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Using the under-explored relationship between the press and Major General George G. Meade as a case study, this article argues for a new method of analyzing war reporting. Past investigations of Civil War reporting tend to focus on censorship, the societal impact of media, or the adventure stories of war correspondents. Instead of seeing war correspondents as passive recorders of events, the new history of war reporting views journalists as powerful actors with the ability to influence military decisions. This included retaliating against military excesses and shaping how commanders were remembered in history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Military Politics of the Contemporary Arab World" by Philippe Droz-Vincent is a comparative study of the role of militaries in Arab countries from the mid-1900s to around 2019. The book aims to understand the functions of the army within enduring authoritarian regimes, the positioning of officers within these regimes, and how military and regime decision-making interact. The book is organized chronologically and focuses on Egypt, Syria, Tunisia, Libya, and Yemen, with a brief exploration of Arab monarchies. While the book provides a breadth of knowledge on the topic, it lacks a clear theoretical framework and engagement with existing debates. [Extracted from the article]

The 18th Amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan in 2010 transferred powers to the country's provinces and removed articles inserted by the previous military regimes which facilitated military influence. However, the reform failed to reverse the material roots of the Pakistani military's structural dominance, especially its multi-billion-dollar business empire. Instead, it pushed the military to develop new ways of (re)producing its influence by strategically appropriating the separatist conflict in Balochistan as the most serious threat facing the country and one that required the military's continuing role in policymaking. These counter-processes rendered the constitutional reform inadequate and kept the ethnic conflict alive, while also enabling the military to perpetuate a militarised regime at the national level. Using primary evidence, the article shows how a civil-military institutional imbalance favouring the military can impede ethnic conflict resolution even when the constitution offers autonomy to ethnic groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to define and characterize the distinctive principles of administrative and legal support for civil-military cooperation in military service preparation. Throughout the article, the author employs comparative legal, formal dogmatic, and structural legal methods, alongside modeling. These methods, based on a systematic approach, enable an integrated examination of the phenomena and processes under study, considering their interrelationships. The author stresses the importance of principles that facilitate an optimal balance between the interests of individuals, the military, and the State. The modeling process of administrative and legal support principles for civil-military cooperation in military service preparation must account for the interplay and correlation among these categories. Key principles identified include the consistency and efficiency of administrative and legal support, balancing private and public interests, immanence, unification, consideration of command unity and continuity in military administration, a three-component military-pedagogical goal, and an integrative nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most countries deployed their military in some capacity to combat the COVID-19 pandemic. We present original data on early pandemic-related deployments, identifying seven types of deployment: logistic operations, enforcement, international involvement, border protection, information provision, intelligence operations, and domestic protection. We find that military deployments are shaped by capacity and electoral considerations, even after accounting for cross-country differences in perceptions of the military. Countries with elected leaders were significantly more likely to deploy the military for border protection. Incumbents facing reelection were especially sensitive to electoral concerns, becoming significantly less likely to deploy the military for domestic enforcement when facing an imminent election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Participating in UN peacekeeping missions used to be seen as an appropriate way to improve civil-military relations in countries where armed forces held undue political power. Nevertheless, a growing body of scholarship cautions that sending troops to increasingly coercive peacekeeping missions can contribute to a deterioration of civil-military relations. How can this variance in outcomes of peacekeeping deployments be explained? Taking stock of the existing academic debate on socialisation processes in peacekeeping and comparing the cases of India and Brazil, this article argues that military role conceptions are a key factor for understanding the effects of peacekeeping on troop-contributing countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contrary to expectations, Russia failed to overrun the Ukrainian defense despite its apparent preparations for the 2022 invasion. This paper delves into the unexpected outcome, attributing it to the Russian army's inadequate combat effectiveness. It, in turn, was triggered by President Vladimir Putin's coup-proofing strategies, namely granting large payrolls and funding for the military; tolerating lucrative dealings and corruption; establishing military fiefdoms; counterbalancing; rotation and purges of politically disloyal officers; and micromanaging military campaigns. Cumulatively, these policies curtailed military autonomy, accelerated promotions of inept loyalists, limited interbranch cooperation, provoked high attrition rates, and spread norms of coercion toward military personnel, making the Russian army's performance suboptimal during combat. Discussing the issue, the article advances four plausible explanations for why Putin resorted to coup-proofing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Military coups, coup attempts, and military interference in politics have represented the most serious threat to Turkey's republican governance since its establishment 100 years ago. This study explores various kinds of citizen support for military coups from 1960 to the present, an academically understudied subject. Civilian support is an important but frequently overlooked basis for the continuation of military tutelage. Rather than emphasising the duality and conflict in military-civilian relations, the study seeks to highlight the relationships between these two domains. Elite support for coups, in particular, has been a major role in the maintenance of military tutelage on the one hand, and has resulted in the relatively short tenure of military regimes on the other. This article aims to explain why and how civilians were drawn into juntas. One of the main reasons for civilian support in Turkey is the perception that the military has a "modernising" and even "liberal" essence as a result of its role in the establishment of the Republic. When the military participated in politics, it gained social support and legitimacy by citing "Kemalism," "restoration of Republican values," and "restoration of Atatürkism." While the separation of military and political obligations was one of Atatürk's most important political doctrines, "Kemalism" ironically became one of the primary reasons in providing legitimacy and public support for coups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article titled "Editorial: Dynamics and Perspectives on Governance and Sovereignty" presents the second part of a monograph on governance and sovereignty in Latin America. The issue includes academic contributions that explore the challenges facing the region in terms of criminal governance and shared sovereignties. The monograph consists of twelve articles that address different aspects of this issue, including drug trafficking in Colombia, violence after the end of the FARC-EP guerrilla, and the relationship between resources allocated to state strengthening and violence in PDET municipalities. Research on military training, civil-military relations, human rights, and intelligence services is also presented. The article thanks the authors and highlights the journal's commitment to quality and editorial standards. [Extracted from the article]

In every liberal democracy, there is tension between the exercise of military power to sustain institutionality and civilian control of said power to maintain democracy. In Latin America, this tension weighs on civil-military relations, within the framework of military dictatorships, democratic transitions, and subversive threats. This article studies the cases of Colombia and Peru, countries with a history of conflict that has put their democracy at risk, and that has required Military Forces strong enough to face changing threats. At the same time, both countries have sought civilian control to guarantee governability and democratic legitimacy. It is found that in both countries there have been efforts for civilian control of the Armed Forces, without completely setting aside military participation through Integral Action in the search for peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores shortcomings in military effectiveness in the war in Afghanistan. It focuses on three sets of problems: the failure to resolve internal contradictions in the training effort, the failure to integrate political considerations with military activity, and poor strategic and operational/tactical integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Numerous reflections exist regarding who should be held accountable and what lessons should be learned from the military withdrawal and political collapse of Afghanistan. This essay argues that the failures in Afghanistan are second- and third-order effects of a failure of strategic thinking on behalf of civilian and military leadership alike. I argue that this failure of strategic thinking is caused, in part, by the overreliance on concepts of civil–military relations espoused by Samuel Huntington. These concepts have been inculcated by a professional military education system that has subsequently developed a generation of officers with an atrophied appreciation for the political aspects of war, and an inability to link operational prowess to the achievement of strategic objectives. This dilemma is aggravated by a similar overreliance on systematic thinking, which further obscures the linkages between the military and political aspects of strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Western defeat in Afghanistan was due to an inadequate process of strategic reflection informed, first, by an overestimation of the attractiveness of the Western political agenda to Afghans and, second, by overconfidence in the effectiveness of its military approach. As a corollary, popular support for the Taliban was underestimated. The insurgents possessed a degree of what we term strategic cohesion—a sociopolitical and military embeddedness within society—that produced a far stronger strategic effectiveness than we could replicate in our Afghan allies. Furthermore, a military-professional mindset underestimated the degree to which political considerations permeated the battlefield. The political effect of military actions was insufficiently integrated into strategic practice. Specifically, the linchpin officer in staff planning and field operations in Western armies struggled to act as what we term strategic colonels. In both respects, the war continues to offer important lessons for Western involvement in future conflict, including with Russia and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This commentary examines the influence of the Afghanistan war on the content of Armed Forces & Society. My 20-year tenure as editor of Armed Forces & Society overlaps completely with the war. Using the lenses of the postmodern or post-Cold War military, I reflect on how the articles of this journal were influenced by the war. The postmodern military relies more heavily on volunteers, is more likely to engage in unconventional missions, and more likely to use multinational forces. I found an increase in articles devoted to reserve forces and contractors. In addition, many articles investigated the unique management challenges of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF). The multiple deployments and brutal nature of the war led to a large increase in health/mental health articles and also contributed to changes in the scope of the military family and veterans' literature. The limited civil–military relations literature was affected indirectly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States government's inability to view the conflict with the Taliban through the lens of the bargaining model of war was a fundamental element of its failure in Afghanistan. This problem was reinforced by a dysfunctional civil–military relations shaped by Samuel Huntington's theory of objective control, resulting in the military pursuing campaigns of attrition that fit its organizational preferences but did not advance civilian political goals. These issues are evident in three different moments during the War in Afghanistan where the U.S. failed to seize an opportunity that could have changed the result of the conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Alternative Politics / Alternatif Politika is the property of Alternatif Politika and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The social aspect of Indonesian Armed Forces (Tentara Nasional Indonesia/TNI) cannot be separated from the shifting of national defense system paradigm. In terms of civil-military relationship, it can be traced by the rise of civil service contribution such as government and non-government elements in anticipating future threats to the region. The perception of threat from global scope to regional scope as well as national has been interpreted as the threat to national security, which is a democratic government ruled by civilian based on good governance principles is supported by military in tackling the threat to national security and society. This paper will describe some developments of social aspects in the context of the change of the state defense system. This paper will focus on analyzing the efforts of government for achieving accountable governance through assessing socio-political elements of national security. A conclusion will provide an overview in regard to the development of a conceptual model of existing military and civilian integration in the management of the transformation of the national security system to promote democracy in Indonesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of the Cold War, there has been an increase in the armed forces' participation in non-war operations, including humanitarian emergencies, environmental disasters, and the assurance of public order. Such participation has impacted doctrinal definitions and increased interaction between civil and military agencies. Faced with this phenomenon, this article seeks to identify how the armed forces in Brazil have participated in non-traditional operations within the domestic domain. To this end, three operations were selected: Operation Acolhida, Operation Verde Brasil and Operation COVID-19. Through the three cases, we observed that significant interactions among different agencies and civil society contributed to a particular interagency character of the missions, as well as their relevance, in cases qualified as non-traditional. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research venture investigates the experiences of hybrid democracy during the reign of Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM). The study also aims to address the challenges faced by the PDM government's hybrid democratic setup from 2022 to 2023, and its repercussions for the future of democracy in Pakistan. The historical process of democracy in Pakistan has frequently been the focus of discussions about its structure, dual nature, operation, and derailment for a variety of reasons. Understanding their experiences, difficulties, and prospects is a crucial component of this dissertation to comprehend the hybrid nature of the democratic system of the Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM). The nature of this study is descriptive. Data collected from primary and secondary sources are reviewed and analyzed using qualitative approach of research. The in-depth interviews from participants were also conducted that helped to address the core of this issue. The findings of this research show that the historical democratic mechanism in Pakistan has been very complex. The study shows that the hybrid nature of democracy in Pakistan during the PDM government has seen reasonable civil-military relations, and indirect military interventions that resulted in a host of challenges for the likely future of democracy in Pakistan. The findings of research also found various success, failures, and difficulties, and potentials of a hybrid democratic system in Pakistan under the PDM administration. In a nutshell, the findings also show that Pakistan's hybrid democracy under the PDM government was chaotic and authoritarian, leading to an economic crisis and restrictions on the right to dissent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Defense ministers have not received the scholarly attention commensurate with the resources they command in national executives. This paper develops and tests propositions regarding the behavior of different types of defense ministers (military, pure experts, partisan experts, and purely partisan). Blending organizational theory and military psychology, our analysis investigates ministerial turnover in defense portfolios and relations with the legislature and the branches of the armed forces. Propositions are tested using a combination of original and secondary data on Portugal (1976-2015), an ideal case for this study, as well as cross-national evidence. Our findings indicate that military ministers from the army are associated with a higher army budget and larger land force, less accountability vis-à-vis the legislature, and a longer tenure in office. Experts, overall, are associated with a higher-quality army and a lower tenure in office, with mixed results for parliamentary accountability, depending on the type of the expert. These results have significant implications for the study of defense policy, civil-military relations, and cabinet politics, particularly in consolidating democracies featuring a relatively high share of either military officers or experts heading the defense ministry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a democratic state, it is expected that a balance exists between civil and military power. While the military's role has been traditionally defined as safeguarding a country's national sovereignty and security, the modern concept of civil-military relations encapsulates a broader engagement of the military in advancing a country's diplomacy as well. This article, taking the broader understanding into consideration, probes into the Bangladesh military's expanding role. While civil-military relations went through much turbulence during the first few decades in Bangladesh's history, with the restoration of democracy in 1991 the military has been one of the key participants in advancing defense diplomacy. Using several case studies, the article addresses vital questions such as the role of colonial legacies in Bangladesh's military, how the military has gradually embedded itself in Bangladesh's social, political, and economic milieu, and how unique civil-military relations have emboldened Bangladesh's defense diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the military's decision to repress major, regime-threatening mass protests in autocracies or refuse violence from a set-theoretic perspective. So far, knowledge on such diametrical military reactions has been mainly derived from temporally and geographically restricted small-N analyses. This article expands on existing research by studying the combined relevance of five factors in a Qualitative Comparative Analysis. This configurational method identifies which factors or combinations thereof induce an outcome and assumes that the same phenomenon can be reached through different causal pathways. Using a sample of 24 nonviolent anti-regime uprisings in autocracies between 1986 and 2011, the analysis uncovers that no factor is individually sufficient for military repression. Instead, military repression arises from an interplay of factors and different combinations lead to repression: Militaries repress when (1) they are materially spoiled and internally cohesive, or (2) enjoy financial benefits, are recruited along sectarian lines, and there is conscription. They refuse repression if (1) they are incohesive and not recruited along social cleavages, or (2) are not materially spoiled. Finally, the analysis shows that different ensembles of determinants are at work in different socio-political environments. The article's findings could inspire ideas for future research in the broader field of civil–military relations. Acknowledging the complexity of military behavior could deliver precious insights into the determinants of armed forces' conduct in other highly relevant areas, such as coups or armed conflicts. Este artículo estudia la decisión que pueden llevar a cabo las fuerzas armadas entre reprimir las principales protestas masivas que amenacen al régimen en las autocracias o rechazar la violencia desde una perspectiva teórica de conjuntos. Hasta este momento, el conocimiento acerca de estas reacciones militares diametrales se había derivado principalmente de análisis de N pequeña que estaban restringidos temporal y geográficamente. Este artículo amplía la investigación existente mediante el estudio de la relevancia combinada de cinco factores en un análisis comparativo cualitativo. Este método configuracional identifica qué factores o combinaciones de estos pueden inducir a un determinado resultado y asume que se puede alcanzar el mismo fenómeno a través de diferentes vías causales. El análisis concluye, mediante el uso de una muestra de veinticuatro levantamientos no violentos contra el régimen tomada de varias autocracias entre 1986 y 2011, que ninguno de estos factores resulta suficiente, de manera individual, para provocar una represión militar. En cambio, la represión militar surge de una interacción de factores y de diferentes combinaciones que pueden causar la represión: las fuerzas armadas usan la represión cuando (1) están «mimadas» en el sentido material y están cohesionadas internamente, o cuando (2) disfrutan de beneficios financieros, son reclutadas a través de líneas sectarias y existe reclutamiento obligatorio. Las fuerzas armadas rechazan la represión si (1) no están cohesionadas y no han sido reclutadas durante divisiones sociales, o si (2) no están materialmente «mimadas». Por último, el análisis muestra que existen diferentes conjuntos de determinantes que intervienen en diferentes entornos sociopolíticos. Las conclusiones de este artículo podrían inspirar nuevas ideas de cara a futuras investigaciones dentro del campo, más amplio, de las relaciones cívico-militares. El hecho de poder reconocer la complejidad del comportamiento militar podría aportar información valiosa sobre los determinantes de la conducta de las fuerzas armadas en otras áreas altamente relevantes, tales como golpes de Estado o conflictos armados. Cet article analyse les décisions militaires de répression des importantes manifestations de masse qui menacent le régime dans les autocraties ou de refus de la violence du point de vue de la théorie des ensembles. Jusqu'ici, les connaissances relatives à ces réactions militaires diamétralement opposées dérivent principalement d'analyses petit N restreintes sur le plan temporel et géographique. Cet article approfondit la recherche existante en étudiant la pertinence conjointe de cinq facteurs dans une analyse comparative qualitative. Cette méthode configurationnelle identifie les facteurs, ou les combinaisons de ceux-ci, qui génèrent un résultat avant de supposer que le même phénomène peut être obtenu en empruntant différents chemins causaux. À l'aide d'un échantillon de vingt-quatre soulèvements pacifistes contre le régime au sein d'autocraties entre 1986 et 2011, l'analyse conclut qu'aucun facteur, à lui seul, ne suffit à provoquer une répression militaire. Elle découle plutôt de différentes combinaisons de facteurs interconnectés: le corps militaire réprime quand (1) il ne manque de rien sur le plan matériel et jouit d'une bonne cohésion interne; ou (2) il profite d'avantages financiers, le recrutement se fonde sur des critères sectaires et une conscription est en place. À l'inverse, il s'opposera à la répression (1) s'il manque de cohésion et si le recrutement ne se base pas sur des clivages sociaux; ou (2) s'il n'y a pas d'opulence sur le plan matériel. Enfin, l'analyse montre que différents ensembles de déterminants interviennent dans divers environnements sociopolitiques. Les conclusions de l'article peuvent susciter des idées de nouvelles recherches dans le domaine plus large des relations entre civils et militaires. Admettre la complexité du comportement militaire pourrait permettre de mieux comprendre les facteurs déterminants de la conduite des forces armées dans d'autres domaines extrêmement pertinents, comme les coups d'État ou les conflits armés. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The March 12 Memorandum is the second military intervention disrupted democracy in Turkey during the multiparty period. The main reason of second intervention to democratic regime after 11 years is related with the opinion that regime shaped by soldiers did not work as they wishes. However, the intervention on March 12th differs from the coup in 1960 in terms of shape and the size of the intervention. While the soldiers took power directly on May 27, displacement coup took place on March 12th. In other words, the current Government was forced to resign and replaced with a new civilian government which acting under the direction of soldiers. One of the most important factors in determining the way of intervention on March 12th is the differences in political views among the politicized generals. Likewise, soldiers' political perspective and the methods they chose accordingly were decisive on the political regime that took shape after the coup. At this point, the Praetorian typology put forward by Eric A. Nordlinger is very useful for understanding the political behavior of soldiers who have become political actors. Because Nordlinger's conceptualization of moderate praetorianism makes it easier to understand the political perspectives of high-ranking officers and their political behavior during the march 12th process. To explain the March 12 Memorandum and the regime that was in effect between 1971 and 1973 in a theoretical framework and to understand the political process in this context will shed light on the path to September 12, when the soldiers directly seized the power - for the longest time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on Turkey's crisis-ridden years, from 1973 to 1980. As an under-explored era in English language scholarship, it makes a distinct contribution to the literature on pre-1980 coup Turkish politics. In doing so, it illustrates the implications for the democratic order arising from the two central political leaders of the era Süleyman Demirel and Bülent Ecevit's tussle for power across the decade. The study draws on fieldwork interviews and critical reading of Turkish and English sources to reveal new insights into the leaders' actions and decisions that trapped the country in a state of political paralysis, inflamed left-right violence, and politicized state institutions, ultimately dragging Turkey down one of its most turbulent periods. It illustrates how the leaders played crucial roles in shaping conditions that eventually resulted in the termination of multi-party politics with a military coup on 12 September 1980. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we present an analytical narrative of the events that culminated in the Turkish Armed Forces' (the TAF) fall from grace between 1997 and 2018. The narrative is guided by a conceptual framework that features organizational legitimacy and power as key to strategizing by societal constituencies. Based on this framework, we describe how the Turkish government consecutively raised legitimacy and power challenges to the TAF, underscoring adaptation of the Turkish government's strategy to the emergent outcomes. We conclude the paper with a discussion of the usefulness of our framework for an enhanced understanding of civilian control over the military. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sudan has for decades been one of Africa's most fragmented polities. Yet arguably the single most consequential actor in its recent history is among the least well studied: the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF). For most of post-independence statehood, Khartoum has been ruled by generals. This article places SAF in a longitudinal context of the expansion and contraction of state power and the functions of the coercive apparatus in these processes. It situates SAF in institutional logics, driven by historically contingent ideas about the nature of the polity, the role of the army within it and its likely partners and enemies. Doing so historicises the strategic calculus of SAF during the 2018–2019 December Revolution which mobilised millions but ended with a new coup in October 2021. I underscore how institutionalised rivalry between SAF and other security services has moulded patterns of regime change and consolidation: from Ja'afar Nimeiri and Omar Al-Bashir to Abdelfatah Al-Burhan today, anxieties over security competition and state fragility shape SAF's willingness to break with regimes it once dominated and its subsequent subversion of revolutionary change and democratisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although an initial wave of research during the Vietnam War era suggested that the political attitudes of American veterans were not significantly different from those of the public at large, more recent studies argue that this may no longer be true. Thus far, however, the reason for this difference has gone unexplored: are veterans from the volunteer era different because a certain type of person is drawn to military life (selection), or are their attitudes shaped by their experience of service (socialization)? Using new survey data on the political attitudes of Americans, and statistical techniques designed to improve our estimation of the difference between selection and socialization effects, we examine this question, assessing the extent to which the two factors play a role in this attitudinal difference. Our results have implications for political representation, as well as the impact of partisan polarization and recruitment patterns on civil–military relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Innovation spreads not only through new technologies but also through new processes and concepts populating international and security studies. Consequently, the popularity of these concepts, extensively diffused across defence documents worldwide, does not emerge alone. Difficulties in estimating how much of them became tacit knowledge and how successfully these new processes and concepts were adopted come as a plus. That scene depicts the diffusion of "interoperability," quickly aggregated to the defence vocabulary but arguably translated into practice, particularly from an organisational standpoint. Provided that significant challenges lie ahead of regions where the debate still requires a more solid groundwork, this study addressed Brazil's interoperability state of the art. We performed a qualitative analysis based on the very same referential used in the country's latest CONOPS in this regard – Tolk's Measures of Merit in Coalition Operations Model. By doing so, we aimed to establish a dialogue with the current perspective of the country whilst showing that neglecting the organisational aspects of interoperability poses practical consequences, undermining a complete translation of this central capability into practice. We argue that interoperability adoption stands for far more than its reproduction across the defence metier, comprising organisational change underpinned by reforms in civil-military relations.. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2020, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) announced the development of a new operational concept called Decisive Victory that aimed to change the way Israel fights wars and to redefine victory on the battlefield. The root cause of this change was the evolution in nonstate threats from armed groups in Gaza and Lebanon. The concept was to drive major reforms of the IDF in training, interoperability among the services, weapons procurement, and civil‐military relations. However, the efforts encountered significant challenges in terms of politics, financial resources, and the implications for the IDF's force structure. This article examines these developments to shed light on the evolving way of war in the Middle East and the struggle within the IDF to redefine its posture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan continues to face multiple sources of internal and external conflicts. Its all-powerful military is engaged in a subterranean battle to maintain its power. Economically, the country persisted in troubled waters as it has been for most of its recent history. In domestic politics, the failed experiment of a hybrid regime under Ex-Prime Minister Imran Khan forced the military to part ways with Mr Khan and install a coalition government of 13 political parties through a no-confidence vote in parliament in April 2022. Mr Khan's political party is facing a severe crackdown in Pakistan after he accused the powerful military of his ouster from power. At the regional level, a favourable outcome in Afghanistan in the shape of the Taliban's takeover has not yielded any significant positive results for Pakistan. After concluding the Afghan conflict on a favourable note, paradoxically, the military establishment hints at a desire to shift away from geo-security to geo-economics in its foreign policy goals. At the extra-regional level, the military is walking a tightrope to balance its ties between the USA and China to offset any adverse consequences arising from its strategic partnerships with China over China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). In this article, we explain a series of issues confronting Pakistan currently—including a deep economic crisis, political paralysis, and a resurgent terror threat—focusing on the military's ambitions in the region and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thailand has yet to undertake security sector reforms that place security forces under effective elected civilian leadership. Instead, it has prioritized improving security force efficiency through digital technology, thus minimizing civilian oversight. This study examines Thai security sector actors and the evolution of civil-military relations and general security sector reform in Thailand. It then analyzes two areas where security sector changes are being contemplated. The paper argues that the military’s long-entrenched political power will likely prevent any security sector reform facilitating civilian control from being implemented unless civilians acquiesce to military control over security sector reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Varia História is the property of Varia Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Latin American Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Universitas, Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanas is the property of Universidad Politecnica Salesiana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Amme Idaresi Dergisi is the property of Public Administration Institute for Turkey & the Middle East (TODAIE) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Ownership and control of defense industrial firms affords the military power, auton- omy, and a claim to economic rents. Why do some countries succeed at shifting some or all such firms from military to civilian ownership and control, while others do not? I argue that differing configurations of relative civilian and military coali- tional and institutional strength contribute to outcomes. Civilian and military must find party and executive-branch allies who can compete for them to craft or defeat legislation affecting their interests, but coalition building alone is insufficient. Actors must also cultivate executive bureaucratic institutions able to design and implement policies promoting their interests. How coalitions and institutions form, ossify, or fail to develop is assessed through a comparative study of Chile, Argentina (1983– 1989), and Argentina (1989–1997).

The Livonian War was typical of early modern conflicts; the most widespread forms of violence were associated with raiding, pillaging, and plundering. Drawing upon wartime correspondences, chronicles, and archival records, this article explores the characteristics and consequences of those activities as practiced by both foreign invaders and hired mercenaries. Raiding and pillaging often have been treated as merely symptomatic of early modern warfare. This article demonstrates how their pervasiveness dictated tactical and strategic considerations, influenced military policy, and shaped civil-military relations. It also argues that prolonged exposure to wartime brutality could play a significant part in breaking down longstanding social mores, transforming societies, and normalizing violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]