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This book provides a Europe-wide comparative analysis of the role of civil society organizations active in the field of unemployment and precarity. It examines how civil society organizations act in this field through an evidence-based analysis of their activities, resources, and networks. It also looks at how the latter depend on the cultural and institutional context in which they are embedded. The resulting picture is one in which civil society organizations play a crucial role for the inclusion of young unemployed, mainly in two ways: by delivering services or by advocating policy. Service-oriented organizations aim to provide services focused on increasing young people's skills in order to improve their employability by activating them, for example, through training activities, education, and internships. Policy-oriented organizations aim to foster citizens' participation by providing a range of opportunities for an immediate local engagement of young people, for example, by organizing political campaigns, rallies, protest events and other actions requiring an active involvement of their constituencies, members or militants.

Somalis have been leaving their country for the last fifteen years, fleeing civil war, difficult economic conditions, drought and famine, and now constitute one of the largest diasporas in the world. Organized in the framework of collaboration between UNHCR and different countries, this research focuses on the secondary movements of Somali refugees. It was carried out as a multi-sited project in the following countries: Djibouti, Egypt, Ethiopia, Kenya, the Netherlands, South Africa, Switzerland and Yemen. The report provides a detailed insight into the movements of Somali refugees that is, their trajectories, the different stages in their migra-tion history and their underlying motivations. It also gives a compara-tive overview of different protection regimes and practices.

This study describes the profile of the Somali population living in Switzerland, as well as highlights their migration histories and trajectories. The analysis is complemented by a detailed insight into the living conditions and asylum policies in Switzerland and other host countries along the route. The aim of this double-layer analysis (micro and meso levels) is to provide a detailed understanding of the motives that prompt Somali refugees to undertake secondary movements from a first country of asylum in the search of better conditions in another one. This study is part of a wide-ranging, multi-sited project focusing on the secondary movements of Somali refugees in eight countries in Africa, the Middle East and Europe.

It is 30 years since Dahl and Tufte published their path-breaking book Size and Democracy. This volume systematically explored the relationship between the size of political systems and the quality of democracy. The main focus of Dahl and Tufte’s work was in the area of local government studies (Sharpe 1988; Keating 1995). In this field a limited number of empirical studies has since been directed towards effects of city size on various aspects of local democracy: e.g. people’s satisfaction with local government performance (Mouritzen 1989; Denters and Geurts 1998); the level of electoral participation (Verba and Nie 1972; Verba et al. 1978; Gaardsted 2002; Smeets et al. 1998; Oliver 1999, 2000 and 2001); the level of non-electoral participation (Verba and Nie 1972; Verba et al. 1978; Rose 2002; Oliver 1999, 2000 and 2001) and people’s social and political trust (Denters 2002; Denters and Geurts 1998). Even though one of the main concerns in Dahl and Tufte’s book is the relationship between city size and associational life in political systems, subsequent work has largely ignored the possible impact of size on the nature of local civil society. This is regrettable since the vibrancy of associational life in communities is often considered a crucial aspect of the vitality of a democratic system. Dahl and Tufte claim that increases in city size and associated characteristics of a city’s organizational life (e.g. the degree of heterogeneity) affect the democratic performance of its political system. This effect may be for better or for worse. Robert Putnam (1993: 182) is confident that such effects are essentially positive. He boldly claims: ‘Tocqueville was right: Democratic government is strengthened, not weakened, when it faces a vigorous civil society’. On the other hand, ever since Adam Smith, social scientists have indicated that organizational life may be a mixed blessing. A strong and active network of civic organizations may also have paralysing effects on the political system’s capacity to meet collective demands.

The qualitiative analysis answers two research questions: (a) what is migrants’ economic impact on European rural and mountain areas? And (b) Does in-migration provoke innovations in firms and changes in communities in these areas? Generally, in MATILDE regions migrants maintain local economies alive, enlarge the offer in local markets, and their presence triggers innovations. Nevertheless, migrants often experience exploitation under various forms. In the quantitative analysis, we detected statistically significant correlations between the percentage of Third Country Nationals (TCNs) in a region and economic variables.While our findings should be interpreted carefully, some important implications must be highlighted. Most importantly, no homogeneous approach is possible towards TCN migration.

D4.3 10 country reports on economic impacts This document presents a qualitative assessment of TCNs economic impact in the studied remote and rural regions of MATILDE countries – Austria, Bulgaria, Finland, Germany, Italy, Norway, Spain, Sweden, Turkey and in the United Kingdom – and in the framework of the foundational economy.

This document presents the impact assessments of a range of policies on migrants’ interaction with the social and economic structure of the remote and rural areas in the MATILDE countries – Austria, Bulgaria, Finland, Germany, Italy, Norway, Spain, Sweden, Turkey and in the United Kingdom. Each report includes firstly a systematic gathering of information on existing policies that have a direct/indirect impact on migrants’ interaction with the social economic structure of remote and rural areas. This includes also those policies that were not designed for this purpose but nonetheless contribute to shape such an interaction. The information for this task has been collected by means of desk research and informants’ interviews. Secondly, for each country we carried out a meta-analysis/literature review on the existing literature/research that has focused on assessing traditional and foundational economics as well as social migrants’ impact in rural and remote areas in their country of settlement. The overall purpose of the meta-analysis was to pick up those elements that extant studies have indicated as drivers or barriers to social/economic integration and development. This review focuses on recent research – notably those produced in the last 10years – however it may include relevant research produced outside that period. Thirdly, each report includes an assessment of the strengths and weaknesses of the policies and services explored through semi-structured interviews. A range of stakeholders has been consulted in gathering this information on the migration-related policies and governance in the socio-economic realm – policy makers and public officers, public service providers, practitioners and organizations working on migration related fields, social policies and territorial planning, experts/scholars, (social) entrepreneurs (both TCN and native) and other relevant stakeholder (e.g. unions’ representatives, employers’ organization leaders, etc.). Finally, each country report includes two separate conclusions, describing if and how policy related factors act on the one side on the migrants’ impact into the country economy and on the other on their social inclusion/impact. This final section also includes an inventory of good practices.