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The implementation of local wisdom-based science learning model through reconstruction of indigenous science is hoped to improve student's conservationist character. Through this model, student will be familiarized with science and local wisdom to improve their existing conservationist characters. Characters measured in this study were religiousness, tolerance, politeness, responsibility, and patriotism. Purpose of this study was to know the result of indigenous science reconstruction through implementation of local wisdom-based science learning model, and the effect on student's conservationist character. This is a descriptive research. Result of the study is reconstructed indigenous science of Samin tribe who has high respect toward conservation value, especially land conservation. The use of local wisdom-based science learning model through reconstruction of indigenous science is proved to improve student's conservationist character from low to good visibility.

This study aims to determine the attitudes of prospective teachers studying pedagogical formation education towards citizenship and citizenship education based on their gender, area of specialization, ethnicity and geographical area. This study explains the global implications of the concepts of citizenship, and citizenship education. A quantitative approach using questionnaire survey was adopted for this study. The sample of the study consists of 460 prospective teachers. They were selected from 1000 prospective teachers studying pedagogical formation education in 2016 to 2017 academic year, with maximum variation sampling method. For data collection, patriotism attitude scale and patriotism education scale were used. Patriotism attitude scale involves ''blind citizenship'' and ''constructive citizenship'' while patriotism education scale involves a single dimension. The data collected were analysed with independent sample t test, one way Anova, least significant difference (LSD), Bonferonni, Dunnett's C as well as mean, and standard deviation. The investigation revealed that there was a significant difference in the attitudes of the prospective teachers towards citizenship and citizenship education based on their area of specialization and ethnicity, but there was no difference in their attitude in relation to their gender and geographical location. In other words, the conclusion drawn is "gender" and "geographical area" variables did not play a crucial role in the formation of prospective teachers' attitudes towards citizenship (either blind citizenship or constructive citizenship), and towards citizenship education; although "ethnicity" and "major" variables played an important role in their attitudes towards citizenship and citizenship education. On one hand, those who called themselves Kurds and those who called themselves Turks had different understanding of citizenship and citizenship education. On the other hand, those that participated in the pedagogical formation program from natural sciences departments and those that participated in the program from humanities departments had a distinct understanding about citizenship and citizenship education.

This study tried to investigate the occurrence of the four dimensions of citizenship (national affiliation, socio-family affiliation, socio-school affiliation, and media affiliation) among three different curricula (Self-Learning, Montessori, and Bawakeer) which are taught for children enrolled in public and private kindergartens in Riyadh-Saudi Arabia. In other words, this study aims at identifying the impact of these educational curricula on instilling and developing citizenship among children. The study sample was 167 children (63 male and 104 female); 73 children were taught using the Self-Learning curriculum, 43 children were taught using a Bawakeer curriculum, and 51 were taught the Montessori curriculum. Results showed statistically significant differences at (a=0.05) in Self-Learning curriculum group compared to the other two curricula. The study did not reveal gender-based differences in citizenship. In light of the results of the current study, the researcher recommended all kindergartens in Saudi Arabia to adopt Self-Learning curriculum to ensure loyalty of the future generation to their country. On the other hand, she encouraged other researchers to explore the importance of developing loyalty among children through different curricula in use. More over, she suggested conducting longitudinal studies to investigate citizenship development among gender at various age levels in order to provide deeper understanding regarding the effectiveness of kindergartens' different curricula.

In this study, it is aimed to determine the view of the 8th grade students on the concept of democratic citizens through the metaphors. In the research towards the general objective, one of the qualitative research designs phenomenology was used. The participants of the survey are 160, 8th grade students in the Körfez district of Kocaeli province in the academic year of 2016-2017. Of the 8th grade students who participated in the survey, 85 are boys and 75 are girls. Data have been reached with semi-structured forms. The metaphors and explanations written by the students were used as the basic data source in this research. Data were analyzed through content analysis. The findings from the research show that 8th grade students perceive democratic citizenship in eight categories: freedom, justice, unity and solidarity, participation, equality, patriotism, diligence and responsibility. When the opinions of the students are analyzed, it is seen that the metaphors they produce concentrate on the categories of freedom and justice. In this context, with 13 students the most widely used metaphor is "fair citizen". Besides the students produced metaphors mostly in the category of freedom. With "tree" and "free bird" metaphors they emphasized dimension of freedom of democratic citizenship. Students have also mentioned the distinctive characteristics of democracy, such as decision-making, election, voting, and having a saying in the country's administration when they are explaining what they do with democratic citizen.

Children of every culture love to hear stories about their heritage. Storytelling creates shared experiences through the combination of time and space (Langellier, 2011). Educators and parents often use storytelling to explore characters, plot, setting, conflict, and resolution or other key elements of a story. From a more holistic view, storytelling is a teaching tool that is a natural way to teach about the environment and ethical and moral obligations to each other; it has the potential to create a social process that supports cultural survival (Rankin, Hansteen-Izora, & Packer, 2007). Storytelling can help maintain a sustainable culture, which is a basic element of a sustainable society (Abdul-Malik, 2012). Supplementing traditional benefits of storytelling, many activities and routines in early childhood lend themselves to broader discussions of sustainability. In this article, we will share an example of how sand and water activities have been used to support sustainable environments in Saudi Arabia. To do this, we explore how transformative and developmentally appropriate activities fit within a Saudi early childhood context, and provide examples of experiences that support a whole child approach to education.

The aim of this study is to investigate the blind and constructive patriotism tendencies of university students in light of the demographic structure and variables. The investigation is performed by using the correlational descriptive model. The purposeful sampling technique has been used and data was collected from a total of 390 university students. 225 (57.7%) of the participants were female and 165 (42.3%) were male; the age group of participants ranged from 18 to 26 years with a mean age of 20.42 (SD = 1.88). Demographic Information Form, Patriotism Attitude Scale and Relational, Individual and Collective Self Aspects Scale have been applied to the participants. The correlation, t-test, analysis of variance and regression analysis techniques were used in the analysis of the data. The obtained results reveal that, the blind patriotism scores of the participants show a significant difference according to sex. Also it was found that, the blind patriotism scores vary according to the city in which participants live. On the other hand, we conclude that there is a relationship between the blind patriotism and relational and collective aspect of the self. In addition, it has been seen that there is a significant relationship between the constructive patriotism and the relational aspect, individual and collective aspect of the self. Additionally, the collective self-aspect is a significant predictor of constructive patriotism.

The interest in a problem of social education amplifies in the period of considerable changes in society. It is not casual as it substantially causes nature of development of society, influencing process of socialization of younger generations, formation of mechanisms of transfer of social experience and traditions. Social and pedagogical approaches find special relevance in Russia from the second half of XIX- the beginning of the XX centuries that corresponded to a universal tendency of formation of social pedagogics as areas of independent scientific knowledge. The purpose of article consists in the characteristic from modern positions of the organization of social education in works of the famous German philosopher, teacher Paul Gerhard Natorp (1854-1924). Culturological, historical-comparative, system approaches are leaders in the characteristic of this problem. The judgment of social and pedagogical, cultural and historical experience testifies that the term "social pedagogics" was introduced into scientific circulation by P. Natorp in the work "Social Pedagogics". The interrelation of education and society promoted formation of social pedagogics. According to P. Natorp, society (community) is the main condition of education. And, on the contrary, education is the main condition of activity of society. Materials of article can be useful to organizers of educational work with school students, to teachers for acquaintance to historical experience of social education.

The purpose of this paper is to reveal the perception of nationalism of pre-service teachers who will teach Social Studies course in a multidimensional manner. In the study, a total of 381 pre-service teachers who study in department of Social Studies from different universities located in different regions of Turkey was defined as the study group and a descriptive model was used as the basis of the research design. The data include both quantitative and qualitative dimensions. In the scope of the research, a questionnaire was created to determine pre-service teachers' perception of nationalism. This form consists of three sections. The participants' demographic data, opinion questions and the nationalism perception scale are presented in the sections, respectively. The questionnaire was applied to the pre-service teachers studying in different regions of Turkey. At the end of the research, various results were obtained regarding the nationalism perceptions of pre-service social studies teachers.

The current study focused on the education-nationalism relationship and aimed to understand whether the positive influence of education in the reduction of nationalist attitudes simply relies on the educational level reached, or is related to the kind of school attended to reach the level. Moreover, we were interested in understanding if book reading has a role in reducing nationalism. Seven hundred twenty Italian students (female = 59%; mean age = 18, SD =0.5) attending their senior year of secondary school (lyceum = 49%, technical = 51%) completed a questionnaire that included blind and constructive nationalism scales, ethnic national identification and book reading behaviour. We performed a structural equation model. Results showed that (1) lyceum students are less nationalistic than technical students are; (2) ethnic national identity drives both nationalism and patriotism; (3) lyceum attendance and book reading prevent ethnic national identity. Overall, the study highlighted that the strongest effect of education on nationalism pertains only to students with higher educational expectations, suggesting that the role of educational systems as diffusor of liberal values needs to be rethought.

Teacher education and civic education are scholarly fields characterised by an abundance of writings that offer numerous frameworks, visions, and practices. Whereas several studies already presented theoretical models of the civic education process, the goal of this paper is to offer a conceptual framework of preservice civics teacher education. This framework, based on interviews with nine Israeli civics teacher educators, yielded four distinct models that include: (1) Technical Training; (2) Critical Thinking; (3) Patriotic; and (4) Social Change. As will be developed, the theoretical exploration of these models touches on foundational aspects of citizenship and education, relating to the fundamental question of good citizenship promoted as part of the civic education process and to the goals of teacher education. This heuristic approach emphasises processes of self-reflection as a critical element of the civics teacher education process.

This article reports an interview study focused on teacher beliefs about war, peace, and education. We use a conceptual framework that calls attention to the social and psychological factors that contribute to the meanings of war and peace. Data are presented in three composite cases to convey the range of beliefs and perspectives expressed by our participants. We also discuss themes drawn from across the cases, including the relationships of war and peace to understandings of patriotism, military service, gender, and religion. Finally, we discuss the study's implications through examples of war and peace as potential curriculum content.

In recent years, a number of nation states have signed peace protocols and entered processes of peace and reconciliation. This has led to an increasing pool of literature on history education in these divided and diverse societies emerging from violent conflict. This article provides a review of the latest developments in this field which focuses on the often counterproductive objectives of developing critical thinking skills in students while simultaneously promoting patriotism and a vision of a nation. Through a theoretical lens centering on politics of recognition, redistribution, and representation, I analyze research literature that focuses on the teaching and learning of recent history and how the subject of history might facilitate social justice for all. Findings from this review show that the affective dimension of the curriculum and the vision of the nation in these contexts promote single narratives of the past and therefore cultivate an identity model of recognition which encourages separatism and intolerance.

This study aims to examine whether there exists a gap in patriotic pride in host countries between immigrant and native students and whether an integration policy in education would work to narrow the gap. This study assumes that immigrant students' patriotic pride in host countries may not only result from immigrant status but also it may be a result of policy efforts to integrate them into society. With this aim, this study analyzed 72,371 students in grade 8 across 24 European countries based on the two datasets from the Migration Integration Policy Index and the International Civic and Citizenship Study by employing hierarchical linear modelling analyses. In doing so, this study found that there was a gap between immigrant and native students in terms of patriotic pride in host countries. In addition, there was a significantly positive association between integration policies in education and immigrant students' patriotic pride. The findings suggest that immigrant students are likely to take pride in and be more attached to host countries where government institutionalizes well-developed integration policies in education. This study provides insight into the role of integration policies in promoting immigrant students' socio-political integration in host countries.

The legacy of totalitarianism thwarts discourse and practice of academic freedom in post-Soviet universities. For legacy-holders, "academic freedom" causes disorientation, irresponsibility, demoralization and inequity. They see more threats than benefits from empowering decision-makers who are non-compliant with local bureaucracy. For innovators, freedoms enhance flexibility and creativity. However, granting such freedom also reinforces value clashes on campuses and tends to intensify feelings of guilt and shame in regard to actions which show a disrespect of authority and tradition. While both legacy-holders and innovators endeavour to redefine their practices and norms in their teaching, they appear to still struggle to shed their predispositions to a paternalistic and colonial philosophy of education. Presumably curative, their engagement with international networks of scholarship exposes their particular positions of vulnerabilities to that end. Both groups continue to push patriotism and cultural idiosyncrasy in order to hedge their power and status in the global marketplace of ideas. As in the past, a discourse of anti-westernization prevails, shoring up legacies of regulative thinking, indoctrination, and insularity. Progressive academics succeed primarily by taking bold steps to go above and beyond the dominant discourses and norms within their universities and policy-building communities. This article explicates why, in turn, a "surrogate academic freedom" tends to emerge as a conundrum across the post-Soviet higher education space.

Since the events of 9/11, the United States has experienced a resurgence of patriotism. Society actively applauds the service and sacrifice made by veterans and active military personnel. The Post-9/11 GI Bill allows members of U.S. armed forces, both past and present, to continue their education at colleges and universities across the country. What impact has this resurgence in patriotism and the attitudes regarding honoring U.S. veterans had on these institutions of higher education? This purpose of this study is to evaluate attitudes in terms of the impact of patriotism and attitudes about honoring veterans on public college support (i.e. goodwill, enrollment, donations). Specifically, the study indicates that patriotism has a positive impact on individual's attitudes towards honoring veterans, but no direct effect on college support. However, attitudes about honoring veterans has a positive direct effect on college support and a mediating effect between patriotism and college support.

This study analyses how different political regimes used the study of history to promote a patriotic identity among schoolchildren between 1900 and 1960 in Spain. Qualitative methods were employed to examine a sample of the reading material most widely used in Spanish schools throughout the aforementioned period. These readers contained the biographies of famous figures from Spanish history that primary and secondary school students had to study, memorise and, above all, imitate. The scarcity of historical female models as opposed to their male counterparts is striking, and hence the need during the Franco era (starting in 1939) to increase the number of biographies of illustrious women to impose a model for girls to follow. The two female figures that appear in all the biographical works, in which their domestic as opposed to public aspects were stressed, are Queen Isabella the Catholic and Saint Teresa of Jesus.

Gibbs's detailed description of decision-making around teaching war in a school that taught the children of active-duty soldiers provides an important glimpse into the numerous factors influencing their curricular and pedagogical choices. Gibbs rightly argued that the limited perspective of patriotism that resulted from the teachers' reluctance to engage their students in a critical analysis of the justness of U.S. wars and foreign policy gives us concern for a robust, liberal democracy. The fear the teachers articulated in broaching the controversial aspects of war correspond to teachers' reluctance to tackle numerous other controversial topics such as race/racism, religion, politics, class, gender identity, and sexual orientation. Balancing the need teachers share to engage their students in the exploration of complex social issues with a desire to shield students from harmful or uncomfortable interactions involves complex decision-making and ethical judgments. It always involves taking risks by both teachers and students. I propose the jurisprudential framework as a practical guide in developing units around social issues and professional development based in developing collaborative communities of practice in order to create the support necessary for teachers and students to take these risks. [For "he Foot and the Flag: Patriotism, Place, and the Teaching of War in a Military Town," see EJ1255634.]

Tracing the representation of the 'immigrant others' in Norwegian schoolbooks over the past century, the paper examines their exclusion/inclusion in national curriculum/learning materials. It finds that a shift has occurred in the country's national narratives over time through three distinct phases: once in the 'blind spot', the 'immigrant others' have moved into a 'hotspot', becoming both more visible and controversial over the decades. The paper also examines the ideological and contextual underpinnings behind this change. While specific to the Norwegian educational curriculum/school books context, the paper aims to contribute more broadly to the study of immigrant representations by analysing the 'space' dedicated to them in an educational context. In our increasingly globalized world, where classrooms are becoming more multicultural and diverse, the question of the immigrants' 'place' in schoolbooks and society (both literal and symbolic) is ever more important and timely.

The United States has a lengthy history of welcoming immigrants from throughout the world and ultimately naturalizing and conferring citizenship to them. Yet, a number of indigenous and people of color never consented to citizenship and many still do not wish to have it. This article explores the role of citizenship as a tool to not only appropriate, assimilate, and colonize indigenous peoples and their lands, but to also decouple citizenship and political participation. We ultimately suggest the deployment of a Structured Academic Controversy about indigenous patriotism so that students can consider negative, positive, neutral, and multifaceted perspectives on the normally assumed uncontroversial topic of U.S. citizenship and assimilative culture from the perspective of indigenous peoples.

Established in the 1920s, Furen University was a private Catholic university in China. Just as in the case of other Christian colleges in modern China, Furen was taken over by the communist government soon after the establishment of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1949 and incorporated into the new state-controlled higher education system. Since the beginning of China's reform and opening up, Chinese scholars have shown growing interest in exploring the religious history of the country's pioneering higher education institutions. Focusing on Furen University, this study draws data from various sources to examine critically some popular Furen University narratives proposed by contemporary Chinese scholars in China. These narratives suggest that this Western Catholic university underwent substantial changes during its decades-long operation in Chinese society, becoming more Sinicized, secular, and patriotic. However, our analysis indicates that Furen University's history in modern China might be more complex than these narratives suggest.

When Colin Kaepernick, a quarterback with the San Francisco 49ers football team, "took a knee" during the playing of the National Anthem, he outlined his rationale for protest: "this country stands for freedom, liberty, and justice for all. And it's not happening for all right now." He also spoke specifically about police brutality and the killing of African American men and women at the hands of police: "There's people being murdered unjustly and not being held accountable. People are being given paid leave for killing people. That's not right. That's not right by anyone's standards." However the reaction was that he was disrespecting the National Anthem, the flag and the military. James Bryant argues that the flag, the anthem, and the military could become so fully intertwined is a powerful indictment of the failure to teach history in the schools. He blames policy makers, textbook publishers, and colleges of education who are more interested in obedience and compliance than vision or integrity, having all played a role. Having fetishized the military, many Americans arrive at adulthood utterly ignorant of the men and women who, often without having ever worn the uniform, advanced the cause of freedom for Americans. It must be a matter of concern that both the flag and the national anthem have become synonymous with the military rather than the freedom, democracy, or even the rule of law. He surmises that have arrived at this troubling place in part due to what passes for historical study in the schools, which sanitizes, co-opts, or erases the troublemakers who painfully yet relentlessly pushed America towards the more perfect union Colin Kaepernick has told us he envisions and for which he is protesting. He examines five social studies/American history textbooks to get an idea of how they portray, approach, and/or discuss the movements and people--non-military--that have served as freedom fighters in American history.

The purpose of this qualitative research to determine the values teachers wish to bring to them in the Social Studies Lesson they have first in the school and to ensure that those values are classified under specific categories. The research is organized in the framework of phenomenological approach, which is one of the qualitative research methods. The study was conducted in the school year of 2014-2015 with the participation of 134 form teachers in total assigned in the city of Isparta. The data in the research was gathered by using semi-structured interview form. The data obtained was analysed by using content analysis technique, which is widely used in qualitative research techniques. According to the findings obtained, the values to give to the students in Social Studies Lesson are classified in two category as intrinsic and extrinsic. Intrinsic values are classified as religious, personal, humanistic, and familial while extrinsic values are classified as environmental, national, knowledge-based, and customary values. This study has shown that it is essential to lay a foundation of a number of values just as soon as children start school.

The purpose of this study is to review literature about citizenship education in order to develop a framework for transformative citizenship education and compare that framework to the intended and implemented citizenship education curriculum in Ecuador. This study presents qualitative research carried out in eight schools in four provinces of Ecuador in June 2014. Information was gathered through surveys regarding teacher and student perspectives on the purpose of citizenship education, as well as students' feelings of patriotism, compassion, and appreciation for diversity. Teachers were also interviewed in order to gain understanding about common practices in the classroom and uncover obstacles that teachers face in teaching this course. Based on the surveys and teacher interviews, it is evident that there are some obstacles to the successful implementation of citizenship education in Ecuador. Two main obstacles are a lack of resources, including textbooks, as well as a shortage of participatory class activities and projects.

The ultimate aim of teaching Social Studies is to raise good citizens. However, raising "good" citizens has become a more complicated issue since the continuous change in social dynamics demands continual revisions on curriculums. Beyond the question of "Should the children be raised as patriot individuals?" a growing number of studies conducted on Education Science concentrate on the notion of Global Citizenship. The purpose of Social Studies' education process is not bringing up students who are isolated from society and are blind patriots. Then the question arises, what type of citizenship should be developed within the education system? This research aims to put forward the notion of global citizenship and patriotism as each of them is a value within the Social Studies course that has the mission of bringing up good citizens. The research is the model case study. The data about patriotism is collected through the scale that are developed by Schatz, Staub and Levine (1999) which is called, Patriotism Attitude Scale (PAS), on the other side, the data about global citizenship is collected through the scale developed by Morais and Ogden (2011) which is called Global Citizen Scale (GCS) collected from the participants. The research study group consist of 144 Social Studies teacher candidates who are from two different state universities, who are in their senior grade. The research data includes quantitative and qualitative data. In the analysis of the quantitative data, a computer-aided statistic program is used and in the analysis of qualitative data, content-analysis method was used. The research's conclusion shows that the participants prefer patriotism over global citizenship and constructive patriotism against blind patriotism.

This paper attempts to compare interactions between social changes and the integration of nationalism and multiculturalism in the context of music education by focusing on the ways in which the governmental politics of mainland China and the United States have managed nationalism and diversity in school music education. This paper also explores the ways in which music education, in response to different sociopolitical contexts, relates to the teaching of both musical and non-musical meanings in the dual context of nationalism and multiculturalism, and discusses some of the challenges facing music education in music classrooms today in these two nations. This paper argues that the interplay of tensions in the current wave of nationalism and multiculturalism seen in both mainland China and the United States show the enduring nature of state ideologies in a dynamic, contentious process of social construction.

The study aims at analysis an educational and informative competence, describing the components of schoolchildren's educational and informative activity and submitting an efficient set of exercises resulted from the educational and informative activity component analysis. The relevance of the study is determined by modernization of an educational paradigm since the current approach to organization of the learning process is to be reviewed. The study results are based on the average performance of schoolchildren during the 4-year study of the subject "Native language" (n=70). Furthermore, we used a comprehensive approach to analysis of an elementary school educational process as a methodological basis for analysis of pedagogical reality. The study showed that informative educational activity helps the schoolchild to form competencies that contribute to education of moral, civic and patriotic, aesthetic qualities of a child, mindset formation in general. Suggested model of improving educational and informative activity at native language lessons may be used by teachers as a way of organization of the current learning process.

In this study we analyzed the role of a value structure in understanding today's students. Analysis of the value orientations of the students is of current interest, as they are understood as a social and demographic group of youth characterized by the process of self-determination in life consciously defining their own life values. Students' life values show things that are important to them, that are worthy to be taken care of, that benefit them, or may be their aim or ideal. The purpose of the article was to study and reveal the most important worldview and life values of today's Kazakh youth in economic, political, social, and cultural contexts as well as to reveal theoretical and methodological approaches when studying value consciousness of the youth and conducting empirical measurements with subsequent analysis of the situation. Methods of the study were the following: sociological conceptualization, comparative approach, sociological survey. The questionnaire relates to the current problems of concern to the youth of Kazakhstan. A list of values, that the respondents had to choose, was submitted. The study represents a test directed to identifying the state of development of Kazakh society in view of similarities and differences of the values. From the perspective of important external changes occurring in the world, value structure within the country should be clearly understood. Preservation of independence depends on it. Today independence is a presence of identity. The identity is formed on the basis of similarity of values, cultivated by the country. The results of the sociological study comprise of the following: analysis of the scientific methodology of the values as a conceptual basis for further study; identification of difficulties occurring in the process of studying the issue of values; interpretation of the students' evaluative judgement of students' values; constants and transformation of civism and patriotism in value consciousness of the youth. Practical application is in evaluation of the status and future directions of implementation of the state youth policy in Kazakhstan.

The urgency of the current research devoted to civic and patriotic education of pre-school children is determined by the contradiction between the necessity of civic-patriotic education of children in the current context, their readiness to defend their Motherland and the lack of the development of this issue both in pedagogical theory and practice; government order to build patriotic understanding of a citizen and the absence of the opportunity to express the civic position in the conditions of upbringing in pre-school educational institutions. The aim of the article is to show the main results of the research devoted to defining peculiarities of civic-patriotic qualities of pre-school children. The leading method of the research on this problem is experiment that allows to fulfill a multipronged approach to levels of the development of civic-patriotic qualities of pre-school children and formative work aimed at the development of civic-patriotic qualities of children that is envisaged by a specifically elaborated program. The article shows the results of the diagnostic research devoted to civic and patriotic education of pre-school children and reveals the drawbacks of civic-patriotic education in the pre-school educations institution elicited by applying the method of diagnostics of the problem. The conducted research resulted in the elaboration and implementation of the programme which included a series of arrangements devoted to the development of civic-patriotic qualities of pre-school children. The comparison of the results of the experimental and control groups before and after the formative work shows the positive influence of applied methodological means. The materials and ideas are of practical significance for nursery teachers, supervisors of pre-school educational establishments, specialists working in pre-school educational institutions.

The paper analyzes studies on continuing education, explains the concept of "continuity of patriotic education and moral development by means of regional culture", determines the uniqueness of regional culture as the core of patriotic education and moral development, and characterizes the model of continuity of patriotic education and moral development. The practical value of the paper is that its results could be used to develop the cultural potential of Russian regions. The results can also be used by the Federal districts administration, subjects of the Russian Federation, interregional cooperation associations, transnational companies, and governmental agencies that deal with the development of regional culture in Russia, in particular, the Ministry of Economic Development of the Russian Federation, the Ministry of Regional Development of the Russian Federation, and the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation. The importance of regionalization as the key factor in the improvement of patriotic education and moral development was substantiated based on the analysis of ways of overcoming discontinuity of patriotic education and moral development. This enables evaluating the significance of the potential of regional schools and higher educational institutions and their effect on the formation of an individual's worldview.

This study aimed to investigate the role of Irbid Directorate of Education in supporting of citizenship and loyalty values among students according to employers of the Directorate of Education in the Irbid governorate. The sample of the study consisted of the (134) employers who works in the Directorate of Education in Irbid governorate of Jordan. In order to investigate the purposes of the study, the researcher were developed a questionnaire that was distributed to the study sample. The results showed that there was a statistically significant role of the Directorate of Education in Irbid governorate in supporting of citizenship among students in opinion of its employees, there was a statistically significant role of the Directorate of Education in Irbid governorate in supporting of loyalty values among students in opinion of its employees, and there were no statistically significant differences in the role of the Directorate of Education in Irbid governorate in supporting of citizenship loyalty values among students in opinion of its employees due to (Gender, Age, Education, Work experience).

This paper discusses the ongoing patriotic education campaign in Russia and how school practitioners interpret patriotism and patriotic education. Patriotism is interpreted in Russia through terms that span the whole political and ideological spectrum from almost extreme left to extreme right, accurately reflecting the existing dichotomy deeply entrenched in Russian culture and mentality. In this study, more than 300 of Russia's teachers participated in a survey about the elements of patriotic education (return rate--77%). The author argues that despite a strong tendency to rationalize patriotism in political and educational discourses through traditionalistic and militaristic frameworks, teachers' opinions about patriotism and patriotic education are more nuanced and pragmatic.

Global research has shown the persistence of inequality with regard to accessing curriculum with a view to obtaining suitable work and making useful contributions to society. The intersection of race, gender, language and low socio-economic levels creates situations which often marginalize ethnic minorities in school settings (Freire, 1968; Nieto & Turner, 2012). The graduation rates in the United States for Native American, African American and Hispanic students are lower than the graduation rates of Whites and Asian Americans. In addition, Bangladeshis and African Caribbeans currently living in the UK are under-represented in higher education, particularly young men in those communities. The research questions that guide this inquiry are: (1) According to databases, how does the academic performance of language minority groups compare to the academic performance of non-linguistic minority groups at the elementary and secondary levels of education? (2) According to language support teachers and university students, what are the strengths and weaknesses of the instructional practices for language minorities who are learning English in the United Kingdom (UK) (Bristol) and the United States (US) (Henrico)? Participants were: five UK teachers, four UK university students, five US teachers, four US university students. Data collection supervised by lead researchers included interviews, focus groups, classroom observation, and performance documents. Data analysis utilized a mixed-methods approach. Overall, linguistic minority groups performed lower than their English proficient peers. Culturally, UK teachers provided a greater emphasis on religious instruction, whereas US teachers addressed patriotic topics more frequently. Teachers in the United States and the United Kingdom were culturally supportive with slight variation in the encouraged use of the students' heritage languages. [This article was written with student researchers: Alexandra Hartley, Aaron Nawrot, Rachel Heideman, Ashley Jones, Amy Lamborn, Ben Crushcov, Lydia Maley, and Lauren Hogg.]

In this article, the author explores key distinctions relevant to aims talk in education. He argues that present formulations of aims fail to adequately capture or speak to several overlapping domains involved in schooling: qualification, socialization, and the educational in the form of subjectification (Biesta, 2010). Drawing off Egan and Biesta to differentiate the educational domain, the author details an ontological orientation to the educational "event" through the work of Badiou while grounding this exploration in ancient Western distinctions between sophistic and Socratic approaches to education as detailed by Bartlett. The article ends with a call for non-Indigenous educators to expand Canadian conceptions of educational aims and citizenship through Indigenous orientations to these vital education terms.

Drawing on a recent collaborative and interdisciplinary study of East Asian Images of Japan, this article discusses contemporary Chinese portrayals of Japan, their political context, and their significance for Sino-Japanese relations. It questions some widely-held assumptions concerning the extent of "thought control" in an authoritarian state, the nature of popular protest, and the relationship between official propaganda and popular lived experience. While the main focus is on portrayals of Japan in mainland China, for comparative purposes some reference is made to Hong Kong and Taiwan. The latter part of the article also features a brief discussion of images of China in Japan, especially relating to the Second World War. This reflects particularly on the role of museums as vehicles for "peace education," focusing on two key institutions in Kyushu. China's "bases for patriotic education" and Japan's "peace museums" ostensibly embody radically different institutional missions. However while Japan's memorials to the war evince greater diversity, in harping on national victimhood and obscuring the reasons for war key sites of "peace education" arguably deliver a message that is just as nationalistic as that conveyed by their Chinese counterparts. The article concludes by arguing that, notwithstanding its "totalitarian" facade, China's social and political fragility in fact limits the scope for the authorities there to moderate anti-Japanese public discourse. In democratic Japan, by contrast, a more honest and open engagement with the national past is--or should be--far more achievable. For both moral and political reasons, scholars and educationalists in Japan therefore urgently need to consider their role in improving Sino-Japanese relations, not least through more forceful engagement in public debate over the socialization of the young.

Particularly for Americans, patriotic history is a kind of glue for an extraordinarily diverse republic. Civic education requires students engage with their history--not only to know whence conventions, principles, and laws have come, but also to develop an attachment to them. This article looks at how American history should educate, but also inspire.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the ideological, political and social implications of the preference for orientating the public school curriculum in Russia towards Orthodox education. In some regions of the Russian Federation, Orthodox preferences increased by 20% over 4 years, and the indices reflecting enchurchment in the Russian regions are consistently lower than in the Moscow region, especially in rural areas. The confusion of Russian moral and patriotic traditions with Orthodox values and the ideological partnership between the public school authorities and the Orthodox organisations could explain the growth in Orthodox preferences. Although most teachers of the Orthodox curriculum, and most of the parents who choose it for their children, are not practising members of the church, Orthodox education implemented in public schools could result in an outcome opposite to the goals of the Orthodox curriculum.

The Pledge of Allegiance is a culturally essential--and often legally mandated--daily exercise in many schools. With societal focus on patriotic exercises and many individuals' subsequent refusal to engage in these exercises, it is important for preservice and inservice teachers to examine their approaches to students who refuse to recite the Pledge of Allegiance. This article explores preservice teachers' forecasted responses to students who refuse to recite the Pledge in their future classrooms. In this case study, many preservice teachers foresee themselves as arbiters of students' right to refuse recitation of the Pledge of Allegiance, incongruent with state statutes and case law.

"Heimat" -oriented education (local-oriented education) flourished in Imperial Japan of the 1930s, inspired by "Heimatkunde" (local studies) in Germany's elementary schools. This paper explores the rhetoric which naturalised the shift from love of "Heimat" to love of nation in "Heimat"-oriented education in Imperial Japan of the 1930s, focusing on "Heimat"-oriented education in peripheral regions to which Japanese identity and non-Japanese identity were attributed. "Heimat"-oriented education in peripheral regions was conducted mostly in accordance with the official rhetoric "similar but not equal", yet also partially putting a spin on it. The spin had the effect of strengthening the naturalisation of the shift from love of "Heimat" to love of nation.

Given the critical dynamics between students' national identity and study abroad experiences, this study explores the meanings Chinese international students in the US make of national identity within the context of China's rise on the world stage. Drawing on qualitative interviews with 23 Chinese undergraduate students studying at a US research public university, this study demonstrated how cultural values, patriotic education received in China, and experiences in the US influenced students' understandings of national identity. Students' identities of being Chinese were renegotiated resulting from meaningful intercultural interactions. Contrary to the conventional wisdom that Chinese international students lost their national identity abroad, findings documented a heightened sense of national identity and increased patriotism among Chinese intentional students. The case of Chinese international undergraduate students adds to the existing literature on the impact of study abroad on identity development and extends the use of neo-nationalism in higher education research.

Language is one of the most critical factors in the formation and maintenance of national identities. Situated within the national context of Japan and drawing data from a population of 292 Japanese university students, this study departs with three objectives. First, the study assesses the contribution of Japanese national identity to criterion variables concerning foreign language communication and contact attitudes. Second, in order to better understand upon what grounds an individual might align themselves with different facets of national identity, the contribution made by the five-factor model of personality is examined. Finally, the contribution of the five-factor model of personality to the criterion variables concerning foreign language communication and contact attitudes is explored. The data reveals that national identity has a significant impact on foreign language communication and contact attitudes.

Utilizing the minutes of preparations of a manuscript textbook on the history of medicine (1948-1953), the authors reconstruct how it was decided to depict the history of world and Russian medicine; in so doing sacralizing the Soviet state and wildly overstating its care for the health of Soviet people. The archival documents allowed the authors of the article to show how the aspirations and interests of the medical elite in the sacralization of their own role encouraged historians of medicine to develop not a scientific, but an epic version of the past and to repress other versions through political accusations and condemnation of colleagues. The textbook, which had been created and discussed for a long time in the 1940s, was never published. Nevertheless, the authors' reconstruction of its aborted conception made it possible to reveal its enduring formulations in later Soviet and even present-day textbooks, and enduring capacity to shape a Soviet style historical imagination in doctors.

This manuscript describes the patriotism taught and not taught by nine teachers to the children of soldiers near a military base in the American South. The nine teachers, all participants in a qualitative study, detail the pressures endured and the pedagogical and curricular decisions made as result. The teachers experienced social and political pressure from the broader community to avoid controversial or complex issues, fear that complicated teaching troubling more simple notions of patriotism would stress or possibly traumatize their students (the children of soldiers), and pressure to teach within the district-assigned curriculum map. The teachers responded in different ways. However, each path taken by teachers led to uncomplicated and uninterrupted notions of patriotism.

Over half a century since the last wave of political decolonisation, the handling of "dark" colonial histories remains topical. Influenced by the postcolonial turn, this study aims to examine, from a novel historical and comparative perspective, evolving textbook representations of Belgian colonialism and its legacy in Belgian and Congolese school history education since 1945. Its diachronic and synchronic narrative analysis identifies continuity and change, and convergences and divergences, in perspectives, emphases, and silences in textbook narratives. Pinpointing the influence of colonialism and postcolonial discourse on educational practices of representation, the study explores the sometimes contradictory influences on these practices of politics, academic historiography, popular historical culture, and processes of educationalisation. The analysis illuminates parallel shifts in the two countries from triumphalist colonialist ideologies towards more critical postcolonial perspectives. In relation to educational practices of representation, often aimed at socialising citizens into worldviews sanctioned by the political dispensation of the time, the traces of these shifts have reflected dominant societal discourses while being largely at odds with historiographical advances. These dynamics are evidence of a slow process of decolonisation of existing power structures and knowledge systems which only gradually gave way to a postcolonial world still in the making.

This essay explores the ways that museums educate adults, and reveals that, as cultural educators, museums have the ability to promote hegemonic stories through their displays. I discuss these ideas through my visits to two museums in Atlanta, Georgia, USA: the Atlanta History Centre and the Southern Museum of Civil War and Locomotive History. Application of my in-class learning, including a feminist antimilitarist lens and various feminist antimilitarist hack questions, reveals a common theme of gendered violence in the museums. I argue that thoughtful examinations of museological displays that foster critical learning are ideal ways in which to advance understanding and encourage change.

Teachers play a crucial role in the political socialization of adolescents. Using Q-Methodology, we explored high school teachers' conceptions of good citizenship in post-genocide Rwanda. Teachers ranked 50 statements, describing a 'good citizen', on a 9-column grid, anchored by 'least important citizenship behaviour' and 'most important citizenship behaviour'. The four perspectives that emerged viewed good citizenship as (a) being mindful or considerate of the 1994 genocide perpetrated against the Tutsi and promoting unity as well as reconciliation among Rwandans; (b) being morally upright and demonstrating a strong sense of patriotism; (c) being politically enthusiastic; and (d) promoting justice. The study argues for a shift towards more critical forms of citizenship. It also advocates the reinforcement of democratic and participatory skills among teachers.

This study examines the linguistic resources by which foreign language (L2) learners express their ideological positions in online discussions taking place in a telecollaborative encounter during one semester. More specifically, the study attempts to decipher how L2 learners discuss and argue their points of view regarding their first culture, their second culture, and the topic in general, depending on the issue under discussion (immigration and nationalism or patriotism) and to the country where the learners were based (US or Spain). Twenty-four learners, organized into six groups, each with two students from the US and two from Spain, participated in three online forums. For the analysis, learners' postings were subjected to quantitative and qualitative content analysis applying two discourse-semantic subsystems of the Appraisal framework, Engagement--the linguistic resources used to reflect the writer's position and willingness to recognize alternative positions--and Attitude--the linguistic resources used to indicate positive or negative assessment of people, places, things, and states of affairs. This study concludes that there were clear differences in the discursive styles between both sets of learners and topics. Overall, for instance, the learners employed more monoglossic statements when discussing nationalism or patriotism rather than immigration and Spain-based learners made more use of judgment markers than their US-based counterparts did.

This article shows how education, which is the most important form of activity in the social medium, changes the cultural image and awareness of individuals, and shapes and transforms their political attitude toward the surrounding day-to-day realities. A comparison analysis is used to explore a civic education system that forms the national and state identity of a person as a derivative of an "imagined community." This phenomenon will be regarded here as the result of designing social and political values and their internalization in the public consciousness. This approach makes it possible to optimize the process of education for the public sphere which is destined to form an active citizen, to create a sustainable link between an individual and the social medium and is the most important tool of political communication.

Drawing on a sample of children's reading primers published between 1938 and 1953 in Romania, this article explores ways in which both the monarchic and the communist regimes used primary education to fashion political subjects before, during, and after the Second World War. Theoretically grounded in a sociological approach and empirically grounded in textual and visual thematic content analysis, the findings reveal significant semantic shifts in understandings of the "nation" in relation to internal and external anchors, including religion, monarchy, and work, but they also indicate important continuities relating to an ethos of political submission (toward God and king, or the party and the Soviet Union) and patriotic solidarity (with the Romanian Orthodox nation or the workers' proletarian nation).