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A growing body of work in psycholinguistics suggests that morphological relations between word forms affect the processing of complex words. Previous studies have usually focused on a particular type of paradigmatic relation, for example the relation between paradigm members, or the relation between alternative forms filling a particular paradigm cell. However, potential interactions between different types of paradigmatic relations have remained relatively unexplored. This paper presents two corpus studies of variable plurals in Dutch to test hypotheses about potentially interacting paradigmatic effects. The first study shows that generalization across noun paradigms predicts the distribution of plural variants, and that this effect is diminished for paradigms in which the plural variants are more likely to have a strong representation in the mental lexicon. The second study demonstrates that the pronunciation of a target plural variant is affected by coactivation of the alternative variant, resulting in shorter segmental durations. This effect is dependent on the representational strength of the alternative plural variant. In sum, by exploring interactions between different types of paradigmatic relations, this paper provides evidence that storage of morphologically complex words may affect the role of generalization and coactivation during production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last years a rapid emergence of lexical resources has evolved in the Semantic Web. Whereas most of the linguistic information is already machine-readable, we found that morphological information is mostly absent or only contained in semi-structured strings. An integration of morphemic data has not yet been undertaken due to the lack of existing domain-specific ontologies and explicit morphemic data. In this paper, we present the Multilingual Morpheme Ontology called MMoOn Core which can be regarded as the first comprehensive ontology for the linguistic domain of morphological language data. It will be described how crucial concepts like morphs, morphemes, word forms and meanings are represented and interrelated and how language-specific morpheme inventories can be created as a new possibility of morphological datasets. The aim of the MMoOn Core ontology is to serve as a shared semantic model for linguists and NLP researchers alike to enable the creation, conversion, exchange, reuse and enrichment of morphological language data across different data-dependent language sciences. Therefore, various use cases are illustrated to draw attention to the cross-disciplinary potential which can be realized with the MMoOn Core ontology in the context of the existing Linguistic Linked Data research landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The growth curve of livestock animals is important to evaluate the biological development managed with a farming management system. This study aimed to estimate the growth curve of body weight (BW) in Madura cattle (Bos indicus) kept at the breeding management. Three non-linear models of Logistic (L), Gompertz (G) and Von Bertalanffy (B) were performed in this study using 186 records data and computed with SPSS 16.0 package. Research showed that the asymptotic weight (male/female) was reached of 220.80/218.02 kg (L), 277.72/274.13 kg (G) and 333.92/329.83 kg (B). The weight of inflection (male/female) was reached of 110.40/109.01 kg (L), 102.10/100.78 kg (G) and 98.94/97.73 kg (B). The time of inflection (male/female) was reached of 10.89/10.47 months (L), 10.09/10.23 months (G) and 9.80 months (B). Moreover, the coefficient of determination (R2) in all models included of high category i.e. 0.68 (male) and 0.70 (female). However, three goodness-of-fit parameters of root mean squared error (RMSE), Akaike's (AIC) and Beyesian (BIC) values revealed that G and B models were more accurate than the other models for male and female, respectively. It can be concluded that about 68-70% of body weight of animals in a study can be explained by non-linear models of L, G and B. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article presents a synchronic description of the morphology of adjectives in the highly endangered Neo-Aramaic dialects of ʿAqra in the Kurdistan region of Iraq. It discusses the morphology of adjectives in these dialects as used in the sixties of the last century. In particular, the article highlights adjectival patterns, inflectional features, and the adaptation of loanwords from Kurdish, Arabic, and Turkish. The article contributes to the description of the grammar of some 150 North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic (NENA) dialects in the Kurdistan region that are gradually falling into disuse, due to internal disputes, wars, economic crises, and globalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Previous studies have shown that monolingual speakers of English are sensitive to the presence of inflectional morphology when it is applied to nonwords. For example, when a nonword ends in a sequence of phonemes that respect the morphophonological rules regulating tense inflection, speakers are slower in recognizing it. In this study, we investigated whether a similar pattern applies to second language learners as well. 91 learners of English with Czech as L1 were presented with a same/different minimal pairs task containing nonwords with various endings (in one condition, a sequence of phonemes that could be interpreted as an inflectional morpheme). Consistently with research on monolingual participants, the study showed that second language learners are also slower in processing nonwords that contain potential inflectional morphemes. The pattern was observed from low levels of proficiency, suggesting that learners are sensitive to these rules from early stages of learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bohemistyka is the property of Instytut Filologii Slowianskiej Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Juznoslovenski Filolog is the property of Serbian Academy of Sciences & Arts, Institute for the Serbian Language and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A growing body of work in psycholinguistics suggests that morphological relations between word forms affect the processing of complex words. Previous studies have usually focused on a particular type of paradigmatic relation, for example the relation between paradigm members, or the relation between alternative forms filling a particular paradigm cell. However, potential interactions between different types of paradigmatic relations have remained relatively unexplored. This paper presents two corpus studies of variable plurals in Dutch to test hypotheses about potentially interacting paradigmatic effects. The first study shows that generalization across noun paradigms predicts the distribution of plural variants, and that this effect is diminished for paradigms in which the plural variants are more likely to have a strong representation in the mental lexicon. The second study demonstrates that the pronunciation of a target plural variant is affected by coactivation of the alternative variant, resulting in shorter segmental durations. This effect is dependent on the representational strength of the alternative plural variant. In sum, by exploring interactions between different types of paradigmatic relations, this paper provides evidence that storage of morphologically complex words may affect the role of generalization and coactivation during production.

A comparison of emerging signed languages and creole languages provides evidence that, when language is emerging, it prioritizes marking the novelty of information; is readily recursive; favors the manner of action (aspect) over the time of action (tense); develops inflection readily only in a visual, as opposed to aural, mode; and develops derivational opacity only as the result of drift over long periods of time.

Spanish allows to focus the Number and Person features of the verbal inflection to produce an interpretation similar to that of a contrastively focused pronoun. This squib discusses two properties distinguishing both phenomena.

Many theories of word structure in linguistics and morphological processing in cognitive psychology are grounded in a compositional perspective on the (mental) lexicon in which complex words are built up during speech production from sublexical elements such as morphemes, stems, and exponents. When combined with the hypothesis that storage in the lexicon is restricted to the irregular, the prediction follows that properties specific to regular inflected words cannot co-determine the phonetic realization of these inflected words. This study shows that the stem vowels of regular English inflected verb forms that are more frequent in their paradigm are produced with more enhanced articulatory gestures in the midsaggital plane, challenging compositional models of lexical processing. The effect of paradigmatic probability dovetails well with the Paradigmatic Enhancement Hypothesis and is consistent with a growing body of research indicating that the whole is more than its parts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an attempt to present the morphological processes that have been observed in Sanzari Boro, an eastern variety of the Boro language. Boro belongs to the Tibeto-Burman language family. The Standard variety of Boro is mainly spoken in the present Bodoland Territorial Region (BTR) of Assam, India but Sanzari Boro speakers primarily reside outside and eastern part of the BTR. For this research data have been collected from native Sanzari Boro speakers of the Nagaon district of Assam. After examining the data, it has been noticed that affixation, mainly suffixation and prefixation, plays important role in the morphological processes in Sanzari Boro. The major morphological processes that have been observed in the language variety are inflection, derivation, compounding, and reduplication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this 3-year longitudinal study was to examine the role of three morphological awareness (MA) aspects (inflectional, derivational, and lexical compounding) in the spelling of specific morphemes. Two hundred and fifteen Greek children were followed from kindergarten (K) to grade 2 (G2). In K and grade 1 (G1) they were tested on measures of morphological awareness, letter knowledge, phonological awareness, rapid automatized naming, and general cognitive ability. At the end of G1 and G2, they were also tested on spelling of (a) inflectional suffixes in words and pseudowords, (b) familiar stems in simple words, and (c) familiar simple stems in low frequency derived words and in pseudowords with existing derived morphemes. The results of hierarchical regression analyses showed that the derivational aspect of MA in K and the lexical compounding aspect of MA in G1 predicted uniquely the spelling of inflectional suffixes in both words and pseudowords in G1 and G2 respectively. In addition, the lexical compounding aspect of MA in K and G1 predicted the spelling of familiar stems in simple words and the spelling of familiar simple stems in low frequency derived words in G1 and G2 respectively. Inflectional aspect of MA did not predict later performance in any spelling measure. These findings speak to the importance of early MA skills in spelling of specific morphemes and provide supportive evidence to those who suggest that morphological knowledge is part of children's repertoire of strategies employed in spelling, even at the first stages of learning to spell. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The title of this research is Derivation and Inflection in Taylor Swift’s Album 1989: A Morphology Study. The purpose of this research is to describe types of use of derivation and inflection in the album. This research uses descriptive qualitative method. The paper lies on a theory proposed by O’Grady and Dobrovolsky. Based on the results, the data of derivation divide into six, i.e. noun changes to verbs (2 data), noun changes to adjective (1 data), noun changes to noun (1 data), adjective changes to noun (2 data), adjective changes to adjective (2 data) and derivation of compounding (8 data). In addition, there are 71 data that use the inflection of noun {-s/es}, 28 data inflection of verbs {-s}, 44 data use the {-ing} suffix, 30 data use the {-ed} suffix, 4 data uses the {-er} suffix, 1 data use the {-est} suffix or most and 4 data zero affixations.

The aim of this paper is twofold: firstly it provides a detailed overview of the canonical approach to inflection (following Corbett 2007; 2009; 2015); secondly it attempts to analyze, within this approach, a typologically interesting phenomenon of mixed perfective auxiliation systems attested in a wide array of Italo-Romance dialects. First, the paper introduces the key notions of Canonical Typology (cf. Bond 2019) applied to inflectional morphology, along with a proposed working Czech terminology of basic terms such as requirements of form etc. Second, the paper proceeds to show that mixed systems, where two auxiliary verbs (corresponding to the derivatives of the Latin verbs habere/ esse) alternate within one and the same paradigm, representing a further way in which periphrastic exponence “splits” the inflectional realization of a lexeme. These systems thus constitute yet another interesting non-canonical inflectional phenomenon worth exploring from the perspective of Canonical Typology

Studies investigating the morphological processing of affixed forms have to date focused predominantly on inflectional rather than derivational forms and have mostly tested L1 speakers. The present study investigated how high and low proficiency Turkish learners of L2 English generalize regular/irregular verbal inflection and deadjectival un-/in- derivatives to novel stems in an acceptability judgment task. The results showed that the participants generalized both the inflectional and derivational affixes to novel stems when these stems were similar to the existing stems appearing together with these affixes. However, the participants showed no preference when novel stems were dissimilar both in the case of verbal inflection and deadjectival derivatives. The proficiency level of the participants did not affect the overall response patterns. The results are discussed in terms of different models proposed for the morphological processing of complex word forms.

A long-time generative tradition treats the functional domains of the verb and noun as a result of motion and affixing; however, assuming a close correspondence between the order in syntax and morphology, as in the Mirror Principle proposed by Baker seems to be too strong a hypothesis and empirically unsustainable. Distributed Morphology (DM) incorporates this idea by translating it into rules manipulating syntactic nodes. The morphological phenomena we will investigate essentially concerns the thematic vowel (TV) and its interaction with agreement morphology. A complex micro-variation emerges, which provides us with a test bench in order to account for the word-internal morphological organization. We question the idea that morphology is an auxiliary and expensive post-syntactic component, DM, that conveys information separated from its original locus as assumed by Embick and Noyer. On the contrary, we think that a more adequate account is reached assuming that the morphology is governed by the same computational rules as the syntax, where the operation Merge combines fully interpretable sub-word elements forming complex inflected words.

This article deals with the coexistence of verbal and adjectival inflection in the Old English past participle. Its aim is to assess the degree of variation in the inflection of the participle so as to determine whether or not the change starts in the Old English period. The analysis is based on two corpora, the “York Corpus of Old English” and the “Dictionary of Old English Corpus”. With these corpora the following variants of the inflection of the participle are analysed: genre (prose and verse), tense (present and past), morphological class (weak vs. strong) and case (nominative, accusative, genitive, dative and instrumental). The main conclusion of the article is that the quantitative evidence from the corpora indicates that the degree of variation presented by the participle in Old English shows that diachronic change is underway. Overall, the past participle and poetic texts clearly reflect the loss of inflection, while the adjectival inflection of the participle co-occurs with its adjectival function.

Stem alternations contribute a unique type of morphological complexity to inflectional systems (Baerman et al. 2015), but despite the fact that they can show remarkable stability over time (Maiden 2018), the manner in which they are maintained and the types of changes they undergo are still poorly understood, in particular when it comes to understudied languages for which dia - chronic data are usually nonexistent. The verbal inflection of Chichimec (Oto-Pamean, Mexico) is characterized by intricate distributions of stem alternations, and it affords us a unique opportunity to study them from a diachronic perspective, because, unlike most other minority languages, we have a precise and detailed description of its verbal inflection system from almost a century ago (de Angulo 1933) from which we are able to reconstruct the paradigms of 170 verbs. In this article, we compare the verbal system as it was registered by de Angulo in 1930 to our own primary data recorded during two recent field trips. We show evidence that certain elements of the intricate patterns of stem alternations have been reanalyzed and redistributed by the speakers. We argue that the changes make sense only from a morphological perspective in which stem alternations are seen as involving fixed configurations of cells, or 'morphomes' (Aronoff 1994). We also show that speakers have not manipulated these configurations in isolation but in clusters, resulting in a substantial restructuring of verbal inflection at the paradigmatic level. We conclude that the changes have not resulted in a simpler system, but rather one that, while almost the same in terms of morphological complexity, has become more consistent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among the distinctive features of Occitan varieties spoken in the vicinity of Toulouse is the existence of preterite desinences with a thematic labial (e.g. cantèbi [kanˈtɛβi] 'sing.prt.1sg'), or without a thematic consonant at all (e.g. cantèi [kanˈtɛ.i] 'sing.prt.1sg'). Such forms contrast with those ordinarily attested in Occitan, where preterite desinences are typically characterised by a thematic rhotic (e.g. cantèri [kanˈtɛɾi] 'sing.prt.1sg'), while thematic labials are associated solely with first-conjugation imperfect desinences (e.g. cantavi [kanˈtaβi] 'sing.ipf.ind.1sg'). This study draws on data from textual sources and linguistic atlases in order to elucidate the development of the Toulousain labial preterites, which are shown to emerge during the course of the eighteenth century, replacing earlier forms in which preterite desinences systematically presented a thematic velar (e.g. cantègui [kanˈtɛɣi] 'sing.prt.1sg'). Since both intervocalic /b/ and /ɡ/ are subject to deletion in Toulousain varieties, it is argued that the development of the labial preterites is not due to direct analogy from the imperfect indicative, but rather to a perception-based change in which speakers miscategorised tokens of /ɡ/ tending to zero as tokens of /b/, and thereby introduced thematic labials into preterite forms. Forms lacking a thematic consonant result directly from deletion of /ɡ/. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines inflectional markers (signalling number, case and gender) of selected types of NN complexes in Polish, which can be regarded as attributive-appositive (ATAP) lexical units in the cross-linguistic classification of compounds proposed by Scalise & Bisetto (2009). Polish compounds proper show externalization of inflection and take inflectional markers on their right-hand constituents only. In contrast, Polish juxtapositions are expected to display double inflectional marking (on both their components). However, data from the National Corpus of Polish demonstrate that ATAP juxtapositions containing the lexeme widmo 'ghost, phantom' as their right-hand component exhibit variability in their inflectional paradigms. The right-hand (i.e. the modifier) constituent of such juxtapositions either shows number and case agreement with the head noun, or it appears in the default (nom.sg) form. Potential reasons for the instability of inflectional paradigms of such NN juxtapositions are considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Moenia: Revista Lucense de Lingüística & Literatura is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cross-linguistically, there are different patterns for denominal verb formation and languages show preferences for certain patterns (cf. McIntyre, 2015). In this paper, I focus on denominal verb formation in English and Modern Greek. The analyzed data come from the TenTen corpora (Sketch Engine, Kilgariff et al., 2014). The first aim is to quantify the use of the patterns of denominal verb formations in both languages. The results of the analysis corroborate the findings of previous analyses, such as the strong preference for conversion for denominal verb formation in English and for suffixation in Modern Greek. However, the present paper aims to go a step further. The second aim is to discuss why English and Modern Greek show these preferences. I propose that the preferences can be explained if we correlate the parameters of inflectional marking, word order/configurationality, system of lexical category assignment and boundary permeability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Individuals with Down syndrome (DS) have more difficulties with the structural aspects of language, including morphology (concatenation and non-concatenation) and syntax (word order and grammatical/concord rules), than with other language components (e.g. vocabulary, phonetics and pragmatics). Objectives: This study investigates the accuracy of grammatical number inflection produced by Jordanian Arabic-speaking children and young adults with DS. The work also examines the correlation between age and the correct production of singular, dual and plural numbers. Methods: The study involved 60 monolingual Arabic children and young adults with DS, 30 males and 30 females, enrolled at the Nazik Al Hariri Welfare Centre for Special Education, Amman. The participants were divided into three groups: KG2 (7.1–12.5 years old), school (13.10–17.6) and vocational training (18.3–27.3). The participants’ data were collected from a picture elicitation task and free speech, and the answers were recorded using a smartphone. Tokens were classified into correctly used, incorrectly used or not recognised. Proficiency percentage in using the correct number in correlation with age was calculated adopting Jia’s (2003) composite score of proficiency. The one-way analysis of variance was used to trace the impact of age on the correct performance of number. Post hoc comparisons (guided by the Scheffe test) were calculated for the cumulative results of the scale as a whole to examine the difference in the arithmetic mean between the three groups. Results: The singular form was the most used by all age groups (83.3%), followed by the plural (27%); the most delayed was dual (10.3%). Intriguingly, the dual form is the most difficult plural pattern because it was the least frequently used pattern in everyday language. Results were in line with other research on morphological markers in individuals with DS (e.g. Penke, 2018). The cumulative results statistically prove the influence of age on the correct use of grammatical number, in favour of the older two groups (total F = 29.865, at the level of significance P = 0.000), with a higher arithmetic mean of all categories (AM: KG2 = 9.00, school = 15.10, VT = 16.25). Hence, sensitivity to the correct number option increases with age although children and young adults with DS do not reach adult-like performance. The non-recognition cases of the proper number category significantly mark language delay in participants with DS. Conclusion: The study concluded that inflection for grammatical number is evidently delayed in individuals with DS. Linguistic teaching and training of children with DS (involving families, caregivers and educators) should start from childhood and continue to adulthood to improve their use of dual and plural numbers.

African languages have rarely been the subject of psycholinguistic experimentation. The current study employs a masked visual priming experiment to investigate morphological processing in a Bantu language, Setswana. Our study takes advantage of the rich system of prefixes in Bantu languages, which offers the opportunity of testing morphological priming effects from prefixed inflected words and directly comparing them to priming effects from prefixed derived words on the same targets. We found significant priming effects of similar magnitude for both prefixed inflected and derived word forms, which were clearly dissociable from prime-target relatedness in both meaning and (orthographic) form. These findings provide support for a (possibly universal) mechanism of morphological decomposition applied during early visual word recognition that segments both (prefixed) inflected and derived word forms into their morphological constituents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In addition to inflecting adjectives for case, number, and gender, the early Germanic languages inflect adjectives as either strong or weak. Scholarly consensus is lacking regarding what triggers this fourth inflectional category, i.e. why an adjective surfaces as either strong or weak. While the traditional school of thought held that weak adjectives surface with definite determiners, some recent scholarship has argued that a semantic force such as definiteness or classification is responsible. To evaluate the two positions, I compared attributive adjectives in the Old High German translation of Tatian's Diatessaron with the corresponding passages in Gothic and Old English. The conclusion supports the traditional school of thought that determiners trigger weak adjectives and refutes the idea that semantics is primarily responsible for whether an adjective surfaces as strong or weak. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a comparative analysis of existential and standard negation across Northern Dene. There are two strategies for existential negation: some languages use a negative verb, while others use a negative morpheme reconstructed as * də-weˑ. Standard negation involves negative inflection in some languages; most of them require additional preverbal or postverbal negative particles. The languages without negative inflection also fall into two groups. Some use a preverbal morpheme reconstructed as * də-weˑ , while the others use a postverbal negative auxiliary related to the negative verb used in existential negation. The data surveyed here demonstrates that standard negation with * də-weˑ is widespread in the Northern Dene languages, suggesting that it is an older negation strategy than has been assumed in the literature. The author also shows that the postverbal auxiliary is the result of the negative existential cycle and demonstrates that Dene languages share typological tendencies for the placement of negative particles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With an analysis of the inflectional properties of Luiseno words, this paper builds on the examples offered in Aronoff 1994 of 'morphology by itself', of morphological generalizations not plausibly analyzed as anything other than morphology. All Luiseno words share four attributes---three of which are notional; the fourth serves to make the word accessible to the syntax. The value for the latter can be independent of the former, but it need not be. This interdependence is a purely morphological phenomenon.

Iquito, a Zaparoan language of Peruvian Amazonia, marks a binary distinction between realis and irrealis clauses solely by means of a word order alternation. Realis clauses exhibit a construction in which no element intervenes between the subject and verb, while in irrealis clauses a phrasal constituent appears between the subject and verb. No free or bound morphology otherwise indicates whether an Iquito clause is realis or irrealis. Based on these facts and partially similar phenomena in other languages, this article argues that typologies of inflectional exponence should be expanded to include word order as an inflectional formative.

Subject agreement in the North Omotic language Benchnon (Rapold 2006) lacks dedicated person marking, but indirectly indicates person distinctions through asymmetries in the distribution of gender markers. In one verbal paradigm, first and second person subjects are expressed by feminine morphology, and in the other paradigm they are expressed by masculine morphology. This is hard to reconcile with any known notion of how gender assignment works. I show that it can be explained as the particular instantiation of a rare but cross-linguistically recurrent pattern in which a (reduced) person marking system is generated by restrictions on gender agreement: only third person subjects control semantic gender agreement, while first and second person are assigned default gender. In Benchnon the default gender switched from feminine to masculine over the course of its history, yielding two contrasting verbal paradigms. The older one is morphologically frozen, the newer one is a reflection of still-active agreement conditions. Further developments show that the older paradigm can be adapted to conform to the newer conditions, showing that the division between morphosyntactically motivated and arbitrarily stipulated morphology is a fluid one.

This article deals with the present and past participle of Old English. Its research method is based on the idea that the specific characteristics of a given corpus make it more suitable for certain types of analysis. In the analysis, the York Corpus of Old English is used for assessing the inflection of the participle with respect to tense, case and genre, while the Dictionary of Old English Corpus is searched for the present and past participles of strong verbs in all the inflections. The main conclusion on the descriptive side is that only 42.52 percent of the participles in the corpus are inflected, the ratio of inflection being lower in the past participle than in the present participle. On the empirical side, the main conclusion is that, of the variants considered, tense, morphological class and genre prove more useful than case and adjectival inflection, which are essentially contextual.

In all human languages, there are some linguistic units which are in the midway between words and dependent morphemes. They have some properties of full words as well as some characteristics and properties of dependent morphemes. We call them clitics. The aim of this study is to investigate the properties of clitics in the Maraghe dialect of Azerbaijani Turkish to describe and investigate its clitic units. The method used in this study is a descriptive-analytic one. The data of the study were culled from the type of Turkish which is spoken in Maraghe, West Azarbayjan from different Turkish sources as well as the intuition of the writers as the native speakers of this type of Turkish. This article tries to introduce clitics in Turkish in possessive pronouns, linking verbs, accusative marker and so on. The analysis of clitics was conducted within the Zwicky and Pullum (1983) method and also used in Shaqaqi's (1374) framework. As the results of this study show, the most important finding of this study is that t in Azerbaijani Turkish, there are both proclitic and enclitic units including possessive pronouns, linking verbs, accusative marker, and some other units. Also, this study indicates that the mentioned framework can be used in recognizing and studying Turkish clitics as a scientific instrument.