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Several Southeast Asian nations, including Vietnam, enforce mandatory detoxification in detention facilities for individuals with substance abuse issues. Since 2010, growing concerns regarding human rights abuses associated with compulsory drug detention centres have been expressed by various United Nations agencies, human rights experts, and other stakeholders, prompting calls for their closure since 2012. Despite these concerns, the Vietnamese government persists in employing this strategy under the guise of the "war on drugs," and its discontinuation appears improbable in the near future due to numerous political and social hurdles. This study employs established legal research methods to assert that compulsory detoxification constitutes a breach of human rights. It aims to elucidate to the global academic community the reasons behind Vietnam's persistent use of this measure. By utilizing both Vietnamese and international legal frameworks alongside statistical reports on the outcomes of compulsory detoxification, the research argues that these practices can be viewed as violations of human rights. The article highlights the challenges impeding the prompt elimination of compulsory detoxification in Vietnam based on practical experiences, including insights from random surveys gauging public opinions. The findings indicate a prevalent concern among the majority of individuals who are unwilling to coexist with drug addicts in their communities. This study presents compelling arguments urging the Vietnamese government and policymakers to acknowledge compulsory detoxification as a violation of human rights. Simultaneously, it provides insights for the global community of human rights experts, helping them understand the complexities that hinder Vietnam from abolishing this measure despite objections from human rights organizations. The outlined initiatives in the article also serve as a guide for Vietnamese policymakers and international human rights organizations to comprehend and address the challenges faced by Vietnam in protecting the human rights of individuals struggling with drug addiction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista CES Derecho is the property of Universidad CES and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Maguaré is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Departamento de Antropologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Digitalization and social media established world-encompassing publics that engage with international organizations. While scholarship has analyzed how international organizations communicate with such digital publics, this article determines who participates in these publics. We created a novel dataset to map the UN's digital public on Twitter and analyzed the bios of 243,168 accounts that have interacted with the UN. Members of this public provide self-identifications (such as researcher, consultant, or scientist) that indicate a professional interest in the UN. We analyzed clusters of users that self-identify with similar words. We find high heterogeneity in the UN's digital public: Clusters of professional, academic, and organizational users suggest that the technocratic history of international organizations reflects in the members of its digital public. At the same time, the digital public of the UN extends to very different groups (human rights activists and K-Pop fans feature in the UN's public on Twitter). We demonstrate for future research how multiple correspondence analysis can reveal clusters in unstructured biographical data. The article contributes the first analysis of self-identifications in digital publics of global politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Urban Memories of the Feminist Movement during the Civil-Military Dictatorship in Chile (1983-1990)" analyzes the participation of the Chilean Feminist Movement during the dictatorship led by Augusto Pinochet. During this period, human rights were violated, there were detentions and disappearances, and the neoliberal economic model was implemented. The Feminist Movement made its first public appearance at the National Protest Days in May 1983 and held a rally at the National Library in August of the same year. The interview with Verónica Matus, a lawyer and human rights activist, provides an insight into the events and the participation of the Feminist Movement during the dictatorship. Additionally, the importance of demonstrations and the use of public space as a form of feminist political action is highlighted. [Extracted from the article]

Modern Indonesia has been shaped by human rights abuses, with the military regime of Major-General Suharto (1966 −1998) standing at the fulcrum of this history. Over twenty-five years since its fall, survivors and their families continue to struggle with this legacy. This paper focuses on the case of Wiji Thukul, a disappeared poet-activist whose life and work continue to inspire progressive Indonesians decades after he played an important role in the movement that helped topple Suharto's dictatorship. It translates for a non-Indonesian audience his life, which was characterised by a creative practice that gave voice to working-class people like himself. It asserts that remembering Thukul has helped energise and galvanise efforts to advance Indonesia's conflicted and fragile democratic project. In doing this, it also charts how, in the first two decades of the millennium, he came to be an underground icon of activism and public discourse on unresolved human rights abuses and democratic reform, notably through the 'refusing to forget' movement. This has been significant in resistance to the return of authoritarianism. Beyond this, it examines how his memory has been translated for a new generation that never experienced the regime and argues for his significance in an international context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Law & Society/Revue Canadienne Droit et Societe (Cambridge University Press) is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Five years after the signing of the Peace Agreement between the Government of Colombia and the FARC-EP (November 24, 2016), it is reasonable to carry out a pertinent reading with the participatory and territorial approach established in point 1 of said Final Agreement, the Comprehensive Rural Reform (RRI), whose transversal components are the Development Programs with a Territorial Approach (PDET), as “instruments of reconciliation in which all its actors work in the construction of the supreme good of peace, right and mandatory duty compliance ”, according to Decree Law 893 of 2017 (Presidency of the Republic, 2017); consolidating itself as legal and community mechanisms, vital for the full implementation of the agreement, since it articulates the different approaches of the Agreement such as: the participatory, territorial, ethnic, gender, reparative and differential approaches. Based on the aforementioned Decree Law, this article reviews the importance and purpose of the Development Programs with a Territorial Approach (PDET) for the construction of territorial peace in prioritized areas, as well as the tool for its operationalization, the Action Plans for Regional Transformation (PATR) with which the Development Programs with a Territorial Approach (PDET) materialize, specifying the potential of transforming citizen participation as a mechanism of collective construction to strengthen territorial governance, in the Colombian post-conflict stage. To resolve the central question formulated by the authors: ¿what has been the role and effectiveness of the Development Programs with a Territorial Approach (PDET)s and PATRs as mechanisms of citizen participation for collective construction and territorial governance in the Colombian post-conflict scenario? sociolegal, collecting relevant information in primary sources -for the Colombian government- and secondary in literature, regulations, doctrine and jurisprudence. It was concluded that it has not been possible to obtain the expected effectiveness of the citizen participation mechanisms, due to the swings, biases, intrigues and obstacles that the national government has prevented from fulfilling the commitments agreed in the Peace Agreement (especially the first), in the face of the given change -bias- of the Ministry for Stabilization and Consolidation, from where almost everything regarding the Development Programs with a Territorial Approach (PDET) was planned -together with the ATR-, but with a low level of real execution. From another angle, the high levels of violence, insecurity and permanent murder of social leaders and human rights defenders in cahoots with the impunity and indifference of the state apparatus, have decimated citizen participation and prevented the consolidation of communities in their goal of achieving a territorial governance that dignifies the quality of life of the population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jelena Aparac's book, "Business et droits de l'homme dans les conflits armés," explores the implications for companies that contribute to the commission of international crimes in non-international armed conflicts. Aparac focuses on "core crimes" such as war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide, and examines the involvement of private banks, extractive industries, and private military/security companies. The book analyzes the legal basis for corporate responsibility and the imputation of acts that may give rise to multinational corporations' international criminal responsibility. Aparac also discusses the challenges of establishing corporate liability under international criminal law and proposes alternative ways to hold companies accountable. This book is valuable for academics, practitioners, human rights defenders, and civil society organizations interested in corporate human rights abuses in armed conflict. It also provides insights for companies operating in conflict zones and for states seeking to regulate multinational corporations. [Extracted from the article]

The article summarizes the book "Sospechosos habituales. Diez aproximaciones a los antecedentes históricos del movimiento por los derechos humanos en Venezuela (1936-1999)" written by Rodolfo Montes de Oca. The book analyzes the history of the defense of human rights in Venezuela from 1936 to 1999, focusing on the historical background of this movement in the country. The author, a human rights activist and member of PROVEA, conducts a well-documented research based on his experience in Venezuela. The book consists of ten chapters that address different aspects of human rights in the country, including the systematic violation of human rights during the political conflict and state repression between 1961 and 1969, the role of the Catholic Church and human rights organizations, solidarity with exiles from dictatorships in Latin America, the defense of the right to life against executions carried out by the Venezuelan armed forces and police, the struggle for universal suffrage, women's rights and LGBT rights, the importance of active non-violence in the fight for human rights, and the persecution and murder of human rights activists in the country. [Extracted from the article]

People form part of the biosphere - the biosphere being the whole intertwined network of life on Earth. While there is convergence on the need for societal change for just sustainability and a healthy biosphere, the pathways to achieve these transformations remain relatively unclear. Through legal interpretation, conceptual and thematic analysis of academic and grey literature, we seek to answer the following two questions: (a) how does the concept of Biosphere Defender enable a deeper and distinct understanding of who environmental defenders are and their role in just sustainability transformations? and (b) how does international human rights law contribute to specify the content of biosphere defenders' rights? To address these questions, we first critically review the scope and limitations of the notion of Environmental Human Rights Defenders (EHRD) in human rights narratives in international law and policy. We examine how understandings of EHRD portray those defending their land and environment and what limitations this concept has in terms of possibilities for reflecting on transformations towards just sustainability. Second, we propose an alternative and/or complementary understanding of EHRD by using the concept of Biosphere Defenders. We also develop the Defend-Biosphere Framework to analyse the role of these actors as agents of change in pathways towards just sustainability. Third, to empirically illustrate the role of Biosphere Defenders, and the use of the Defend-Biosphere Framework we present two case studies from Latin America analyzing initiatives catalyzed by rural people who are defending their lands and territories while generating new ways to relate to socio-ecological systems and engage with the State and the economy. In both case studies, we find that relational values of solidarity, responsibility, and care (between human and other living beings) are central in understanding Biosphere Defenders' initiatives creating pathways towards just sustainability. The findings of this article are of particular relevance to the implementation of the right to a clean, healthy and sustainable environment in the context of the Escazu Agreement on access to information, public participation and access to justice in environmental matters in Latin America and the Caribbean, the Aarhus Convention on access to information, public participation and access to justice in environmental matters and the Montreal-Kunming Global Biodiversity Framework in particular Target 22 (access to information, participation, access to justice and environmental defenders) and Target 23 (gender equality). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Kavilando is the property of Kavilando and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The freedom to adhere to the religion one believes in is the right of every Indonesian citizen that has been mandated through the 1945 Constitution (1945 Constitution). However, there are still many citizens who have not been able to embrace a religion according to their beliefs, one of which is Ahmadiyya adherents. They also receive discrimination from society as a form of social exclusion of Ahmadiyya adherents. This study aims to elaborate on the forms of discrimination experienced by Ahmadiyya adherents and their rights as citizens in T. H. Marshall's perspective of citizenship. The method used in this study is a literature review to reveal the problem of social exclusion for Ahmadiyya adherents in fulfilling their rights as Indonesian citizens. The data collection process was carried out by filtering scientific articles related to discrimination, social exclusion, and the concept of citizenship through official journal publication portals such as SAGE, SCOPUS, JSTOR, Taylor & Francis Online, and others. This study found that the rejection received by Ahmadiyya adherents was due to weak law enforcement and oversight from policymakers in carrying out constitutional mandates. In fact, the government, religious leaders, civil society organizations (CSOs), and human rights activists can be actively involved in instilling the values of tolerance and freedom of religion in the society as the efforts to achieve the fulfilment of citizens' rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes a voluntary Friends Scheme that sits alongside a temporary relocation scheme for Human Rights Defenders at the University of York, UK. Members of the Scheme, including the scheme's co-ordinators, are all volunteers drawn from the local community with a remit to befriend the Defenders, help orient them to the city and UK lifestyles and offer the opportunity to experience day-to-day life outside of the university. With the erosion globally of the operational space for Human Rights Defenders' work, many are in situations of serious risk to their health, well-being and even life, jeopardizing their long-term ability to conduct their work. This has in turn increased their protection needs with temporary relocation providing one mechanism for meeting these. The Protective Fellowship Scheme for Human Rights Defenders at Risk (PFS) at York offers an institutionalized programme and the Friends Scheme arose from the identified need for additional informal well-being support. In describing key aspects of its operation, their evolution over time, and its challenges and rewards, the article draws on feedback from both Defenders and Friends. It is brought up to date, outlining the impact of Covid-19. Experience to date suggests the use of a Friends Scheme can be a valuable part of temporary relocation programmes for Defenders, staff running such schemes, the volunteer Friends and the local community. The use of a systemic approach to its organization through having clear processes, regular communication from and between the co-ordinators and PFS, and providing individual and group support appears valuable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the behavior of the Constitutional Court in Turkey. As the highest court in the country, it is responsible for many decisions that have shaped the course of Turkish politics over the past six decades. It begins with a brief overview of the institutional features of the Turkish Constitutional Court. It then looks at major arguments on constitutional review, including judicial independence and court-curbing. Finally, it examines change and continuity in the attitudes of the Court based on the speeches of its presidents. One conclusion is that the Constitutional Court has transformed itself from that of the defender of the state principles to that of the defender of human rights while retaining its role with regard to the separation of powers. This transformation has been driven by both internal and external pressures: the domestic transition of tutelary democracy to competitive authoritarianism and the equivocation of domestic laws with international treaties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Mexico and Honduras, journalists face violence from state and non-state actors and almost complete impunity. Given a lack of effective state protection, some resort to alternative means of (self-)protection and justice-seeking. Via analysis of 67 interviews with journalists and protection actors, this article shows how many reporters use journalistic and profession-specific forms of self-protection and analyses their benefits and challenges. It adopts a novel analytical approach building on insights from diverse areas of research on people's responses to violence and insecurity. Scholarship on civilian responses to armed conflict offers a relevant framework for understanding self-protection measures. Although measures such as "avoidance" and "accommodation" of violent actors are a means of survival and short-term physical protection, they bring significant new risks. Above all, they can undermine trust from the public and within the profession and the usefulness of journalism for society. Drawing on literature on the protection of human rights defenders, the analytical framework is extended to show how some journalists also engage in broader self-protection strategies around transforming their work. These strategies combine protection and professionalisation and aim to boost journalists' internal and external support and credibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Electoral authorities cited a problem with Rodas's paperwork as the reason for preventing their Movement for the Liberation of the Peoples (MLP) party from running, but their supporters and international observers maintain the decision was politically motivated. At the end of January, the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE) blocked both Cabrera and Rodas from registering as candidates citing outstanding "legal charges and a complaint" against Rodas. Guatemala's Democracy in Tatters: An Indigenous human rights defender who won unprecedented support in the last election tried to enter the presidential race with proposals to shake up the status quo. [Extracted from the article]

Hate speech should be tackled and prosecuted based on how it is operationalized. However, the existing theoretical definitions of hate speech are not sufficiently fleshed out or easily operable. To overcome this inadequacy, and with the help of interdisciplinary experts, we propose an empirical definition of hate speech by providing a list of 10 hate speech indicators and the rationale behind them (the indicators refer to specific, observable, and measurable characteristics that offer a practical definition of hate speech). A preliminary exploratory examination of the structure of hate speech, with the focus on comments related to migrants (one of the most reported grounds of hate speech), revealed that two indicators in particular, denial of human rights and promoting violent behavior, occupy a central role in the network of indicators. Furthermore, we discuss the practical implications of the proposed hate speech indicators—especially (semi-)automatic detection using the latest natural language processing (NLP) and machine learning (ML) methods. Having a set of quantifiable indicators could benefit researchers, human right activists, educators, analysts, and regulators by providing them with a pragmatic approach to hate speech assessment and detection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is based on the Skills Training for Advancing Resources (STAR) project for the youth initiative of the Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC) in Bangladesh. The objective was to explore the consequences of social and economic inclusion of this project for the persons with disability (PWDs) and transgender (TG) youth people. The research focused on how inclusive programmatic interventions created multidimensional impacts among the "marginalized" and "excluded" PWD and TG youths at the grassroots level. This study adopted a qualitative approach where in‐depth case interviews and observation were applied for data collection. PWD and TG graduates, master craft persons (MCPs), employers, and program staff members were the participants in this study. Results found that PWD and TG youths faced vulnerabilities and social stigma in their lives and livelihood trajectories due to their physical inability and low level of social dignity. The STAR project has a certain level of contribution to the livelihoods of PWD and TG people, where these helped them to gain their social, cultural, and economic capital. Findings would be an important guideline for policymakers, NGO managers, and human rights workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As geopolitical crises unfold and the world turns its attention to the movement of people across borders, management scholars endeavoring to inform business and policy must open new lines of inquiry if they are to maximize impact. In this guidepost, we argue for three important avenues that deserve special attention: transformation in directionality and geographic spread of global migration patterns, human rights among under-researched migrant populations, and working from anywhere in automated workplaces or with artificial intelligence. These critical research pathways require engagement in conceptual cross-fertilization and inclusion of business leaders, policymakers, and human rights experts in the process of knowledge generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: Motivation: Human rights non‐governmental organizations (HR NGOs) play a significant role in the protection and promotion of human rights, particularly in the global south. In Bangladesh, human rights violations are a major concern. The government's approach to helping victims of abuses and upholding human rights has become contentious. Therefore, in this context, NGOs' approach to and activism in helping victims, public education, and putting pressure on the government to uphold human rights have been considered vital. Purpose: The article evaluates and explores the key challenges HR NGOs in Bangladesh face in safeguarding human rights. Methods and approach: For this qualitative study, primary data was collected through in‐depth interviews with 25 human rights activists, victims of human rights violations and their family members, journalists, NGO officials, and academics. The 25 participants were selected on the basis of purposive and snowball sampling techniques. Findings The findings suggest that the overall role of HR NGOs in Bangladesh is dubious. The HR NGOs in Bangladesh cannot play an effective role in promoting human rights, and the government's role and its responsibility to help victims and safeguard human rights is not upheld. Bangladesh's government tries to limit the function of human rights groups. The key challenges faced by HR NGOs include the ruling elite's intervention in their activities, the government's oppression and harassment of NGO officials, the country's culture of impunity, NGOs' dependence on foreign donations, restrictive laws used to control the growth of HR NGOs, the HR NGOs' financial condition and political interest, and the ineffectiveness of human rights institutions in Bangladesh. These challenges restrict the growth of the HR NGOs in the country and result in their poor performance. However, although their role and influence are limited due to the many forms of government control and oppression, HR NGOs appear to be more active than the government in upholding human rights. Policy implications: The collective efforts of the HR NGOs, civil society, the government, and general citizens are crucial to protect and support human rights. HR NGOs, civil society organizations (CSOs), journalists, and the general public should not remain silent on gross violations of human rights but should make the utmost effort to encourage citizens to break the culture of impunity and raise their voices against human rights abuses. In this regard, citizens need to understand the concept of human rights. The state's co‐operation in protecting human rights is critical, as the fundamental duty of the state is to ensure the rights of its citizens. Human rights NGOs should monitor human rights situations, help victims of violations, and engage in popular education. The voices of HR NGOs and CSOs should be neutral and united in order to exert enough pressure on the government to change its behaviour regarding human rights. In addition, the judiciary, NHRC, and Anti‐Corruption Commission (ACC) should play an active role in ensuring equality and justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Essay responds to the increasing adoption by States across continents of repressive, over-reaching laws, regulations, and policies aimed at countering the financing of terrorism. It documents the immense international pressure to adopt counter-terrorism jinancing measures, coupled with the seeming marginalization of concurrent international human rights law obligations. The Essayfirst sets out the applicable legal framework and rapid normative developments in international counter-terrorism jinancing law. Second, the Essay provides a snapshot of existing allegations of human rights violations committed in the name of international counter-terrorism financing obligations, including judicial harassment and undue surveillance of human rights defenders and civil society organization dissolutions. The Essay concludes by proposing several viable avenues for holding States responsible for such abuses, including before international human rights mechanisms, the, International Court of justice, arbitral tribunals, and national courts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is about the role of the Church in Chile in the process of reconciliation after the coup d'état of 1973. Important milestones are mentioned, such as the Holy Year of 1975, the National Eucharistic Congress of 1980, the Mission for Life and Reconciliation of 1985, and the visit of Pope John Paul II in 1987. The Chilean Church sought to promote reconciliation through the pastoral option for life and the moral imperative of the task of reconciliation. The role of the Church in defending democratic values and citizen participation is also highlighted. The Church in Chile emphasizes the importance of values such as truth, justice, freedom, and love, and acknowledges the existence of vices that go against these values and have contributed to the moral crisis in the country. The Church poses the challenge of establishing an institutionality that guarantees these values and promotes national reconciliation. The visit of Pope John Paul II in 1987 was an important milestone in this process of reconciliation, and the importance of truth and justice in achieving social reconciliation was emphasized. In subsequent years, the National Commission for Truth and Reconciliation was created to clarify the truth and seek justice in the country. The article discusses the role of the Church in reconciliation in Chile. It is mentioned that Pope John Paul II wished for the country to transition towards the full implementation of democratic institutions. The importance of recognizing sin and forgiveness in the process of reconciliation is highlighted. It is mentioned that the Church felt called to the ministry of reconciliation due to the increasing violence in the country. It is also mentioned that the Church sees itself as a servant of the integral human being and defender of human rights. The Church considers one of its most important actions to be a sign and instrument of union with God and the unity of humanity, as established in the Second Vatican Council. This statement was made in the Dogmatic Constitution on the Church, Lumen gentium, on November 21, 1964. [Extracted from the article]