africa. Following the qualitative approach and using secondary sources, this paper argues that adopting neoliberalism in South Africa following the demise of apartheid has thwarted social justice. Further, it argues that the adoption and implementation of neoliberalism have resulted in perpetual relative deprivation based on race, leading to the formulation of new agencies that have utilised collective action against the local government. The adoption and implementation of neoliberalism constrained the financial resources available to the government, limiting the financial resources allocated to local government. Neoliberalism adversely affected the local government, which was operating in a financially constrained environment. This financially constrained environment perpetuated the legacy of relative deprivation inherited from the apartheid era, hence thwarting social justice. Furthermore, as time passed, the crisis of neoliberalism emerged, whereby neoliberalism proved ineffective, yet mainstream economists proposed neoliberalism, and more neoliberal practices have been adopted, thus cementing neoliberalism. This increase in neoliberal practices resulted in little prioritisation of social justice in local government, hence triggering rebellions usually directed at local government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Saber & Scroll Historical Journal is the property of Policy Studies Organization and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Research Summary: During armed conflicts, when the rule of law collapses, bribery often becomes prevalent. Yet, the effect of bribery on firm performance under those circumstances remains unclear. Bribery could provide access to scarce resources, but it could also be the result of extortion. This study argues that bribes can improve firm performance during certain conflicts, when violence reduces public officials' ability to threaten firms. Using longitudinal data from businesses in Nigeria during the Boko Haram insurgency in 2009–2014, I find that firms exposed to Boko Haram attacks that bribed outperformed firms that did not bribe. Qualitative data suggest that the insurgency limited public officials' ability to threaten firms, making bribes less a means of rent extraction and more a way for firms to access resources. Managerial Summary: In many economies, bribery is widespread despite being illegal. This study shows that during times of violent conflict bribery can be a way for firms to maintain operations despite the disruption. Using data from firms in Nigeria during the 2009–2014 Boko Haram insurgency, I find that firms that bribed tended to suffer less from the effects of the insurgency. Bribing firms were better able to secure protection and access transportation networks. At the same time, the conflict reduced local officials' ability to extort firms, making bribes less likely to involve extortion. These results highlight the extreme circumstances that firms face during violent conflicts and the illicit practices that may enable them to survive in the short run. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early 1840s, a monumental cairn was built on an island in the St Lawrence River by the Glengarry Highlanders Militia who were stationed in eastern Upper Canada and western Lower Canada during the Rebellions of 1837–1838. The cairn was officially raised to commemorate the Glengarry Highlanders' supreme commanding officer, Sir John Colborne and to acknowledge the role the Glengarry Highlanders played in supressing the Rebellion. However, as a product of early Victorian Highlandism and its association with three generations of a transatlantic Highland regiment, the cairn was also a physical representation of the historic Highland Scottish military contributions to the British imperial project in the Atlantic world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the distinct pathways and roles played by former rebel leaders in conditions of conflict transformation. Focusing on southern Syria, it offers a comparative analysis of the mediation undertaken by remobilised and demobilised rebel leaders to articulate the concerns and demands of local communities to state officials in the aftermath of insurgency. Drawing on multiple waves of fieldwork conducted in southern Syria between June 2018 and December 2023, it illustrates how factors such as legitimacy and effectiveness have shaped civilian preferences to engage with external powers through intermediaries. Furthermore, it reveals the underlying factors that shaped the diverse state approaches to rebels-turned-intermediaries, ranging from pragmatic collaboration to outright marginalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article covers the territorial dimension of the north Mozambican insurgency. Based on the analysis of the local context and security, economic and identity dimension, it measures the level of territorial control of Ansar al-Sunna. The analysis argues that despite a success of the group to dominate over some population centres, the actual level of territorial presence is rather low. As such, Ansar al-Sunna does not present a viable alternative for the local population and thus creates an opportunity for the state administration to uproot its presence and recapture the region of Cabo Delgado in case it is able to provide meaningful services to its inhabitants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the United Nations' counterterrorism efforts in the Lake Chad Basin (LCB), with a focus on the persistent challenges posed by the Boko Haram insurgency. Using a critical analysis approach, the research appraises the legal, policy, and empirical dimensions of the UN's counterterrorism strategies. It delves into the evolution of terrorism in the LCB, the emergence of Boko Haram, and the socio-economic and geopolitical factors contributing to the issue. The study argues that the UN and the Multinational Joint Task Force's (MNJTF) efforts in the LCB have experienced successes but face challenges like porous borders, weak governance, and complex geography. It contributes to the global terrorism discourse by highlighting the intricate challenges in implementing effective counterterrorism measures in a region with unique political, social, and environmental contexts. The study recommends a multi-pronged strategy that incorporates context-specific conditions, financial disruptions, and eco-security measures. It underscores the importance of multi-sectoral collaboration and sustained global commitment for achieving lasting peace and security in the LCB. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study examines the societal issues that contribute to the level of insecurity in Nigerian society using the Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) co-integration technique with data from 1991 to 2022. The variables used as independent and societal factors generating insecurity include the unemployment rate; the high cost of living in society; insufficient funds for education, community social services, healthcare services, and infrastructure; and agricultural development. Among the criteria evaluated, inadequate school financing and the unemployment rate appear to be the most significant sources of insecurity in society as a result of young people's involvement in abduction, violence, and other societal issues. The study recognizes that government measures aimed at reorienting society towards a peaceful environment for habitation are critical. It is of the utmost importance to provide employment for young people and adequately support schools in order to lower the number of youngsters who are not in school. These out-of-school children are readily persuaded to join groups that make society untenable. Thus, free education is strongly suggested to engage and develop their thoughts in a constructive manner so that they can be valuable to society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a book review of "Byzantium in the Time of Troubles: The Continuation of the Chronicle of John Skylitzes (1057-1079)" by Eric McGeer. The review discusses the importance of the Chronicle of John Skylitzes as a middle-Byzantine historiographical text and highlights the significance of the Continuation, which covers the period from 1057 to 1079. The review praises McGeer's exposition, which argues for Skylitzes' authorship of both parts of the Synopsis, and emphasizes the valuable insights provided by the Continuation, particularly regarding the history of the west Balkans. Overall, the review recommends the book as a valuable contribution to the study of the eleventh century. [Extracted from the article]

This article discusses the book "Jihadists of North Africa and the Sahel: Local Politics and Rebel Groups" by Alexander Thurston. The book provides a detailed understanding of how jihadi insurgents in North Africa and the Sahel region navigate local politics. It challenges the notion that the Sahel is an "ungoverned space" and highlights the complex relationships between the insurgents and various local stakeholders. The book also analyzes the internal dynamics of the insurgencies and their participation in local, national, and regional politics. Overall, the book offers valuable insights into the nature of jihadi insurgencies in the region and their impact on local communities. [Extracted from the article]

"Tempest: The Royal Navy and the Age of Revolutions" by James Davey is a comprehensive and engaging history of the Royal Navy during the French Revolution, the Haitian Rebellion, and other instances of resistance by common sailors. The book explores the diverse political identities of sailors in the Atlantic World, focusing on class relationships and how sailors understood their place in the Age of Revolutions. It covers topics such as impressment, mutinies, negotiations between sailors and commanders, and the government's surveillance and repression of sailors. With its accessible tone and well-illustrated maps, "Tempest" is a valuable resource for scholars and enthusiasts of naval history. [Extracted from the article]

The article focuses on examining the items purchased from George Washington Eayrs by missions and private ranchos in Alta and Baja California between 1807 and 1812, shedding light on their daily activities and relationships. It also discusses the economic aspects of Alta and Baja California during this period of significant change in the Spanish Empire due to events like Napoleon's imprisonment of Carlos IV and the emergence of insurgents in New Spain and South America.

The consequences of insurgency, internal strife, and natural disasters force internally displaced people (IDPs) to live lives they never anticipated or desired. On this note, this study explores the challenges faced by IDPs in Nigeria as well as the globalisation of the Boko Haram (recognized as a terrorist organization in the Russian Federation) insurgency. The study also looks at the difficulties IDPs in Nigeria face as a result of the Boko Haram (recognized as a terrorist organization in the Russian Federation) insurgency, such as violence between Hausa and Fulani, natural and man-made disasters. Due to their affiliation with foreign terrorists, Boko Haram’s (recognized as a terrorist organization in the Russian Federation) effects are more devastating. The study adopted the human needs theory and used qualitative research methods to gather information from secondary sources including books, journal articles, news magazines, and internet sources. According to the human needs theory, it is up to the government to decide how to handle social issues. Findings indicate that the difficulties faced by internally displaced people in Nigeria, which include housing shortages, starvation, hunger, lack of access to water and electricity, and lack of sustainable occupation, portend serious threats to the nation’s human security. The study also suggests that to address the issue of start-up funds, which threatens IDPs’ economic opportunities in new environments, the government should quicken the advancement of low-interest loans for skilled IDPs. The government should also work with people and organisations to provide vocational skills. The study concludes that, doing so will help to alleviate the situation of Nigeria’s internally displaced people.

Religious extremism and radicalization have dominated the discourse on the causes of terrorism. However, little is written of other drivers of terrorism, such as economic and social deprivations, which could prompt religious groups to resort to terrorism. Scholars have sufficiently analyzed the imports of radical ideological and religious views on the emergence of terrorist groups such as Al-Qaida, ISIS, Boko Haram, and Al-Shabaab. By contrast, the Seleka and anti-Balaka terrorists of the Central African Republic introduces a new perspective to the explanation of terrorism. This essay uses the analytical framework of abnormality and State fragility to discuss the rise of terrorism in the Central African Republic. The essay argues that the historical precedent of State failure and weak institutions provides a catalyst that propels the use of terrorism by religious groups, the state and organized groups to demand political and economic dividends as well as a tool for power contestations and regime change. The study recommends multiple peacebuilding and building nation-building processes that will aid the transformation of the state. They include the transformation of the subsistence farming culture to a masses-driven cash crop economy for exportation, which will manage state fragility and promote civil-military counter-terrorism culture at the grassroots.

AbstractThe activism towards increased engagement of women participation in peacebuilding process dates back to 1975, from the UN Women conference in Mexico, the 1980 Women Conference in Copenhagen, to the unanimous passage of the UNSCR1325. The fact that women are the most vulnerable in times of war earns them the right to be included in counter-insurgency management and the post-conflict peace process. In North-eastern Nigeria, women suffer from Boko-haram insurgencies and despicable acts, including forced marriages, rapes, displacement, destruction of livelihood and widowed. The study argues that by domesticating the UNSCR1325, the strategies for mitigating the human suffering inflicted on the people by the insurgency would be sufficiently engendered to address the needs of women who are mostly impacted by the insurgencies as mothers, wives’ sisters and daughters.

Abstract: Any act of battlefield violence results from a combination of organizational strategy and a combatant's personal motives. To measure the relative contribution of each, our research design leverages the predictable effect of ambient temperature on human aggression. Using fine-grained data collected by US forces during the Afghanistan and Iraq conflicts, we test whether temperature and violence are linked for attacks that can be initiated by individual combatants, but not for those requiring organizational coordination. To distinguish alternative explanations involving temperature effects on target movements, we examine situations where targets are stationary. We find that when individual combatants have discretion over the initiation of violence, ambient temperature does shape battlefield outcomes. There is no such effect when organizational coordination is necessary. We also find that ambient temperature affects combat-age males’ endorsement of insurgent violence in a survey taken during the conflict in Iraq. Our findings caution against attributing strategic causes to violence and encourage research into how strategic and individual-level motivations interact in conflict.

Most research on Boko Haram has been focused on its ideology, development, actions and official responses to it. Little research has been focused on civilian resistance to Boko Haram nor to the impact of the Boko Haram insurgency on Yola. At the height of the crisis for Yola in 2014–2015, Boko Haram occupied villages only a few hours away from the city. Moreover, the internally displaced population (IDP) doubled the size of greater Yola’s pre-crisis population. This article examines resident responses to the need to protect the city from a Boko Haram invasion; to provide humanitarian relief to IDPs; and to establish programs to lower Boko Haram’s recruitment of local youth. It contributes both to local Yola history and the history of northeast Nigeria, and to the understanding of how civilians impact the course of insurgencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The spread of smallholder cash cropping in Myanmar's southeast is undermining Karen customary land use practices and communal tenure. The ceasefire agreement reached in 2012 with the main Karen rebel group, the KNU, led to a rapid expansion of smallholder cash cropping. Based on field research during 2020-2023 in 19 Karen villages under Karen rebel administration, we found smallholder agriculture to have directly contributed to significant land use change and the privatization of communal forestland. Wealthier Karen villagers and newlyarrived non-Karen migrants are increasingly replacing Karen traditional swidden rice farming and their communal tenure system with that of private household cash cropping plots with land titles. This agrarian change has increased land disparity and economic inequality, and transformed Karen relations to land and the Karen rebel group. These findings point to challenges for community-led forest conservation, the revitalization of the traditional Karen governance system, and ethno-nationalist struggles for federal democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to present an analysis of the rewriting work that Costa Rican author Ana Lucía Fonseca does of some exemplary biblical narratives, to give voice to figures that, from her perspective, represent dissidence, heresy, exile, rebellion, and persecution. We focus on the stories "La amante de Eva" and "Caín y las semillas". For the analysis, we follow the contributions of Herrero Cecilia (2006), who understands the myth --within a rewriting work-- as a "reference intertext", which is interpreted and reformulated by a writer in a new text. Consequently, we consider, in relation to the new texts, the transformations --by inclusion or exclusion-- that are introduced in their narrative schemes (always in relation to the "intertexts of reference"), as well as the ideological line that underlies in the specific message, in each of them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Faced with the absurdity of continued climate inaction, more people are becoming morally outraged about the projections of human suffering and loss due to global warming impacts. This article draws from the work of Albert Camus to examine human responses to absurdity through rebellion and how this can be applied to understand the notion of climate rebellion. Focusing on Camus' works The Rebel and The Plague, as well as his speech "The Human Crisis", I examine the conditions of climate injustice that present the grounds for climate rebellion, what becoming a climate rebel might mean, the importance of solidarity in climate rebellion, and lastly how Camus' value of limitation might inform ethical responses to minimize climate-related harm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How is conflict duration affected by female combatants in rebel group? In this study, we advance three possible pathways through which female combatants enhance the resilience of the rebel group, thereby lengthening the conflict. We explore this association using quantitative cross-sectional data on female combatant and conflict duration. The positive relationship between female combatants and civil war duration from quantitative analysis is substantiated by the qualitative evidence collected via in-depth interviews with former male and female combatants in the Maoist insurgency in Nepal. This work has important implications for the study of armed conflict duration, rebel organizations, and post-conflict peacebuilding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study proposes an organizational mechanism that links ideology to the use of terrorism in mass dissident campaigns. Ideology affects the level of competition among factions within mass dissident campaigns by shaping whether actors see their interactions as a positive- or zero-sum game. We identify ideological diversity within a campaign and the degree to which ideologies embrace the principle of pluralism as key factors affecting the intensity of factional competition and, consequently, the occurrence of terrorism. We introduce new data on the ideologies of campaigns from the Nonviolent and Violent Campaigns and Outcomes 2.0 dataset and use causal mediation analysis to test our proposed mechanism. We find that greater ideological diversity within a campaign increases the likelihood of terrorism by increasing factional competition. We also find that the presence of a pluralist ideology is associated with a lower likelihood of terrorism by the lowering of factional competition. By shedding light on the mechanisms that link ideology to terrorism, this study helps advance our understanding of why dissident groups might decide to use terrorism tactics within the context of a campaign of mass resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces the Women's Activities in Armed Rebellion (WAAR) project, a multi-methods project that includes a cross-sectional dataset of women's participation in more than 370 organizations fighting in civil conflicts between 1946 and 2015. The dataset features 22 measures of women's participation in rebel organizations: it includes prevalence and presence measures of women's participation in combat, non-combat and leadership roles; details on all-female units within groups (and their primary focus – combat or support activities); and presence measures for types of support work (disaggregated into clandestine work, outreach to civilian populations and logistical support) and types of leadership activities (military or non-military) that women contribute. The WAAR project also includes a detailed, qualitative assessment of women's involvement in each organization, comprising an approximately 360-page handbook of female rebel participation in the post-WWII period. This article describes the WAAR project and suggests avenues for future research leveraging these data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The longest war in the history of America resulted in an Afghan Taliban victory. Despite astronomical material and capacity superiority of the American-led NATO forces vis-à-vis Afghan Taliban, the latter overcame the greater forces and captured Kabul in a lightning-fast sweep across the country. Failure of the US to realize a superior military force in achieving a political victory on the field lies in the characteristics, actions, and effective operationalization of Afghan Taliban's warfare tactics on the battleground. Tribalism, networked structures, and innovative recruiting principles, coupled with the Afghan government(s) own inefficiencies and rampant corruption led to the demise of American power in Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Integrating local militias in the counterinsurgency (COIN) operations in Sinai has achieved tangible successes. The presence of local fighters contributed to the penetration of the Islamic State—Sinai Province network. The integration of locals into the ongoing COIN process has imposed a degree of local participation in local governance and decision‐making. Nevertheless, this article argues that there are two approaches to local integration into the COIN operation; the first is institutional integration, in which the state integrates local fighters at an institutional level in the ranks of the security apparatus. The second is the collaborating militia approach. In this pattern, the state resorts to warlords and tribal chiefs to mobilize irregular militias, coordinating with the regular forces in the COIN process without formally merging them into security institutions' ranks. The Egyptian model in the Sinai is one of the latter type. The collaborating militia integration approach into COIN operations contributes to wooing elites to create narrow patronage networks of cronies, preventing systematized community participation in the decision‐making process, which leads to keeping the factors of rebellion alive below the surface even if the rebels are defeated militarily. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why and how do African states become peacekeepers? Through a single-case study, this article accounts for a transformation in peace and security: how Ethiopia became the world's prime source of blue helmets in the early twenty-first century, having largely shunned peacekeeping in preceding decades. We propose that peacekeeping came to serve as an unexpectedly useful technology to pursue state-building agendas. Historically, regional proxy wars undermined state-building efforts in Ethiopia and mismanagement of ethno-linguistic diversity rendered it vulnerable to externally supported rebellions. In the 2000s, an evolving approach to peacekeeping dovetailed with the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front's (EPRDF) vision for recalibrating political order domestically and in the Horn of Africa. EPRDF became convinced that changing Ethiopia required changing its surrounding region. Regional intervention as peacekeeping was supported by global powers and helped bind neighbouring states to Ethiopia in new ways. This entailed the crafting of deep political ties in Somalia, South Sudan and Sudan that mitigated historical fears of Ethiopian hegemony and shielded EPRDF state-building from outside destabilization. Moreover, as Ethiopia's increasingly prominent role in United Nations and African Union missions improved the external environment for the EPRDF developmental state, it also expanded Ethiopian National Defence Force's role in the political economy, buttressing the party-state's hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Correspondence of Assurbanipal, Part II: Letters from Southern Babylonia" is a book review of a publication by Grant Frame and Simo Parpola. The book is part of the State Archives of Assyria series, which has provided valuable primary sources for Neo-Assyrian studies. This volume focuses on the correspondence of Ashurbanipal, specifically letters from Southern Babylonia, offering insights into the war between Ashurbanipal and Šamaš-šumu-ukin and the Assyrian rule over Babylonia. However, the book has some organizational and reconstruction errors. The text discusses various letters from the reign of Ashurbanipal and his son Sîn-šarru-iškun, emphasizing the need for reevaluation and reinterpretation of certain letters. It also acknowledges the completion of the series and its significant impact on Assyriology. [Extracted from the article]

Under what conditions do states protect minority rights in a context of domestic resistance? Recent decades have seen rapid divergence on LGBT rights worldwide, with Africa presented as "norms antipreneur" in the face of international pressure. Yet, in 1996, South Africa was the first country in the world to provide constitutional protection on grounds of sexual orientation. This article develops an original theory on LGBT rights protection using a conflict-to-rights framework. Employing process tracing, elite interviews and archival sources, I show how a situation of insurgency allows LGBT activists to build networks and increase egalitarian attitudes to attain in-group status. Continued violence also works to block public participation in policy-making while dividing opposition forces, allowing a tiny group of activists to effectively lobby for change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the effect rebel women have on the shape of civil war peace agreements, paying particular attention to the specific gender-inclusive provisions female rebels advocate for. I argue that, through conflict experiences and socialization, rebel women develop group identities that foster collective demands. Their identities as fighters and women from marginalized groups encourage rebel women to lobby for provisions that address the grievances of women from these societal groups. Using data on women's participation in conflict and the terms written into contemporary peace agreements, I find support for this contention. Greater participation of female combatants is associated with an increased likelihood of observing gender-inclusive agreement provisions calling for the inclusion of women from marginalized groups and addressing the specific post-conflict needs of female ex-combatants. This study is one of the first to show that women's participation in rebellion matters for the shape of post-conflict peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The existing literature explains the war in Donbas and the rationale for why conflict broke out there while failing to do so in other Ukrainian provinces, such as Odesa or Kharkiv. Local pro-Russian organizations could not attract considerable attention and support in the pre-war period in all parts of Ukraine, except for Crimea. The social marginalization and negligible influence of the pro-Russian organizations among the locals presumably stemmed from their weak social ties among the local population. The question is why they had such weak social embeddedness in the local societies despite relatively popular pro-Russian sympathies in these regions? Surprisingly, nobody has sought to explain the social origins of the pro-Russian movements as a source of their weakness and failure to be sparked by the anti-Ukrainian rebellion in 2014. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this work is to highlight recent advances in agent-based modeling of revolutionary processes, emphasizing the innovative methodologies of this emerging approach in social sciences. The revolutionary processes here are broadly defined as not only revolutions but rather as qualitative societal changes and related phenomena. Initially, we briefly clarify the fundamentals of agent-based modeling, including agents and environment, emergence, and generative mechanisms. We contrast these models with the more traditional equation-based methods prevalent in social sciences. We then detail Epstein's classical model of civil violence, which focuses on how central authorities mitigate decentralized rebellions. This is followed by Moro's model, which examines waves of civil violence against regimes. Subsequently, the model by Makowsky and Rubin is explored. It examines how centralizing authority and social network influence the phenomenon of preference falsification and its impact on institutional change. Lastly, Nowak and Lewenstein's use of cellular automata to analyze opinion polarization in populations is discussed. Each model is explained succinctly, requiring minimal mathematical background. We also highlight the emergent properties and critiques of these models. Moreover, we discuss the benefits and common criticisms of using agent-based modeling in social sciences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]