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Bu çalışmanın ana teması Hz. Peygamber dönemi savaş ekonomisidir. Bununla bağlantılı olarak Hz. Peygamber'in harpleri organize etmek için izlediği politikanın içeriği, savaşların iktisadî gerekçeleri, savaşların finanse edilmesi, savaş gelirleri ve gelirlerin iktisadî hayat üzerindeki etkileri ele alınmıştır. Araştırmamızın amacı, Müslümanların sosyal hayatında meydana gelen değişimlerde savaşların rolünü tespit etmektir. Bu bağlamda "Savaş sürecinin iktisadî hayat üzerindeki yansımaları nelerdir?" sorusu, yanıtlamaya çalıştığımız başlıca problemdir. Nitel araştırma yöntemini kullandığımız bu çalışmada, savaş ve ekonomi ilişkisini anlamaya yönelik temalar oluşturulmuştur. Birtakım olumsuz etkileri olmakla birlikte savaş sürecinin ekseriyetle Müslümanların lehine sonuçlandığı tespit edilmiştir. İslâm Devleti'nin ilk yıllarında ticaret, tarım, hayvancılık ve zanaattan oluşan geçim vasıtalarına ganimetler eklenmiş, idarecilik gibi yeni bir istihdam alanı oluşmuştur. Bu durum, başta devlet hazinesi olmak üzere Müslümanların gelirlerine ve iktisadî hayatın çeşitli alanlarına yansımıştır. Savaş gelirlerinin artmasıyla beytülmâl zenginleştiği için kamuoyuna yönelik harcamalarda devletin rolü gelişmiştir. Hayvancılık ve tarım gibi alanlarda önemli gelişmeler kaydedilmiştir. Medine'nin ilk yıllarında iktisadî zorluklarla mücadele eden Müslümanların hayat şartlarında kayda değer gelişmeler yaşanmıştır. Henüz kurumsallaşma aşamasındaki İslâm Devleti'nin kısa süre içerisinde elde ettiği bu kazanımlar ise Hz. Peygamber'in savaş ekonomisi sürecinde izlediği politikanın önemine işaret etmektedir. The main theme of this study is the war economy in the Prophet Muhammad era. In connection with this, the content of the policy of the Prophet Muhammad to organize wars, the economic reasons of wars, the financing of wars, war revenues and the impact of revenues had on economic life are discussed. The aim of our research is to determine the role of wars considering the changes in the social life of Muslims. In this context, the question of "What are the reflections of the war process on economic life?" is the main issue we are trying to answer. In this study, in which we used the qualitative research method, themes were created to understand the relationship between war and economy. Although it had some negative effects, it was determined that the war process mostly resulted in favor of the Muslims. In the first years of the Islamic State, bootys were added to the means of livelihood consisting of trade, agriculture, animal husbandry and crafts, and a new field of employment such as administration was created. This situation had reflections on the incomes of Muslims, especially in the state treasury, and on various areas of economic life. The role of the state in public expenditures was improved, as the Beytulmal became richer with the increase in war revenues. Significant progress was made in areas such as animal husbandry and agriculture. There were significant developments in the living conditions of Muslims who struggled with economic difficulties in their first years in Madina. These gains that the Islamic State, which was still in the institutionalization stage, achieved in a short time, point to the importance of the policy carried out by the Prophet Muhammad during the war economy.

The crisis caused by the coronavirus pandemic has prompted governments and central banks to take unorthodox measures aimed at protecting the standard of living of people and sustaining the production and service activities of companies. The policy of aggressively rising the supply of money has entailed a significant increase in the budget deficit and public debt. It is important to consider the extent of its impact on the escalation of inflation processes and to formulate suggestions regarding the economic policy. Inflation is already higher than the official indicators show it, because it is partly suppressed. The increase in the general price level does not fully reflect the actual inflation rate. We are dealing with shortageflation — the simultaneous occurrence of price inflation and repressed inflation accompanied by shortages. It is methodologically interesting to compare this current phenomenon, 3.0, with the suppression of inflation in the war economy, 1.0, and in the economies of state socialism, 2.0. Such comparisons highlight not only the similarities of these processes but also the differences resulting from the specificity of responses of households and businesses. This article discusses five channels of unloading excessive savings, indicating the most beneficial ones from the point of view of sustainable economic development in the post-pandemic future. It is particularly important to prompt the conversion of compulsory savings into voluntary ones and at the same time to stimulate the transformation of inflationary monetary reserves into the effective demand expanding the use of existing production capacities and investments in creating new capacities.

Port cities across the world were deeply affected by the First World War. They had to adapt quickly to the influx of soldiers and labourers, as well as to resulting population changes that challenged and strained local structures. The pressure of these changes was especially felt in colonial port cities, as new arrivals – from abroad and from the hinterland – had the potential to undermine colonial order and control. In the period of 1914-1918 colonial authorities around the Indian Ocean saw local concerns regarding order and control overridden by global developments and imperial demands.Mombasa, located on the East African coast, provides a potent example of this situation. In the war years, Mombasa turned into a military hub, with thousands of troops passing through it to serve in the East African campaign. These external arrivals were mirrored by the movement of people from the hinterland into the city seeking to fill positions in the local war economy. In this dynamic context, racial borders, social conventions, and economic patterns were continually challenged and transgressed. This article explores these developments and reactions they triggered among Indians, Africans, and Europeans in Mombasa at the time of the global war.

Occupation Policy in Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia Industry: An Example of Skoda Works The study describes occupation policy and administration, including goals in the Pro-tectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. It analyses measures carried out by the occupation administration in the manufacturing, more specifically in the armament industry, and presents selected specific measures and their impacts on the industrial sector and arms production. In this regard, the company Skoda Works, the largest arms manufacturer, serves as an illustrative case study. The measures affected the Protectorate industry, which was completely restructured based on the needs of the German war economy. By analysing selected principles of the administration's operation, specific measures and their real effects on the arms industry, the study shows the potential and real economic significance of the German occupation of the Czech lands.

What better way to tell about the time than a real “historical witness” – a product of that time, for the people of that time?! As such a “witness” in this small researched book from the 40s of the 20th century – Charles Dickens “A Tale of Two Cities”, published by “Blackie & Son Limited (London and Glasgow)”. Thanks to this book, it was possible to touch on the “wartime” publishing industry, consider the main challenges faced by the book publishing industry and explore non-standard solutions for a decent response to these challenges in Great Britain. In addition, people who felt the need for books despite all the difficulties and dangers brought by “wartime” – the Second World War – become a real inspiration. This book, which in this study dates from the early 1940s, is an example of the publishing standard – the Agreement – which was introduced in Great Britain during the Second World War. Namely, the Book Production War Economy Agreement (1942), which was concluded between the publishers (Publisher Association) of Great Britain and the state leadership (represented by the Ministry of Supply). This agreement, which was mainly of a recommendatory nature, was primarily related to the rationalization of the use of resources necessary for the publishing of book products (regulating and standardizing printed publications that would respond to the main challenges in limited economic conditions). It should be noted separately that the agreement was initiated by the Association itself, because it was a response to the unfair (in the opinion of publishers) distribution of paper, namely to Paper rationing, which was introduced by The British Ministry of Information [Holman 2005]. In this context, the earlier creation of The Paper Control Committee, which controlled the use of paper by publishers and acted as their defender before the Ministry of Supply [Vassilopoulos 2021], should be considered. Speaking about the demand for books during the Second World War in Great Britain, one should note the incessant thirst for reading, learning new things, and searching for “answers to questions that concern us now” [Hench 2010]. It seems that there were already enough exciting events in everyday life, but it was precisely in the times when the war dragged on and there was no visible end or finale, and society began to tire of uncertainty and the constant feeling of “calm before the storm”, books became a real salvation from difficult to perceive and understand reality – a new reality. This explains the constantly growing demand for books of various formats and genres in the 1940s., Що краще розповість про час, ніж справжній «історичний свідок» – продукт того часу, для людей того часу?! Таким «свідком» в цьому невеличкому дослідженні предстане книга 40-х років ХХ століття – Чарльз Діккенс, «Повість двох міст», видавництва «Blackie & Son Limited (London and Glasgow)». Саме завдяки цій книзі вдалося доторкнутися до видавницької індустрії «wartime», розглянути основні виклики, з якими стикалась галузь книжкового видавництва, та дослідити нестандартні рішення для гідної відповіді на ці виклики у Великій Британії. Крім того, справжнім натхненням стають люди, котрі відчували потребу у книжках, незважаючи на всі труднощі та небезпеку, які з собою приніс «wartime» – Друга світова війна.

The civil war that has engulfed the Syrian Arab Republic, since March 2011, is set to unleash a lasting effect on both the political and socio-economic trajectories of the country. The country’s political and economic challenges would be in dire need of outside-the-box curatives long after the violence activities are over. In other words, the political economy of Syria would encounter a set of unparalleled interconnected difficulties that cannot be unriddled by a simple prescription of traditional textbook economic policies. Even though the Syrian economy was able to weather the global economic recession in 2008, it is apparent that, if the country wants to pull through future economic shocks while upholding both political and social stability it desires, then it needs to overhaul its administrative and economic structures. The country’s economy was already in dire difficulties long before the conflict. The most important foreign exchange earner of the country was oil, but production was in sharp decline. In the 1990s, oil output almost doubled. However, in 2002, it fell from a peak of 677,000 barrels per day. Again, only 327,000 bpd were produced in 2011. The civil war has killed over a million Syrians and displaced more than 5.5 million citizens of the country. The country’s economy slumped by over 80 percent from 2010 to 2019. The extreme violence that dominated the scene in Syria has shifted attention away from the deep structural transformations affecting the country’s economy and governance structures. Now that violence has considerably subsided, these are becoming more visible. Much has been written about the ethnic and sectarian divisions in the conflict in Syria. However, very little attention is given to its political economy, which is very crucial in understanding the taproots of the ongoing war. The contraction of the economy of the country and the emergence of a war economy have seriously affected the composition and stratification of the political economy of Syria. This study seeks to examine the political economy of the Syrian civil war, including the exposition of the conditions of the Syrian economy before and during the war, the changing dynamics of the war, and the roles of external players.

The experiences of developed countries about the cost of adjustment were quite different; therefore, it is very complex to analyze the interplay between these two variables relationship between military spending and economic development of the country; this also brought the significance of war politics, economies and the political economy of war industries at domestic, regional and international level. Therefore, it is necessary to take care of reallocating the national budgets for adopting the policies of conversion to aid structural adjustments in different sectors of the economy in developing countries. The circumstances differ; it is important to concede the role of military spending in socio-economic development and its effectiveness in economies. Only when the information on these variables are available, then the policies will be made possible at the national and international level for any developing countries to meet the challenge of development. This will lead the nourishment of human capital and human development index.

The article examines Soviet paper reuse as an ideological, economic daily practice, implemented through the advanced, but hitherto undescribed Soiuzutil’ waste collecting system by the early 1930s as the reverse side of Stalinist industrialization. It argues that Soiuzutil’ waste paper handling attempted to form a new socialist collective by reworking old print while cultivating citizens as classless scrap-collectors, for the sake of an (ir)rational resource optimization. While World War II intensified recycling efforts among the Allied and Axis powers, invasion and evacuation damaged Soviet waste collection to a point where no return of paper into a centralized system was possible. War forced printers and consumers to retreat to local self-supply networks, as paper remained a crucial, yet scarce resource. By analyzing technical-educational literature and correspondence of the reutilization offices, the article demonstrates the changing attitudes in the Stalinist war economy, the industries, and the population towards mobilizing and saving paper.

In order to integrate the (in part) highly industrialized Austrian and Bohemian economies into the German autarky and war economy it was very important for the German government to take control of all relevant Austrian and Bohemian industrial concerns, that is, big industry in these countries had tobe “Aryanized” and/or “Germanized”. At the time of invasion, many of the major Austrian and Bohemian companies were under the control of Austrian and Czechoslovakian banks respectively. Therefore, the realignment of the finance industry of the occupied territories became a precondition for the intended takeover of these industrial concerns. Simultaneously, it offered the German great banks excellent prospects for expansion. On the other hand, the deep economic crisis of the early 1930s had not yet been overcome in both countries and the German great banks faced substantial risks when they took over the more important native banks. Therefore, the strategies by which the great banks penetrated the Austrian and Bohemian markets differed substantially. This article explains the logic behind the respective strategies of Deutsche Bank, Dresdner Bank and Commerzbank as well as the intensions of the German authorities and assesses the relative success of the respective strategies.

Published online 10 August 2020 This article questions dominant analyses about Libya’s present ‘war economy’ and ‘statelessness’, which are often deployed to explain the country’s ongoing destruction. By reinterpreting the history of the past as the failure of Libya to implement neoliberal reforms, these accounts trivialise its anti-imperialist history. The article reflects on the role that war and militarism play in the US-led imperialist structure, tracing the gradual unmaking of Libya from the progressive revolutionary era, towards its transformation into a comprador state and an outpost for global class war. In doing so, it moves the focus away from Libya’s ‘war economy’ to examine the war and the economy, linking Libya’s fate to the geo-economic and geopolitical forces at the core of US-led imperialism.

This article examines the Swedish security establishment's counterintelligence measures directed against British preparations for economic warfare in Scandinavia in 1939–40. Although Stockholm was an intense spying location, there exists a gap in the historiography concerning the topic. At the beginning of the war, the British government regarded economic warfare as an efficient tool for shaking the foundations of the German war economy. Economic warfare included blockades, sabotage, psychological warfare, and diplomatic threats. The present study explores Swedish operations against George Binney, who worked for the British government in war-trade-related issues. The article shows that the Swedish security service had difficulties in obtaining intelligence on Binney because of the reliance on casual informants, whose information was imprecise and sometimes misleading. The British succeeded in uncovering some of the Swedish counterintelligence tactics and this led to problems in capturing significant information, for example, via communication monitoring. The Swedish archival sources have added considerable new empirical details regarding British preparations for blockade running in July 1940. The study also shows that British officials operated on very dangerous ground, as some of the individuals they worked with were enemy agents or in a position to forward information in several different directions.

The article analyzes the sanitary and hygienic conditions of living and medical care at Konzentrationslager Stutthof — Aussenlager Pölitz — a branch of the Stutthof central camp. The sub-camp in Police was created with a view to supplying cheap labour to a synthetic gasoline fac-tory, which was a strategic plant of the German war economy. The health condition of prisoners in concentration camps always remained bad, but the health problems of the prisoners in Police resulted not only from terrible sanitary, hygienic, and living conditions, but also from the difficult working conditions in the factory. So far, the issues of interest to us have not found wider interest among researchers who focused on the so-called “Camps”, apart from the so-called small — affiliate camps. The following research questions were asked: How did medical care function in the German (Nazi) sub-camp Konzentrationslager Stutthof — Aussenlager Pölitz? What were the sanitary, living and hygienic conditions in the German (Nazi) sub-camp Konzentrationslager Stutthof — Aussen-lager Pölitz? In preparing this article the author used research methods characteristic for historical sciences, such as external and internal evaluation of sources; the dogmatic method, which seeks casual connections of a more complex nature than simple time-related connections, and comparative research. The analysis was based on archival materials of the Institute of National Remembrance, es-pecially the Archives of the Branch Office of the Commission For the Prosecution of Crimes Against The Polish Nation of the Institute of National Remembrance in Szczecin (primarily testimony re-ports and witness accounts, factual documentation), memories and literature of the subject (Polish, German, and English). Based on the source material and subject literature it was proved that: 1) The way the sub-camp in Pölitz operated depended on the requirements of the German arms industry. It was created to provide cheap labor for a synthetic fuel factory (Chemische Werke Hydropetroleum Industrie Gesellschaft), a strategic plant for the German war industry. 2) Prisoners of concentration camps were never in good health, but health problems of prisoners in Pölitz were caused not only by poor sanitation, hygiene, and living conditions, but also by harsh working conditions in the factory. 3) The health conditions developed by prisoners from the KL Stutthof — Aussenlager Pölitz could be divided into 4 groups: a) illnesses related to the living conditions in the camp, typical for most concentration camps, b) illnesses resulting from hunger and total exhaustion, c) injuries caused by beating, and d) illnesses resulting from workplace contamination. The operation of the Pölitz camp could be divided into two periods: one when the camp (at that time “the summer camp”) was still under construction, and the other — its actual operation — when the winter camp was established with extended camp infrastructure. However, regardless of the time, prisoners always suffered from hunger, exhausting work beyond their capabilities and various illnesses.

This article points out the concept of militarized security policies –i.e. the direct involvement of the military in homeland security tasks and the armed confrontation of the cartels- in contemporary Mexico. In this context, the administrations of ex-Presidents Felipe Calderón (2006-2012) and Enrique Peña Νieto (2012-2018) are being evaluated based on a number of criteria: the repercussions of their policies in terms of the rise of a war economy, a further weakness of the rule of law and the victimization of the civil population. The concept of «gray areas» controlled by the Mexican Drug Trafficking Organizations is also highlighted as a new threat undermining the sovereignty of the Mexican state.

UIDB/04209/2020 UIDP/04209/2020 O espectro com que se abria o Manifesto de 1848 foi espantosamente identificado como sendo o anúncio do modelo de sociedade pós-capitalista que os autores defendiam quando, pelo contrário, era aquele que, pairando sobre a Europa, Marx e Engels queriam rejeitar: o comunismo-brutal, já por eles criticado desde 1844 e assente na inveja. O outro comunismo, aquele que propunham, teria o seu fundamento não apenas numa revolta dos novos proletários, mas na confluência desta revolta com a enorme capacidade produtiva instalada pelo capitalismo como modo de produção e seria essa conjugação que permitiria que se verificasse a generalizada fuga à condição social precária através da socialização dos ganhos produtivos. As experiências comunistas do século XX não seguiram este segundo caminho, foram antes experiências de economias de guerra permanente com formas de industrialização brutal, que após 1945, ganhariam algum prestígio nas elites nacionalistas dos países descolonizados. A sua imagem negativa, que constitui hoje o esteio da invocação de uma alegadamente intransponível natureza humana, tornou-se um impedimento à ponderação das propostas de socialização no século XXI. The specter mentioned in the first sentence of the 1848 Manifesto was astonishingly identified as the announcement of the model of post-capitalist society that the authors defended. On the contrary, this was the one that, hovering over Europe, Marx and Engels wanted to reject: rough communism, already criticized by Marx since 1844 and based on envy. The other communism, the one they proposed, would have its foundation not only in the revolt of the new proletarians, but in the confluence of this revolt with the enormous productive capacity installed by capitalism as a mode of production, and it would be this combination that would allow for the widespread flight from the precarious social condition through the socialization of productivity gains. The communist experiences during the 20th century did not follow this second path, they were instead experiences of permanent war economies with forms of brutal industrialization, which after 1945 would gain some prestige among the nationalist elites of decolonized countries. Its negative image, which today constitutes the mainstay of the invocation of an allegedly insurmountable human nature, has become an impediment to the consideration of socialization projects in the 21st century publishersversion published

The article is devoted to the methodology of modelling the evolution of an aggressive totalitarian regime. The methodology is grounded on macroeconomic functions and their geometric reflection. Several models are built and analyzed in the article, such as socio-political, military-economic and socio-economic evolution of totalitarian society; evolution of labour potential; goods’ net exports and production capacity of the country with a variable level of statization of the economy; changing economic potential during the war between a large totalitarian country and a small democracy country. The nowadays totalitarian regime (similar to the previous one) is based on the statization of the economy and the manipulation of information. The statization isn’t total now, but the means of manipulation have improved significantly. The authors have suggested that the reduction of repression in a totalitarian country is not a sign of its liberalization. The economic growth leads to the impoverishment of the population, and economic crises – to its loss of skill in quasi-market circumstances. Together they strengthen the regime's social base. High prices for low-tech goods increase the level of statization of the economy and, consequently, reduce the country's productive potential. Specialization in low-tech exports puts it in a "trap of statization", where the positive trade balance becomes impossible to even with lower levels of government regulation. Deteriorating global conditions for trade in low-tech goods create a situation of uncertainty when the level of statization can both fall and rise. The excess of maximum allowable losses over the minimum possible losses of a large totalitarian country becomes the "trigger" for open aggression. The fundamental asymmetry like the losses for the military-and-economic potential of a large totalitarian country and a small democratic country is the peculiarity of the clash between them. Стаття присвячена методології моделювання еволюції агресивного тоталітарного режиму. Методологія базується на макроекономічних функціях та їх геометричному відображенні. У статті побудовано та проаналізовано декілька моделей, таких як: моделі соціально-політичної, військово-економічної та соціально-економічної еволюції тоталітарного суспільства; модель еволюції трудового потенціалу; моделі чистого експорту товарів і виробничої потужності країни зі змінним рівнем одержавлення економіки; модель зміни економічного потенціалу під час війни між великою тоталітарною країною та малою демократичною країною. Сучасний тоталітарний режим (подібний до попереднього) базується на одержавленні економіки та маніпуляціях інформацією. Одержавлення нині не є тотальним, але засоби маніпуляції значно покращилися. Автори припускають, що зменшення репресій у тоталітарній країні не є ознакою її лібералізації. Економічне зростання призводить до зубожіння населення, а економічні кризи – до його декваліфікації в квазіринкових умовах. Разом вони зміцнюють соціальну базу режиму. Високі ціни на низькотехнологічні товари підвищують рівень одержавлення економіки, а отже, зменшують виробничий потенціал країни. Спеціалізація на низькотехнологічному експорті заводить її в «пастку одержавлення», де активний торговий баланс стає неможливим навіть при нижчих рівнях державного регулювання. Погіршення глобальних умов торгівлі низькотехнологічними товарами створює ситуацію невизначеності, коли рівень одержавлення може як знижуватися, так і зростати. Перевищення максимально допустимих втрат над мінімально можливими втратами великої тоталітарної країни стає «спусковим гачком» для відкритої агресії. Особливістю зіткнення між великою тоталітарною та малою демократичною країною є фундаментальна асиметрія втрат їхнього військово-економічного потенціалу.