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Based on the primary documentary sources of the Croatian State Archives (CSA), the Fonds of the Foreign Ministry of the Independent State of Croatia (ISC) and the Croatian Information Bureau "Croatia", as well as information found in daily and periodical newspapers printed from late 1944 to May 1945, the author analyzes the content of the ISC press regarding foreign and domestic politics and war issues. Comparing political orders and dictations to newspaper editors with a large number of articles and the actual situation at the European battlefronts of that time, the author concludes that Ustasha propaganda, supported by the Third Reich, significantly influenced the formation of public opinion in the ISC at the end of World War II. From the sources available, it is now obvious that the majority of the ISC population was fully aware that the Third Reich, as well as its satellite states, had lost the war but the atmosphere which was deliberately created by the Ustasha authorities in the ISC caused a mass exodus in early May 1945 nevertheless. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Researching territorial development in the independent Croatia is an interesting subject for research from many aspects. Unique developments - state formation, war, spatial restructuring of population - have been taking place up until the turn of the millennium, which have also been accompanied by several significant regional impacts. The historical differences have been escalated by the time of transition, the process of Euro-Atlantic integration, and eventually, by the world economic crisis. This study takes into account the most important spatial forming factors and developments on a county level, focusing on the time frame, at the end of which Croatia became a full member of the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Collegium Antropologicum is the property of Croatian Anthropological Society and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Croatian & Comparative Public Administration is the property of Institut za Javnu Upravu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Croatian & Comparative Public Administration is the property of Institut za Javnu Upravu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Croatian & Comparative Public Administration is the property of Institut za Javnu Upravu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the first half of the 20th century, the connection between ethnology and politics in Croatia was exceptionally strong. Ethnology has become a tool to build national cohesion, and the main discourse is sought in the authentic aspects of Croatian culture, which could distinguish it in particular from Serbian or, in general, from Yugoslav culture. The central category of discourse, both ethnologic as well as the political, is the concept of source. A key theorist and activist who developed the concept of authentic Croatian cultural sources, and entered it in the political agenda, was Antun Radić. Together with his brother Stjepan, he founded the peasant party, which after 1918 became the Croats' main political force. The Radić brothers pointed out that only folklore preserves cultural purity, and thus peasants should be the source of the resurgence in Croatian identity. During the short lifetime of the Croatian Banovina (1939-1941), this policy and its accompanying ideas became the official ideology, marked by the extraordinary influence of ethnology. This paper points out the dangerous aspects of the idea of source, related to the concept of closed, exclusive culture exposed to arbitrary purification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this paper is to analyse the procedure of the loss of citizenship in Croatia and Slavonia in the period from the Bach regime to the fall of the Monarchy. For analysis the author has used relevant regulations, foreign and domestic documents and archival materials available at the Public Records Office. The analysis of legislation frame and administrative practice has lead to the conclusion that the Austrian system of citizenship loss had been introduced during the Bach regime. The mentioned system of citizenship loss was based on an attitude of undesirable emigration thus every emigration resulted in the loss of citizenship. System changes regarding loss of citizenship emerged in 1880 when the Law on acquisition and loss of Hungarian citizenship came to force. The law also introduced the integral system of citizenship loss. The significance of the law was that a new rule of citizenship loss due to the ten-year absence from the state was introduced, which deems more liberal attitude of the legislator towards emigration [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides analysis on the important changes brought about by the Croatian Nationality Act. It determines whether the changes solve open issues on the Croatian nationality law. One changes tackled is concerning naturalisation, wherein the nation's nationalisation requirements for the country have been criticized.

The authors introduce the thematic issue which focuses on Croatian ethnology from the 20th to the 21th centuries and discuss topics including the country's political history, its religion, and its population.

This article explores the transition experience of Croatia from 1990 to the present, with emphasis on social attitudes towards the free-market system and how the legacy of communism has influenced people's expectations of and views towards the economy. The anthropological position of man as homo economicus is of central importance, if one is to properly understand the forces at work in a transition society like Croatia. This position also has far-ranging implications for ethics and morality, as well as for the general culture. Assisted by the insights of Catholic social teaching, in particular Pope Benedict XVI's Caritas in Veritate, the article concludes with possible lessons from the failure of communism and the challenges of transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Croatian Journal of Ethnology & Folklore Research / Narodna Umjetnost is the property of Institute of Ethnology & Folklore Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historical Journal / Historijski Zbornik is the property of Drustvo za Hrvatsku Povjesnicu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The text provides an overview and evaluation of the strategy and tactics of Croatian politics in the late 1960s and early 1970s. The analysis focuses on the historical Tenth Session of CK SKH (Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia) held in 1970, which defined Croatian politics with regard to economic and social reform, as well as to centralist unitarism and Croatian nationalism. The Tenth Session was conceived and held on the initiative of Vladimir Bakarić, a great figure and a veteran of Croatian politics, who was the uncontested master of Croatia from the end of the war to 1969. With the fall of Ranković (1966), the symbol of "neo-Stalinist centralism, bureaucratism and Great-Serbian hegemonism", one of the principal obstacles to modernization and democratization of Yugoslav communism was removed. The finest advocates of economic and political liberalization of the regime, of decentralization and of a stronger position of the republics were Bakarić and his disciples, an intelligent and well-educated generation of communists (Tripalo, Dabčević-Kučar, Pirker). They are the ones who would eventually become symbols of the struggle against the Party's dogmatic conservatism and Stalinist voluntarism. The author puts forward a series of elements which make it possible to understand how the political career of this generation of dynamic and popular politicians, recognized and successful representatives of socialist democracy and national equality, came to a tragic end marked by accusations of flirting with chauvinism, of using "neo-Stalinist" methods against opponents and colleagues, and of attempting to establish a quasi-fascist state, in which the dictatorial rule of the clique of (former?) communists and nationalists, in alliance with the new middle class of managers and "technocrats", would be masked by socialist rhetoric and pseudo-mobilization of the masses deluded by nationalism into believing that members of some other nation are to blame for all problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the analysis of the dominant discourse on the Croatian "Homeland War' (1991-1995) as developed within the contemporary doctrine of Croatian nationalism. The character of Croatian nationalism is predominantly conservative, and thus the official interpretation of previous wars is founded on conservative ideology. The essence of this interpretation is in celebrating, rather than commemorating the war that was rather successful for Croatian nationalism. Croatian nationalism has achieved three major objectives in this war: It succeeded in taking Croatia out of Yugoslavia, it secured territorial integrity for the newly independent Republic of Croatia, and it made Croatia more ethnically homogeneous than ever before. Croatian nationalism had a good war. The author argues that this is the reason why conservative nationalists do sot allow the "Homeland War" to be forgotten. In addition, they also keep official memories of the Second World War alive, and use these "memories" primarily to argue that Croatian history prior to the 1990s was tragic. The leading nationalist politicians reject any challenge of the official discourse as an attempt of historical revisionism. This narrative instill able to mobilise voters, albeit not to the extent an was the ease in the 1990s. However, the anti-nationalists are trying to ignore it. They hope that the fate of the nationalist discourse will be the same as the fate of Marxist ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this text, consequences of the Croatian referendum for the EU held on January 22, 2012 are analyzed from various standpoints and from the angle of the controversy which it caused in the public, but also in the expert and scientific discourse in Croatia. The author first discusses the holding of the referendum in the context of its date-setting, which brought about a dispute between the government and the opposition and a part of the Eurosceptic public. Second, controversy arose regarding participation in the referendum, which is approached here in the context of irregularity accusations. Third, there is the issue of the referendum's legality and legitimacy, and the author draws a comparison with referenda held in other accession countries -- not only in the fifth round of enlargement with post-communist and Mediterranean countries, but also in other countries where the referendum did not have a positive outcome. Relying on the available facts and variable analysis related to the referendum, the author then asserts that the Croatian referendum for the EU was undoubtedly successful, that its results, both with regard to the participation and the outcome, were even better than in many post-communist countries of the fifth enlargement. Finally, the reasons for the tardiness of Croatia's EU accession in contrast to the other Middle-European and Eastern-European countries and Slovenia are analyzed. It is viewed as a consequence of wrong political estimations and decisions. The author also focuses on the informational and educational deficit regarding the EU in Croatia, and finds that the Croatian citizens are poorly informed on the EU because of specific decisions of the government. Still, the result of the referendum met with positive reactions of EU political bodies and the member states, which opens up the process of ratification in other EU countries that should lead to full membership of Croatia in the EU on July 1, 2013. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

State weakness is one of the main obstacles for democratic stability. Yet under certain circumstances even a mere electoral democracy may gain stable support from the citizenry. Mere electoral democracy is best understood as a regime of elite governance endowed by a certain support from the citizens but without any ambition of the ruling elite to increase the quality of democratic rule. This article explores the historical reasons of this specific type of political regime in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, and Serbia. Departing from the empirical examples from the Western Balkans, the article comes to some rather general conclusions about the concept and sequence of democratization: Conducting elections too early may produce serious challenges to sustainable democratization. The general population’s primary interest mostly lies in the stabilization of state apparatus and its ability to produce common goods rather than in the fast establishment of electoral democracy and formal democratic institutions. For a better understanding of the real level of specific course and paths of democratic “consolidation,” the democracy rankings like Nations in Transit and Bertelsmann should focus on in-depth analyses of the main actors’ political and economic practices. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Journal of the Institute of Croatian History / Radovi Zavoda za Hrvatsku Povijest is the property of Zavod za Hrvatsku Povijest, Filozofski Fakultet and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Contributions / Prilozi is the property of Institute for History, University of Sarajevo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this paper is to present the protection of minority rights in Croatia from independence until 2010, the most important challenges in the process and the problems facing the implementation of legal solutions. From the time of independence until recently the Republic of Croatia has passed through a turbulent period of ethnic and political strains. All cases of European integration were conditioned by the implementation of measures of minority protection, especially with concerns to the Serbian national minority. Croatia fulfilled the challenges in the 1990s primarily due to political pressure. A different approach followed democratic changes in 2000. The most radical breakthrough was the Constitutional Law on the Rights of Minorities in 2002, which regulated the protection of minorities in a proper way. Its implementation was not completely satisfactory, especially at local and regional levels. But after pressures from the central government after 2008, there have been no major flaws in implementing minority rights in the Republic of Croatia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Croatian & Comparative Public Administration is the property of Institut za Javnu Upravu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Croatian & Comparative Public Administration is the property of Institut za Javnu Upravu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Croatian & Comparative Public Administration is the property of Institut za Javnu Upravu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Collected Papers of Zagreb Law Faculty / Zbornik Pravnog Fakulteta u Zagrebu is the property of Sveuciliste u Zagrebu, Pravni Fakultet and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historical Journal / Historijski Zbornik is the property of Drustvo za Hrvatsku Povjesnicu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)