Search

Focusing on the Russia–Ukraine war, this paper investigates natural gas futures volatilities. Applying several hybrid GARCH and EGARCH models, which innovatively incorporate both fat-tailed distribution errors and structural breaks, we derive the following new evidence. First, our hybrid modeling approach is effective in timely capturing the natural gas futures volatility spike when tensions simmered on the Russia–Ukraine border. Second, the hybrid modeling approach is effective for not only GARCH modeling but also EGARCH modeling. Third, the volatility estimates from our hybrid models have predictive power for the volatilities of nonhybrid models. Fourth, the volatility estimates from the nonhybrid models lag behind the volatilities of our hybrid models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores China's growing presence and influence in India's neighboring island nations, particularly in the Indian Ocean. China has made significant investments in ports and infrastructure in countries like Hambantota, Gwadar, Kyaukphyu, and Djibouti, raising concerns for India. China has also been actively engaging with the domestic politics of India's immediate island neighbors, presenting itself as a counterweight to India. The article discusses the implications of China's actions for India's foreign policy options and highlights concerns raised by India and the United States regarding Chinese research vessels operating in the region. It suggests that India needs to develop counter-strategies and engage more actively with these island nations to prevent further drift towards China, while also emphasizing the importance of partnerships with other major powers like the United States. [Extracted from the article]

This article provides an overview of the regional geopolitics at the India-China border, focusing on the challenges and disputes surrounding territorial sovereignty and border demarcation. It discusses the ongoing military standoffs and conflicts at the border, as well as China's presence in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir and the construction of the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). The article also explores the impact of these dynamics on India's geopolitical ambitions in Central Asia and its relationship with Nepal. It highlights the complex relationship between India, China, Nepal, and Bhutan, and the challenges India faces in countering China's influence in the region. [Extracted from the article]

The editorial discusses China's economic and political influence in the Indian Ocean region, particularly through its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The article highlights China's focus on strategic locations such as Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and Africa, and its efforts to acquire influence, political hegemony, and control over resources. It also examines China's operations in South Asia, Central Asia, and neighboring island states, as well as its relationship with Russia. The editorial concludes by discussing China's influence in Sri Lanka, Central Asia, and Africa, and recommends that India pursue capacity building to counter China's influence offensive in the Indian Ocean. [Extracted from the article]

Shadow trading is a common activity along state borders. Its omnipresence is puzzling because border checkpoints are highly regulated spaces that are heavily gated and securitized. Most studies attribute such a paradox to ineffective border control and corruption. However, this line of argument overlooks the peculiar nature of border and checkpoint governance. We explore this phenomenon with a case study of the Sino‐Kazakh border where shadow traders negotiate their passage every day. We find that border crossing is a highly organized activity dictated by informal yet specific and meticulous rules that are enforced by various state and non‐state actors. Together, they constitute a kind of gray governance that is thoroughly entwined with the formal regime. It is a kind of technology of rule that enables the state to selectively enforce formal and informal rules so as to accommodate the conflicting goals of border control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of HiSTOReLo: Revista de Historia Regional y Local is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Centro Editorial Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Indonesia's border areas with other countries are prone to various threats, both traditional threats such as territorial disputes or military attacks and non-traditional threats focusing on individual security, known as human security. The high number of human trafficking cases through border areas indicates the need to enhance the functions of personnel assigned to these areas. In this context, Immigration has a significant responsibility to prevent transnational crimes such as the non-procedural dispatch of Indonesian migrant workers and other forms of human trafficking. This research aims to analyze the role of immigration functions in enhancing human security in border areas. This descriptive research is based on literature studies related to border issues and potential crimes, as well as the role of immigration in addressing these problems. Through the four immigration functions--immigration services, law enforcement, state security, and facilitator of community welfare development--it is hoped to improve human security for communities in border areas. The findings indicate that strengthening these functions can significantly reduce human trafficking cases and enhance the welfare and security of border communities. This research provides important contributions to the development of public policies related to border management and the prevention of transnational crimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This book examines the dynamics of national and regional security in the age of Zeitenwende amid polarization and conflict management. Through a comparative analysis, the authors reveal the intricate problems of border dynamics and practice in cases of border disputes and conflicts in the member states of the OSCE. The authors offer their approaches on how to peacefully settle the disputed borders, which can be supported by the EU, the NATO and the OSCE. It can be of significant help in preventing security crises and conflicts. In this regard, a number of solutions that can affect the Russian-Ukraine war and the settlement of RussiaUkraine relations are highlighted. From the author’s approach, it becomes clear that various European countries and international organizations should play an active role in the settlement of the Ukrainian crisis and the strengthening of European security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Socialist Republic of Vietnam are aligned in ideology and historically have had close ties, their relationship has been fraught with tension. [...]

The article discusses the growing importance of memory politics in the field of International Relations. It explores how memory is interpreted, represented, and mobilized for political purposes, as well as how communities overcome traumatic memories. The article introduces the concept of memory fragmentation, which refers to the diverse and fluid nature of collective memory dynamics, particularly in democratic regimes. The book discussed in the article offers an analytical model that differentiates between vertical fragmentation, which occurs within a political community, and horizontal fragmentation, which occurs beyond or below the central state. The book includes chapters on civil society actors, historians, military organizations, and transnational actors, and also highlights the role of gender in memory work. While the focus of the book is on European case studies, it suggests the potential for generalization outside of Europe, particularly in post-conflict societies in the global South. The article concludes by briefly discussing the impact of the Russo-Ukrainian war on memory politics and the concept of multidirectional memory. Overall, the book is seen as a valuable contribution to the field of memory studies. [Extracted from the article]

This research aims to analyze the implementation of the state border area development policy in Aruk, Sambas Regency, West Kalimantan Province and formulate a state border area development model in Aruk, Sambas Regency, West Kalimantan Province. The research method used a descriptive qualitative approach. The determination of research informants was carried out through the snowball technique. The results showed that the management of strategic issues in the state border area until now lacks the active role of Ministries/Institutions and Local Governments. The implementation of development by K/L is still concerned with sectoral ego, this can be evidenced by the large disparity between the Implementation of the BWN-KP Management Master Plan 2020-2024 with programs/activities and budgets of Ministries/Institutions that have been committed to the implementation of development in state border areas in priority location sub-districts, PKSN, PLBN and PPK. Referring to the above, the activities of the Aruk PLBN Border Area Development of Sambas Regency are still categorized as not optimal. Supporting and inhibiting factors for the development of the Aruk PLBN area include the Aruk PLBN Management Resource Factor, the Human Resources Competency Factor, the Information and Technology Support Factor and the Aruk PLBN Management Positive Attitude Factor. Meanwhile, the inhibiting factors of development at PLBN Aruk Sambas Regency include Communication Factors, Infrastructure Factors and Bureaucratic Factors. The development model border area development PLBN Aruk Sambas Regency is the institutional development of the Border Management Agency consisting of institutional authority, institutional structure, institutional personnel, and institutional administrative resource management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Commons' problems and solutions have the elements of local, proximate, and large‐scale distal processes. Solutions, therefore, require accessing, implementing, and coordinating information and actions at multiple scales. Restoring commons, such as fisheries, will require a better understanding of how stakeholders access and use information at various scales to resolve governance and restrictions problems. In 179 household interviews, perceptions of fisheries conflicts and their causes were identified, and 16 management committee key informants described their methods for mediating hypothetical small‐scale fisheries problems in Kenya. The 6 studied sites varied in human development and demographic contexts but had notable similarities that reflected a respondent's focus on localized, direct, and proximate fishing conflicts. The most cited problems included limited space, disagreement about gears, poor resource conditions, and locally inadequate benefits. The most cited sources of information were local households and the community, and there was considerably less acknowledgment of distal problems and solutions. Key informants selected a limited number of local community‐focused solutions. For example, informants chose to mediate conflicts between neighbors with local community meetings rather than through formal national institutions. Therefore, distal solutions were likely to be perceived as ineffectual, possibly due to the challenges of polycentric governance coordination. However, widespread overfishing arises from overarching distal processes not fully amenable to local solutions. Therefore, a focus on local action is expected to limit the ability to address distal problems. These include conflicting values, demographic changes, supportive governance frameworks, emerging technologies, resolving conflicting local rules, fair between‐group enforcement, responding to temporary shortages of fish, and intercommunity border and rule disputes. Improved coordination and integration of information and institutions to simultaneously address both proximate and distal common's problems are recommended. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While using polynomial functions to define window functions is an initial approach in studying the memristor element, it is susceptible to generating imaginary results. However, using window functions, including the trigonometric function, is a current field of research on the memristor element. This paper uses the trigonometric Blackman window function to present a new memristor element model and investigates its nonlinear ion drift model properties. The motivation of this study is the usage of the trigonometric Blackman window function, which presents a more detailed definition and leads to more accurate results in windowing operations. The Blackman window function can address the issues of border locking and terminal state. Numerical simulations have verified this proposed structure. Additionally, the analog realizations of the memristor element constructed with the Blackman window function have been achieved on a Field Programmable Analog Array, which offers fast prototyping, serving as an alternative approach for emulating memristors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The endurance of the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands dispute since the 1970s is indicative of the grip that the Westphalian narrative has on the political imagination of academics and practitioners alike. Both materialist and constructivist scholarship has so far struggled to explain the dispute given its limited strategic and unclear symbolic value. Yet recent work in ontological security studies (OSS) has pointed to the intrinsic connection between physical and ontological security, and highlighted how the Westphalian notion of sovereignty constructs territory as part of the state's body, and therefore as part of its embodied self. While this explains why such tiny islets can become existentially important for states, it offers bleak prospects for solving sovereignty-related conflicts. It seems unlikely that the dispute can be mitigated within the confines of the Westphalian system. Yet the insight that the body is constructed and part of the ontological security-seeking self is still useful. Building on this insight, we draw on East Asian medicine (EAM) to propose an alternative way of constructing the body. EAM's monist and relational cosmology helps to conceive a post-Westphalian social body shared by the claimants, making various proposed solutions ontologically possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conventional approaches to the 'North Korea Problem' underpin the interests of great powers and the Westphalian canon that buttresses the status quo of a divided Korea, normalising and perpetuating the abnormality of the Korean body. This article draws on a postcolonial approach to international relations and uses East Asian medicine (EAM)'s principles and epistemological underpinnings as an analytical framework to examine the effects of the inter-Korean border on Korea's body politic and to assess the 2018 inter-Korean border crossings. I demonstrate how the inter-Korean border serves as a site that manifests a new possibility and how invisible ordinary people play an indispensable role in mending the abnormalised Korean body, defying the idea of Korea's intractable conflict. Ultimately, this study rethinks state and non-state interactions, as well as their reciprocal and conflicting relations, in producing, perpetuating and mitigating artificial myths about inter-Korean border conflicts as a conceptual dialogue between state-centred and EAM-inspired approaches towards reconciliation processes. By drawing on the implications of escaping the Westphalian canonical nexus of power-knowledge-discourse, I suggest an alternative way of healing from inside out by de-abnormalising the inter-Korean border and (re)historicising the agency of unseen people in re-imagining the Korean body politic and world politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between Afghanistan and Pakistan has long been caught in a complex security predicament rooted in Afghanistan's refusal to recognize the Durand Line as the official international boundary between the two countries, and its territorial claims extending into Pakistani territory across the Durand Line. This security dilemma has euolued, taking on uarious facets due to several factors, including developments in their bilateral relations and regional dynamics. Political and securityrelated developments are intrinsically intertwined with the two nations' interference in each other's internal matters. Afghanistan's pursuit of the 'Pashtunistan' cause, its establishment of ties with India, and support for the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) haue exacerbated this security conundrum. Pakistan, in response, undertook measures to counter Muhammad Daoud Khan 's attempts to meddle in its internal affairs, participated in the Afghan jihad against the Souiet Union and the subsequent civil war, and later aligned itself with the United States during the American invasion of Afghanistan, all of which haue engendered discontent among the Afghan populace. This paper aims to elucidate the intricate interplay of these developments and factors in perpetuating the enduring security dilemma in Afghanistan-Pakistan relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is a book review of "Transformation: Emergence of Bangladesh and Evolution of India-Bangladesh Ties" by Pinak Ranjan Chakravarty. The book explores the multifaceted and evolving relationship between India and Bangladesh, covering historical, political, economic, and security aspects. It provides insights into the factors that have shaped the relationship and offers recommendations for further strengthening bilateral cooperation. The author combines diligent research with diplomatic experience to provide a balanced perspective. While the book is comprehensive and accessible, the review suggests that including more diverse voices from Bangladeshi society would have provided a more nuanced understanding of the challenges facing the relationship. [Extracted from the article]

Russian disinformation carried out as part of the ongoing war in Ukraine is becoming a challenge for neighbouring countries that border the conflict region. The aim of the analysis was to identify common features between Russian disinformation in Moldova and Poland, which, as two of the countries that border Ukraine, were on a list of Russia’s main targets for disinformation in 2022. The geopolitical and historical importance of both countries increases their social polarisation. The study was therefore guided by the following research question: What common features can be distinguished between Russian disinformation in Moldova and Poland? The research took the form of an open comparison. According to the approach used, the empirical cases used for comparison were not explicitly limited a priori. In order to carry out the research, however, preliminary assumptions were adopted that ensured temporal, conceptual, and interpretative comparability of the data. Research results proved that Russian disinformation in both countries is based on the following common features: creating internal divisions, propagation of distrust towards the West, stimulating social emotions, use of social media, and popularising pro-Russian narratives. Analysing these areas may be helpful in increasing the ability of states to detect and disclose disinformation. Scientific publications describing Russian disinformation focus on the national perspective, which does not always correspond to the transnational nature of disinformation campaigns. Meanwhile, this article synthesises knowledge about disinformation mechanisms occurring in two countries bordering the conflict region and draws attention to the need for research in this area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the discussion on philosophical debates reflecting sites of political controversy. Topics include philosophical and political dispute about competing notions of critique, too, gravitates towards the problem of human history; and transcends the present reification of humanity experienced as a catastrophic crisis (of social relations) and that opens up novel practices of socializing.

In August 2019, the Indian government dissolved the state of Jammu and Kashmir, designating its Northern region as the Union Territory of Ladakh. Two months later, it released a new Political Map of India on which Ladakh was drawn as one of India's largest territories. Like most representations of territory on political maps, the claims made were simplified. India's rendering did not acknowledge that Pakistan and China administered much of Ladakh's territory; nor did it represent the region's intricate, multi-ethnic population, topography, or ecosystems. This article approaches the construction of this political map historically. Rather than using regional history to bolster any state's claims, we argue that the confusion over the map reflects a disconnect between the abstractions of state territory and the realities of high-altitude socio-ecologies. We compare the socio-ecologically and climatically embedded bordering practices of pre-territorial Tibetan–Ladakhi states outlined in local language sources with the abstract understanding of territorialised borders that the new map represents. The Tibetan–Ladakhi approach, which concentrated on pathways and mountain-pass checkpoints, allowed for social and ecological flows around and through these checkpoints. By contrast, the current bordering regimes have bifurcated communities, demanded fixedness, and required three large armies to defend arbitrary borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Working on the border The confrontation with the terminal illness and death of a group member is a drastic experience for a therapy group. On the one hand, it mobilised forms of social support beyond the group framework in this therapy example, which raises questions about the work on what Foulkes once called the "border zone" of group therapy. On the other hand, this experience challenged us to deal with basic existential issues on the border between life and death, such as fear of loneliness, death and dying. And it catalyses development-limiting conflicts such as survivor's guilt, fear of changes in the group, etc., which thus become accessible for processing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There have been discussions on the validity of theorising border studies since the beginning of this century. The nature of borderlands encompassing borders may be understood from a generalised perspective, but this special section argues the importance of contextualising borders from an appropriate theoretical framework built on preceding works. From such a viewpoint, this special section investigates various aspects of East Asia's borders and borderlands and contextualises them in the region's dynamic geopolitical and geoeconomic contexts. The selected four articles focus mainly on border issues in China, North Korea, Okinawa, Taiwan and Hong Kong, showing that East Asia, particularly the East China Sea region, consists of non-conventional borders and that deviations from the Westphalian sovereign territory characterise East Asian borderlands. These articles persuasively illustrate how the 'contextual theorisation' of borders in East Asia becomes possible by identifying the common aspects shared by their cases. I conclude that bringing in a regional or trans-border/local framework for border studies can deepen our understanding of borders and borderlands and guide us in a better direction of research and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nationalism remains a major influence on international relations in an increasingly globalised world. Many of the wars that erupted after the Cold War have their origins in ethnic tensions, border conflicts, or national aspirations. Given this, the geo-politicisation of nationalism deserves more attention in the literature. The current study aims to further the area by considering the role of territorial disputes in spawning various forms of nationalism and geopolitics. It develops an analytical framework based on the existing border dispute between Nepal and India in the 'Kalapani' region. Post-2019, the Kalapani dispute not only has represented bilateral border disputes between two entities but also reflects the overall geopolitics of the region. Similarly, it also represents the rise of 'nationalism' as a political anchor point in domestic politics in both India and Nepal. The paper based its assessment on the primary and secondary data analysis. Drawing on the data, this paper argues that border disputes between India and Nepal have two facets that signal the rising nationalism in both sides and the changing geopolitics of South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The completion of the Hong Kong-Zhuhai-Macau Bridge marks not only a record-setting achievement in engineering, but also a materialisation of ongoing efforts by the People's Republic of China to engage in cooperative projects aimed at expanding and deepening integrative connections with the semi-autonomous Special Administrative Regions of Macau and Hong Kong. This paper explores the colonial and post-colonial social construction of Hong Kong as a political-economic island, and the implications this carries into the tensions and open conflicts that have unfolded under the One Country, Two Systems agreement. Using the bridge as a case, it critically examines the geopolitical and biopolitical dimensions of infrastructure as a practice of subnational (de)bordering. The case renders visible a contemporary moment where infrastructure occupies a central position at the conjuncture of technology, advanced governmentality and shifting geographies of sovereignty in the People's Republic of China, within subnational city-regional development plans, as well as internationally in projects, such as the geographically expansive Belt and Road Initiative. A close examination of the Bridge project highlights the constructed and contested nature of borders, as well as the complex identities and ideologies that define them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contrary to the conventional understanding of North Korean borders as classic barriers that block infiltration of outside influences, this paper argues that the Sino-North Korean border region has undergone considerable transformations, especially at the local level. By analysing local-level trans-border activities, it shows that North Korea seeks to develop the Sino-North Korean border region as a space of opportunity. Even the heightened political conflicts between China and North Korea and the tightened international sanctions against North Korea failed to dampen local actors' economic imperatives, particularly after the 2012 and 2013 decentralisations in North Korea. Local actors were active in driving trans-border economic practices and, in turn, transformed the Sino-North Korean border region into potential cross-border cooperation zones. Although there has been conflict and competition in border region development between North Korea and China, we argue that local governments and entrepreneurs' efforts to maximise economic independence in the border regions are persisting, and their geo-economic imperatives are important factors in reshaping the Sino-North Korean border region by initiating and advancing trans-border interactions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The assertion of (territorial) nationalism by Nepal has serious implications for its bilateral relationship with India. Once dominant, the singular narrative of the upper-caste Hindu Parbatiya nationalism is increasingly encountering competing narratives emerging from the marginalised Janajatis and the Madhesis of Nepal. Accordingly, several nationality sentiments that were sidelined earlier have now become salient. While the India factor in these competing perspectives of nationalist discourses in Nepal appears to be subtle (but important), the growing territorial dimensions to it invariably locates India in a prominent position. This article investigates the implications of the changing dynamics of Nepal's nationalism on its bilateral relationship with India. Looking at the internal dynamics of nationalism discourses in Nepal, the article offers a critical analysis of the territorial disputes between India and Nepal, and its implications on nationalism in Nepal and on the bilateral relationships between India and Nepal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Disputes between China and India are a complex historical issue. The 70th anniversary of China-Indian relations in 2020 became one of the most crucial years in the history of bilateral relations. Following the formation of a dispute between the two countries over shared borders and the creation of military posts, Chinese and Indian forces were heavily involved in battles in the Galvan Valley near Ladakh on June 15, which killed Indian and Chinese forces. The question that arises here concerns the causes of the Sino-Indian border disputes as well as their continuation. The hypothesis of the present descriptive-analytical study is that the colonial heritage and the unwillingness of the great powers to accurately determine the common boundaries in the past have led to the formation and persistence of critical conditions between the two countries. The findings of the study show that although the colonial contexts have led to border disputes between China and India, none of the parties took advantage of the opportunities to solve the problem at various historical stages and did not succeed in bilateral negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The national security of a country is closely tied to the welfare of its border residents. The unsettled boundary dispute between India and China in Eastern Ladakh has far-reaching consequences for the well-being of the border residents in Ladakh. This analysis seeks to comprehend how this geopolitical disagreement has impacted the socio-cultural and economic activities. The research methodology incorporated includes data from books, journals, internet sources, and field interviews related to the subject. The findings of this study indicate that the socio-economic conditions of the border residents have been adversely affected by the ongoing boundary conflict between the two nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's diplomacy has shifted towards building strategic partnerships with major powers like Japan and the United States, moving away from nonalignment. While strengthening relationships with Western countries, India has also maintained important ties with regional powers like Russia and Iran, emphasizing solidarity with the Global South. Hindu nationalism influences India's assertive foreign policy stance, raising concerns about secularism and democratic values. The article focuses on Japan's diplomatic relationship with India, highlighting Japan's focus on joint international cooperation rather than intervening in India's domestic politics. However, the economic relationship between Japan and India is not as strong as the political relationship, and the article suggests that Japan should make inroads into the Indian market while encouraging India to maintain an ideal type of liberal democracy. [Extracted from the article]

The article deals with the conflict between Venezuela and Guyana in the Essequibo border region. This long-standing dispute could escalate due to the new Latin America strategy of the USA, which includes a military deterrence strategy against the growing influence of China and Russia. Brazil has strengthened its armed forces at the borders with Venezuela and Guyana. The conflict revolves around the Essequibo territory, which is rich in oil and natural resources and affects various international treaties on border settlement between Venezuela and Guyana. There have been attempts at a settlement, but the conflict has further intensified with threats and military actions from both sides. There is hope for a peaceful solution through dialogue and negotiations. The conflict has a geostrategic dimension between the USA and Latin America and has global significance in the context of the new West-South/East conflict. [Extracted from the article]

A zone of disputed colonial cartographies, the Cuvelai floodplain in southern Angola and northern Namibia (formerly German South West Africa) was belatedly occupied during World War 1 by a Portuguese army and South African officials. A Neutral Zone was established along the disputed border and the Kwanyama king Mandume forced to reside south of the contested and straight abstract lines that constituted the unstable border. Ongoing disorder led Mandume to exercise authority in Angolan territory. Anxiety about the revival of African power led to a South African military expedition to remove the king in 1917. A significant number of photographs were produced of Mandume's dead body on the battlefield. Close examination suggests an unsettling series of documented actions, where the apparent motive was an incontrovertible identification shot of the dead king. However the prone body defeated the perspectival construction of the camera box. The buckling of linear perspective by the lifeless body required soldiers to manhandle Mandume. One such photograph prompted a radical remediation by the Namibian artist John Muafangejo. The limits of the camera, its structural ambivalence, produced a polarised reinterpretation that forcibly confronts the colonial metanarrative with the spectre of its own border violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay contributes to literature on the intersections of white settler colonialisms, racial capitalism, and U.S.-Mexico borderlands history by tracing the web of spatial, temporal, and legal power relations that produced El Paso, Texas' seemingly legitimate possession of stolen Mexican territory known as "El Chamizal" in the El Paso-Cd. Juárez borderlands. This land theft became the Chamizal Dispute: an international land and boundary conflict between the U.S. and Mexico caused by the meandering Río Grande that defines the "fixed" international border between El Paso, Texas and Cd. Juárez, Chihuahua. In the 1860s, multiple shifts in the Rio Grande "relocated" El Chamizal north of this river/boundary. Soon thereafter, and despite Mexico's sustained claim to and jurisdiction over this land, recently arrived Anglo American settlers incorporated El Chamizal into the nascent City of El Paso. In 1964, the U.S. and Mexico finally agreed to resolve this conflict by virtue of the landmark Chamizal Treaty, which ceded 630-acres of El Paso to Cd. Juárez as El Chamizal. Contrary to what dominant state accounts and the mainstream historical literature on this settlement would have us believe, however, this ceded land includes only a fraction of the original contested terrain. El Chamizal therefore remains a stolen tract of land nestled within the heart of El Paso. Drawing on oral histories, court testimonies and affidavits, and an array of binational records, this essay demonstrates that this ongoing theft is not a finite or complete project. Rather, the process hinges on a fragile web of spatial, white settler temporal, and legal practices of concealment/denial anchored to a colonial rumor that refuses to open this region to the mystery and wonder of the Río Grande's "wayward life, beautiful experiment in how to live." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of FinanzRundschau is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)