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The transformation toward more sustainable food choices may be supported by an education for sustainable nutrition. In schools, biology teachers play a key role in educating students as sustainability change makers, as biology lessons provide various opportunities to deal with ESD-topics such as sustainable nutrition. Teachers' classroom practices may be influenced by their personal choices regarding sustainable nutrition. Additionally, students may see their teachers as role models for sustainable behavior. This presents the risk of students adopting teachers' beliefs and behaviors without reflection. Teaching sustainable nutrition is therefore in potential conflict with indoctrinating young people toward sustainable diets. To date, no studies have addressed the perceived risk of indoctrination in the context of teaching sustainable nutrition in relation to teachers' personal beliefs, behaviors, and teaching practices. Therefore, this study explored whether biology teachers themselves perceive a risk of indoctrination when teaching sustainable nutrition, and what methods they use for teaching it in a non-indoctrinating way. For this purpose, we conducted semi-structured interviews with seven in-service biology teachers from high schools in Germany. Data for this explorative qualitative study were collected from July to October 2021 using convenience sampling. These were analyzed by qualitative coding and content analysis. The preliminary results of this study show that participants recognize a high risk of indoctrination when teaching sustainable nutrition, primarily due to their own teaching actions, such as deciding whether to reveal their own dietary choices to students. While some participants believed teachers must be restrained, others thought that open communication about personal choices could benefit student decision-making skills. In terms of avoiding indoctrination when teaching sustainable nutrition, participants advocated for student-centered and multi-perspective teaching approaches. Based on the findings, initial implications for further research and teacher training are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Liberal studies (LS) textbooks used in Hong Kong public secondary schools have incurred controversy regarding perceived biased contents; however, what appears uncertain are what techniques the textbooks used to incite hostility towards the mainland of China and encourage students to participate in violent acts in Hong Kong. The present study used Michel Foucault's order of discourse theory, particularly the "division and rejection" framework regarding the power of discourse to analyze five popular LS textbooks. The findings reveal that the textbooks depict a division between the fabricated irrational image of the mainland and the rational image of Hong Kong. Specifically, the textbooks paint Chinese patriotism as irrational while encouraging the student readers to reject their Chinese identity. The textbooks also create a division between altruistic and capable civilians and passive, silent ones, with the morality of the former being connected to violence and radicalism. In this way, the textbooks produce a discourse of hostility towards the mainland and the people in the mainland while encouraging violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This project examines the mythos of famed war photographer Robert Capa and its influence on the photojournalistic canon. Using Barthes' concept of ideological myth as a foundation, the project examines four sets of discourses about Capa: his own self-promotion, biographies, exhibition reviews, and photojournalistic textbooks. The analysis suggests that the Capa myth is characterized by hegemonic masculinity, emphasizing risk-taking, strength and courage, in ways that may occlude the famed photographer's humanity. The corpus chosen for this project enabled an ideological analysis and critique of the way the Capa myth permeates the field's indoctrination. The project finds that the mythic portrait of Capa has had considerable influence on photojournalistic education but may no longer serve the larger field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research article aims to focus on Hanif's narrative in the novel, A Case of Exploding Mangoes (2008) to analyze how the manipulation and politicization of religious ideology began in a totalitarian regime. Set in the time period of 1970s and onwards in the totalitarian regime in Pakistan, the research contends to analyze in depth through the micro-narratives in the novel that how the exploitation of religion as an ideology began under a dictatorial regime. As a way forward, it will also bring out the deradicalization efforts in order to resist against the totalitarian absolute power. Deradicalization of the radicalized, extremist and politicized ideological apparatuses to "prevent society from indoctrination" as well as to "enrich the knowledge of understanding comparisons" regarding what is right and what is wrong, or good vs. bad etc. (Rezan & Naupal, 2019, p.68) is one of the major aims of this research. Moreover, it intends to study in detail through Gramsci's concept of Hegemony as well as Hannah Arendt's political lens provided through The Origins of Totalitarianism (1973) that how and why the totalitarian regime uses terror, violence, extremism and power politics to establish its hegemonic rule. Arendt's political philosophy on the totalitarian's exploitation of people as well as social structures for its hegemonic rule and authority is an extensive study that will also be connected to Gramsci's concept of Hegemony; in which he exposes the absolute power holders' (mis)use of ideology in order to maintain their hegemonic rule. The use of terror and violence in a totalitarian regime is not only a means of power but it also leads towards the creation of social binaries like, power vs. powerlessness, dominance vs. subjugation, voice vs. voiceless etc. By employing both Arendt's and Gramsci's concepts on the totalitarian evils the research will establish a critical backing of the arguments in the context of Zia's totalitarian evils as portrayed in Hanif's narrative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The School without Party Movement is a topic that became the object of our research in 2018, when it gained great repercussion in the field of education, by both: those who defended the proposal and those who rejected it. In this paper, we present reflections based on the study carried out that year that aimed to know the trajectory of basic education teachers and the way they dealt with the issues raised by this Movement. To this end, narrative interviews were carried out with five teachers. In these interviews, teachers talked about their professional trajectory, as well as analyzed the School without Party Movement. The study also aimed to understand the trajectory of this Movement and its arguments. The determination of the Movement that "the teacher will respect the right of parents to have their children receive a moral education that is in accordance with their own convictions" raises questions about how to deal with the diversity of convictions and conceptions that may coexist in a classroom. As the research listened to the teachers, characters directly involved in this proposal, we gathered data that contributed to broaden the ways of understanding this movement, from the teachers' point of view. Based on Paulo Freire's studies, we discuss the meanings of neutrality and the meaning of moral education implicit in the proposal, as well as analyze the risks of fanaticism and sectarianism that this Movement can entail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to examine the way in which the Spanish school textbooks used during the Franco dictatorship, strongly impregnated with Catholic doctrine, contributed to the construction of a feminine identity centred around marriage and motherhood. It is historical-educational research that analyses two primary sources: the Encyclical Humanae Vitae by Pope Paul VI and the Álvarez Encyclopedia: Professional Initiation. The results reveal the existence of a hidden political-social curriculum whose main purpose was to legitimise a system of domination over the female gender. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This qualitative study explores how technological affordances of the digital space, facilitate the anti-feminist discourses which characterise the digital community Incel (Involuntarily Celibates). The data in this article are drawn from a variety of sources, including video ethnography and an analysis of long-form interviews drawn from a year-long documentary project, to examine the experience of young men in Incel communities, and the process of indoctrination into misogynistic extremism. Results reveal that contrary to the 'lone wolf' narrative that surrounds Incels, there is a sophisticated community that contributes to a 5-step pattern of behaviour, converting the lonely, into the angry and potentially violent. A rich toxic cultural tapestry, the Internet echo-chamber and the celebration of Incel mass murderers (Incelebrities), create a continuous loop that transforms digital hate speech into physical violence. These patterns of indoctrination can, and should, be monitored, and intercepted for the purposes of personal and public safety. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the September 11, 2001, terrorism attack, bumper stickers appeared vowing “9/11 We Will Never Forget,” yet Indigenous Peoples’ telling of historical events of terrorism and violence is dismissed or expected to be forgotten. Critical race theory and tribal critical race theory are used to conduct an analysis of subjugated Indigenous histories and perspectives in an examination of settler colonialism and its constructions of “American,” “citizen,” and “patriot” that positions Indigeneity as suspect, withholding an accurate telling of history. Accessing counterstories of Native Americans and literature of Indigenous scholars, the author examines indoctrination and censorship of knowledge, situating the current attack on critical race theory as continuing Indigenous erasure and exclusive citizenship in what she describes as a “patriotism of remembrance.” Drawing from Native Peoples’ subjugated histories, the author advocates for inclusive citizenship and social justice to foster understanding and critical knowledge construction for students. Indigenous Peoples’ histories—with examples of terrorism, violence, and loss, but also strength and survivance—becomes central to the story of America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims at reading Shakespeare’s play Othello through the prism of cognitive linguistics, more specifically, through the lens of conceptual metaphor theory. Metaphorical linguistic expressions that have animals in the source domain are extracted from the play so that matters of race and gender could be discussed from below the level of words, where cognition and conceptualization occur. As the analysis of metaphorical linguistic expressions progresses, the representation of evil will appear to be intertwined with the perception of gender and race, becoming yet another cognitive interest of the literary text. While African American studies, critical race theory, post-colonial studies, Marxist and feminist readings have immensely benefitted the comprehension of the play, conceptual metaphor theory promises to explore and explain how a derogatory perception of “Other” emerges in Othello, along with the offensive language that embodies it. Additional relevant concepts that account for the disturbing pace of the plot towards the catastrophe and tragic end are indoctrination and manipulation. These are specifically related to Iago’s perceptual playing around with unstable and highly sensitive notions such as race, gender, fallen virtue, degraded and demonic human nature, which he presents through disquieting mental images conveyed by powerful metaphorical language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Maritima is the property of Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecinskiego / University of Szczecin Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Paulo Freire (1970) stated, "In order for the oppressed to be able to wage the struggle for their liberation, they must perceive the reality of oppression not as a closed world from which there is no exit, but as a limiting situation which they can transform." Academia has historically been evoked by a white, male, hetero-normative framework that has limited the space for opposing identities to be marginalized through policies, organizational culture, and social imagery. Although liberation is not a notion employed in academia, assimilation, obedience, and domination serve as the protagonist embedded in the optics within these institutions, often praising the marginalized for how much abuse they can endure under the guise of academic rigor and resiliency. Not only is this violent, it is corrosive and dehumanizing. This open letter will serve as a motivational tool to combat and resist an oppressive system and illuminate the liberatory processes in multiple contexts. Also, ground the idea of liberation in concrete circumstances that demonstrate power and strength in the ongoing praxis and long-awaited triumph over the oppressor and the systems that they employ. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding the mechanisms behind memory, learning, and behavior is crucial to human development and significant research has been done in this area. Classical and operant conditioning and other theories of learning have elucidated different mechanisms of learning and how it modulates behavior. Even with advances in this area, questions remain on how to unlearn faulty ideas or extinguish maladaptive behaviors. In this paper, a novel theory to improve our understanding of this area is proposed. The theory proposes that as a consequence of the brain's energy efficiency evolutionary adaptations, all learning following memory consolidation, reconsolidation, and repeated reinforcements or strengthening over time, results in a phenomenon called mental representation block. The implications of this block on learning and behavior are significant and broad and include cognitive biases, belief in a creator or God, close-mindedness, dogmatism, physician misdiagnosis, racism, homophobia, and transphobia, susceptibility to deception and indoctrination, hate and love, artificial intelligence and creativity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Chilena de Derecho y Ciencia Política is the property of Revista Chilena de Derecho y Ciencia Política and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the prime years of Hegel's philosophical career, Prussia made progressive reforms to childhood education. Hegel had long supported reform. In his early Stuttgart Gymnasium Validictory Address (1788), he had advocated for a public interest in widespread public education as a means for developing the children's potential. Like Wilhelm von Humboldt, Hegel believed in education's power to promote individual development (Bildung) as a path of freedom, which is achieved largely by expanding children's linguistic capacity since language, as Humboldt understands it, is the formative organ of thought (bildende Organ des Gedankens). By combining Humboldt's insights (especially his discussion of the power of Sanskrit) with themes in Hegel's Science of Logic , I will demonstrate that the mind's power to make judgments is a forward movement that can be arrested by epistemic injustice. Humboldt's reflections on linguistic flowering and the factors that might impede it can help us understand epistemic injustice as an interference in linguistic cognitive mediation (Vermittlung). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the political instrumentalization of flamenco dance during the Franco dictatorship through the Feminine Section of Traditionalist Spanish Falange and the National Syndicalist Offensive Boards (hereinafter, FET and JONS). The research method used for this work is the historiographical based on a systematic study of primary sources consisting mainly of periodic, graphic and oral publications, as well as official documents of the time, in addition to the already published works that have addressed succinct Andalusian folklore during the Franco period (1940-1975). The results show a first autarchic stage, that of the forties, in which flamenco dance is instrumentalized under the myth of the unity of the homeland, for from the fifties, as part of the developmental strategy in the economic and openness in politics, flamenco becomes a weapon of political indoctrination to reinforce and symbolize the new national identity. In this way, the idea of ​​identity construction of the Spanish referent (Spanishness) generated by flamenco dance and its indoctrination mechanisms is valued.

The article deals with the problem of institutional mechanics and willingness for acquisition of the Nazi worldview in the Kriegsmarine. In the centre of the reflections remains a crucial question: how the indoctrination process in the German navy took place during the time after 1935. Furthermore, the organisational interactions between the NSDAP and the Kriegsmarine are analysed, as well as motives and limits of the Party’s endeavours to ideologically impact the attitudes and views of the sailors. How this development of indoctrination efforts was carried out and what results it brought is described on the basis of the Nazi pseudo–pedagogic concept of “military spiritual leadership” (wehrgeistige Führung). As part of the measures to preserve its “state within the state” status, the navy, especially during World War II, began to systematically Nazify itself in a paradoxical aim to show Adolf Hitler that it was not necessary to put an end to its traditional independence. In order to prevent the “coordination” (Gleichschaltung) from above, the Kriegsmarine engaged itself more and more in a process of self–indoctrination. The text is an outline of the subject matter.

Philosophers of education often view the role of religion in education with suspicion, claiming it to be impossible, indoctrinatory or controversial unless reduced to secular premises and aims. The 'post-secular' and 'decolonial' turns of the new millennium have, however, afforded opportunities to revaluate this predilection. In a social and intellectual context where the arguments of previous generations of philosophers may be challenged on account of positivist assumptions, there may be an opening for the reconsideration of alternative but traditional religious epistemologies. In this article, we pursue one such line of thought by revisiting a classic question in the philosophy of education, Meno's Paradox of inquiry. We do this to revitalise understanding and justification for religious education. Our argument is not altogether new, but in our view, is in need of restatement: liturgy is at the heart of education and it is so because it is a locus of knowledge. We make this argument by exploring St Augustine's response to Meno's Paradox, and his radical claim that only Christ can be called 'teacher'. Though ancient, this view of the relationship of the teacher and student to knowledge may seem surprisingly contemporary because of its emphasis on the independence of the learner. Although our argument is grounded in classic texts of the Western tradition, we suggest that arguments could be made by drawing on similar resources in other religious traditions, such as Islam, that also draw upon the Platonic tradition and similarly emphasise the importance of communal and personal acts of worship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I propose to challenge the position that philosophical counseling should be detached from politics, and wonder whether it can. I examine seemingly anti-political arguments and explore some different meanings of 'politics'. Despite my awareness to the history of misuse of philosophical rhetoric in political propaganda and indoctrination and acquaintance with cases of dishonest compliance of philosophers with oppressive or lucrative regimes, I believe that any philosophy that deals with knowledge, action, life and morality has political aspects as well. I argue that such aspects may and sometime should come to the fore in philosophical counseling as well. I demonstrate it by a fictional example, with which many readers are probably acquainted. It raises questions. I accordingly stress the importance of meta-philosophical dialogues among philosophical counselors about the complexities and risks of discussing such issues in counseling sessions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite calls from governments to clamp down on violent extremist material in the online sphere, in the name of preventing radicalisation and therefore terrorism research investigating how people engage with extremist material online is surprisingly scarce. The current paper addresses this gap in knowledge with an online experiment. A fictional extremist webpage was designed and (student) participants chose how to engage with it.. A mortality salience prime (being primed to think of death) was also included. Mortality salience did not influence engagement with the material but the material itself may have led to disidentification with the ingroup. Whilst interaction with the material was fairly low, those that did engage tended to indicate preference for hierarchy and dominance in society, stronger identification with the ingroup, higher levels of radicalism, and outgroup hostility. More engagement with the online extremist material was also associated with increased likelihood of explicitly supporting the extremist group. These findings show that indoctrination, socialisation, and ideology are not necessarily required for individuals to engage attitudinally or behaviourally with extremist material. This study is not conducted on the dependent variable, therefore shedding light on individuals who do not engage with extremist material. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Education Policy Analysis Archives / Archivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas / Arquivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas is the property of Educational Policy Analysis Archives & Education Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The post-totalitarian authoritarianism of the Polish People’s Republic of 1956–1989 was based on, among others, indoctrination. It was carried out not only through the media and the education system. The law also served this purpose. The adoption of the Labour Code provided the basis for using the educational function of the preamble to shape and consolidate politically desirable patterns of behaviour in socialist labour relations. The content of the Preamble to the Labour Code not only reflected the goals set by the legislator of the adopted legal regulation, but, being saturated with ideological issues, it set the directions for adopting and applying labour law provisions and defined the desired behaviour patterns. Due to the content of individual editorial units, the Preamble to the Labour Code was not only of legal importance, but also some parts of it were normative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dictators depend on a committed bureaucracy to implement their policy preferences. But how do they induce loyalty and effort within their civil service? The authors study indoctrination through forced military service as a cost-effective strategy for achieving this goal. Conscription allows the regime to expose recruits, including future civil servants, to intense "political training" in a controlled environment, which should improve system engagement. To test this hypothesis, the authors analyze archival data on over 370,000 cadres from the former German Democratic Republic. Exploiting the introduction of mandatory service in the gdr in 1962 for causal identification, they find a positive effect of conscription on bureaucrats' system engagement. Additional analyses indicate that this effect likely did not result from deep norm internalization. Findings are more compatible with the idea that political training familiarized recruits with elite preferences, allowing them to behave strategically in accordance with the rules of the game. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I critically assess the development and application of entrepreneurship education in the performing arts, specifically among performance students of Western European art music in the United States. I seek to locate this education in the sociocultural and economic context of neoliberal capitalism and to demonstrate that this education serves as a form of indoctrination in support of that system. Evidence collected from interviews of 18 staff, students, and alumni of music entrepreneurship programs from four institutions, as well as 32 hours of participant observation of entrepreneurship seminars at two institutions, are presented to further position this education in terms of equity and appropriateness for students in the arts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of RICYDE. Revista Internacional de Ciencias del Deporte is the property of Revista Internacional de Ciencias del Deporte and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article offers a reading of Sally Andrew's debut murder mystery novel, Recipes for Love and Murder: A Tannie Maria Mystery (2015), from the angle of critical food studies. The article explores how the novel's depiction of food relates to notions of masculinity and power against the backdrop of widespread gender-based violence in South Africa today. I argue that the protagonist and narrator's reverent, restorative relationship with food represents a gentle yet powerful feminine counternarrative to the violent masculinities of subjugation embodied in Fanie's dogmatic religious ideology, Dirk's oppressive military indoctrination, and Cornelius's cruel hunting practices. Beyond providing mere escapism, this supposedly "popular" novel can therefore be seen as delivering sharp, timely social commentary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper provides an autoethnographic accounting and analysis of my own mystical experiences, called connection experiences in this paper. This account, which is structured around a description of my early experiences, attempts to weave together psychological, sociological, historical, and methodological themes into a coherent contribution that advances our understanding of connection experience. The paper includes an explication of the four stages of the research project that developed as a consequence of these experiences as well as an examination of the processes, tools (i.e., MediWiki), and emotional, psychological, professional, and scholarly challenges of collecting and analyzing the autoethnographic data of mystical experiences. The denouement of the paper is the presentation of a conceptual schema aimed at overcoming nomenclature confusion and providing a basis for description, analysis, and discussion of connection and connection experiences. The utility of the schema is demonstrated when it is used to provide a clear overview of my own connection experiences, and the connection experiences of others. In order to facilitate critical discussion of the conceptual framework, a glossary of terms developed and presented in this paper is provided at the end.

Copyright of RumeliDE Journal of Language & Literature Research / RumeliDE Dil ve Edebiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of RumeliDE Uluslararasi Hakemli Dil & Edebiyat Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Slovenian schools were victims of the totalitarianism of Italian Fascism from the advent of fascist rule in 1922 until the capitulation of Italy in 1943 and of German Nazism during World War II (1941-1945). However, the question remains whether schools in Slovenia were victims of totalitarianism after the war, too. The answer depends on whether the socialist regime was merely undemocratic or also totalitarian. But even if the state at that time was not totalitarian, it violated human rights also in the field of education. According to the European Court of Human Rights, the State is forbidden to pursue an aim of indoctrination in public schools - as was the case in Slovenia - because indoctrination is considered to not respect parents' religious and philosophical convictions. In this paper it will be shown that the state also violated two other human rights of their citizens which are in close connection to this parents' right, namely, the right of parents to choose private schools based on specific moral, religious or secular values; and (if there are not such schools) the right to establish them. Both of these rights were violated because private schools, except religious schools for the education of priests, were forbidden. These rights were violated in the socialist republic of Slovenia even though ex-Yugoslavia (one of whose constitutive parts was at that time Slovenia) signed and ratified these international documents on human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Psychoanalytic training with its principal aspect, training analysis, has become an instrument of power politics within the psychoanalytic movement. The purpose of power politics justifies the means: training analysis is turned into a ritual of subjugation and used as a means of indoctrination. This thesis is backed up with material coming from sources which are hard to find or hidden in different contexts. The historical process of transforming training analysis into an instrument of power for organized psychoanalysis is described. Freud, who first was involved in this development, later shared his criticism of training analysis with his daughter Anna, who wrote about this problem in 1938. Too late, however, to be able to influence the anti-psychoanalytic aspects of training analysis. After the description of the present situation, criticisms of training analysis based on many years of experience as a training analyst within the psychoanalytic institution are suggested. The task of promoting independent candidates which is assigned to training analysis is not performed; on the contrary, it brings forth proselytes, devoted analysts and members who are uncritical of the institution. Finally, some suggestions on how we can solve this problem are presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indoctrination is an ongoing concern in education, especially in debates about moral education. One approach to this issue is to come up with a rational procedure that can robustly justify potential items of moral education content. I call this the 'rationalistic justification project'. Michael Hand's recent book, A Theory of Moral Education, is representative of this approach. My essay has three parts. First, I show that Hand's justificatory procedure – the problem-of-sociality justification – cannot serve the purposes he has in mind; it fails on its own terms and may even cause the teacher to inadvertently slide into indoctrination. Second, I argue that the causes of this failure lie deeper than Hand's particular approach to the rationalistic justification project; rather, it is the broader project itself that is misguided, largely due to its narrow conceptions of morality and rationality. Third, I offer an alternative way of framing the issue of indoctrination, by drawing on Aristotle's philosophy of rhetoric. My suggested approach recontextualizes the issue of indoctrination and brings into focus a broader set of relevant features of the teaching–learning situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Education on moral values is an area that has caused controversy in the 20th and 21st centuries, in particular due to the social rejection of the possible indoctrination of students. Louis Raths' Values Clarification methodology was one of the most representative proposals that attempted to outline a moral education free of indoctrination. Without further examining philosophical arguments that have already been dealt with in numerous publications, this article holistically studies the history of this approach in order to learn from the efforts, challenges, victories, and failures of those who have preceded us in the task of educating citizens with moral convictions. The article begins by presenting the main points of psychologist Carl Rogers' theory that most influenced the origin of this methodology. It then introduces the social context in which the Values Clarification programme arises, a detailed description of its key points, the warm reception it received and, finally, the criticism and assessments that led to its dizzying downfall. To conclude, three brief reflections on moral education are presented, which, although not new, are reinforced by the study undertaken in this article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Formal education means, among other things, to influence learner's minds through ideologies and doctrines. The connection between ideology and teaching is often theorized through the concept of pedagogical indoctrination, but empirical data on this phenomenon are missing. Acknowledging the crucial importance of indoctrination in school, the major purpose of this study was to empirically explore teachers' and future teachers' perceptions about pedagogical indoctrination in Romanian education system. Starting from two theoretical models of school indoctrination, we elaborated a self-report questionnaire, describing three dimensions and 17 behaviours that reflect indoctrinative teaching situations. 260 subjects, 171 undergraduate pre-service teachers and 89 in-service teachers from the North-Eastern region of Romania participated in the study. The results indicate that both in-service teachers and pre-service teachers acknowledge the existence of indoctrination in schools, yet the phenomenon is not perceived as widespread. However, further statistical analyse reveal significant difference between pre-service and in-service teachers' perception about behavioural and dimensional indoctrinative teaching and learning. The age, the faculty profile and the residence add significant information about subjects' representation of indoctrinative teaching in Romanian school system. Theoretical and methodological implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]