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A presença do trabalhador rural no pensamento anarquista português, além de provocar uma discussão da relação entre proletariado rural e proletariado urbano, transpõe conceitos para outro espaço, o rural, cuja realidade social se vai refletir na propaganda desenvolvida pelo anarco-sindicalismo centrado em Lisboa. Em 1912, após o pico das greves rurais das quais a organização sindicalista dos trabalhadores rurais sai violentamente reprimida, as intenções anarquistas em mobilizar os trabalhadores rurais resultam numa «tournée de propaganda» pelo Alentejo que, por sua vez, resultará na constituição da Federação de Trabalhadores Rurais, que publicará o periódico O Trabalhador Rural. Contudo, existirá, de forma clara, no discurso anarquista a dicotomia «camponês vs. operário» que conduzirá todo o pensamento produzido. O pouco conhecimento do meio e do espaço rural, aliado ao progressivo recuo na adesão sindical, irá determinar dificuldades, condicionando o desenvolvimento do anarco-sindicalismo no Alentejo.

Los debates desarrollados en torno a la figura de los maestros en el Congreso Pedagógico Internacional (CPI) de la Argentina (1882) constituyen un eje de análisis escasamente indagado —algunos textos clásicos apenas lo consideran tangencialmente—. Este artículo de reflexión se propone analizar las discusiones que se desarrollaron en dicho congreso con relación a las instituciones formadoras de maestros. Así, tras retomar las transcripciones de los documentos del CPI, se analizan discursos y sesiones de debate, y se pone el foco en las diatribas que involucraron la figura de los maestros, tanto desde un punto de vista filosófico como material, en el cuadro más general de las tensiones en torno a la formación de un sistema de instrucción pública para la naciente república. Se ha podido constatar que el avance del normalismo educativo que se impulsaba desde la segunda mitad del siglo XIX, profesado por un sector importante de las elites gubernamentales, presentaba matices que produjeron desacuerdos entre los congresales en temáticas clave sobre los maestros como las jubilaciones, la inamovilidad y la exigencia de certificados para la práctica profesional.

En esta investigación se registra y comenta la atención en los medios escritos franceses a los últimos doce años de la vida y pensamiento político de Miguel de Unamuno: confinamiento en Fuerteventura, autoexilio en Francia, Segunda República española, Guerra Civil y muerte. La generalidad de la prensa gala condenó su destierro a esa isla de Canarias por la Dictadura y defendió al pensador español Sin embargo, las opiniones sobre don Miguel se dividieron en los medios cuando comenzaron sus críticas al derrotero de la República y al Frente popular, y aún más al adherirse a la sublevación militar de julio de 1936. La prensa de izquierda no se lo perdonó ni después de su muerte, aunque, a partir del 12 de octubre de ese año, hubiera matizado su postura en el conflicto.

Com o Decreto 181 de 24 de janeiro de 1890, a República laicizou o casamento e o divórcio. Todavia, o presente artigo se pôs a refletir “tão somente” acerca das influências republicana, católica e metodista desta forma de união. À vista disso, as intervenções vindouras problematizaram o quanto os deslocamentos efetivados pela República no tocante ao casamento deram combustíveis quer ao catolicismo, quer ao metodismo para cada qual, ao seu modo, desenvolver rinhas concernentes aos significados das núpcias. Contudo, nestes aspectos, há a se considerar, no que tange à laicização, que ela sempre esteve aderida às visões católicas e, por isso o conjúgio republicano, inevitavelmente, alimentou-se na seiva da celebração católica.

La inestabilidad de la primavera de 1936 es una cuestión histórica que sigue suscitando interés, ya que se vincula con el origen de la Guerra Civil. Debemos analizar cuantitativa y cualitativamente la violencia y el orden público en la provincia de Murcia durante este período con el fin de comprender su dinámica, sus autores y consecuencias. Se han estudiado las fuentes históricas, destacando los documentos de archivo y la bibliografía, contrastándolas para que su estudio en conjunto supla las carencias individuales. Como conclusión, los desórdenes murcianos fueron de una intensidad similar a la de la situación general en España, la responsabilidad de la violencia se repartió equitativamente entre las organizaciones izquierdistas y derechistas y las autoridades no se caracterizaron en general por su pasividad, con algunas excepciones poco claras.

This article contains an introductory presentation of the medieval text Vision of Tnugdalus, a description of the context of its emergence and its discursive genre, and a theoretical reflection on its content from the Bakhtinian concept of carnivalization and other concepts of historical approach that are part of the reflection of scholars who describe medieval popular culture and the phenomena correlated with this text. The part of the Vision of Tnugdalus that narrates the visionary's passage through hell is exclusively delimited. In this study, the synchronic aspect stands out and the proposed discussion applies to the depth of the imaginary, to the cultural phenomenon that manifests itself in the narrative. From the Cassirerian cultural point of view, on which Bakhtin is based, texts of this kind, very common in the Middle Ages, represent a symbolic resource to overcome the fear of death, which is intrinsically part of the cosmovision of the human being endowed with culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The outset of the Republic in Brazil stimulated an intense literate production that ends up serving as an important source to understand such context. In this article we focused on the work of the Viscount of Taunay (1843-1899), starting on the analysis of three publications: Império e República (1933), Memórias (1948) and O encilhamento (1894). From such texts, whose criticism of the republican novelty was notorious as opposed to nostalgia for the monarchical past, we demonstrate the keen perception of the writer's temporality - as someone who perceived himself in the transition between two times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this article is to widely publicaze the origin, structure and purpose of the Legal Law of the XII Tables, a transcendental legal instrument in the Roman Republic, with special emphasis on the marriage between patricians and plebeians, finally evoking the lex canuleia to the rhythm of the most emblematic song of the Peruvian songwriter Felipe Pinglo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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El texto pone el énfasis en una serie de novedades respecto de las características generales del libro: por un lado, su versatilidad de lecturas posibles; su impecable estructura, que pivotea sobre una cuestión central como es el problema de la soberanía; la rareza de la asumir la autonomía política en un libro de historia política sin desviarse de esa decisión. La relevancia del libro no se agota en esas precisiones: por otro lado, se llama la atención sobre la importante contribución para pensar una historia comparada entre la experiencia republicana en latinomamérica y la diversa experiencia europea; por el otro, también se interroga sobre el vínculo que el libro sugiere entre el fin del experimento republicano y una concepción de la democracia.

Ante el avance de la judicialización de la política —y la politización de la justicia—, este artículo se propuso recrear una escena controversial. Controversia, debate, litigio y polémica fueron categorías utilizadas en este texto para caracterizar el intercambio —tanto político como periodístico— producido en torno al Proyecto de Democratización de la Justicia presentado por la expresidenta de Argentina, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, en el año 2013. Para ello, hemos analizado las noticias referidas al proyecto de tres diarios de circulación nacional (Clarín, La Nación y Página/12) y las pusimos en tensión con el discurso propiamente político. Lo importante en este punto no consiste tanto en la verificación de si lo estudiado se corresponde efectivamente con un proceso de lawfare o, a la inversa, con un intento de un determinado Gobierno de interceder —con fines político partidarios— en el correcto funcionamiento de la justicia sino, más bien, cómo esos procesos político-judiciales que estudiamos aparecen así tematizados en la escena pública argentina. Los materiales fueron analizados considerando, como hipótesis, que la discusión se estructura en torno a tres ejes: i) el momento en el que es planteada la reforma, ii) la discusión sobre su constitucionalidad, y iii) el debate sobre la división de poderes.

O tema proposto neste trabalho tratou das relações entre o Homem Cordial e os bestializados no (não) exercício da cidadania brasileira. Desse modo, serviram como referências as obras Raízes do Brasil (1936), de Sérgio Buarque de Holanda e Os bestializados: O Rio de Janeiro e a República que não foi (1987), de José Murilo de Carvalho. O principal objetivo do estudo foi analisar as relações entre o Homem Cordial e os bestializados enquanto “não-cidadãos”. O caminho metodológico percorrido foi fomentado pela pesquisa bibliográfica, visando conceituar alguns temas relevantes como: cidadão/cidadania, Homem Cordial, bestializados, atitude blasé, dentre outros. Destaca-se que esses foram caracterizados a partir do conceito de “tipos ideais” de Max Weber. Os resultados alcançados foram condizentes com as pretensões do trabalho, em especial no que tange às semelhanças entre o Homem Cordial e os bestializados, demonstradas através do não-exercício da cidadania, visto que direitos políticos e sociais pertenciam à minoria. Da mesma forma, foi possível entender o relevante papel científico que a Sociologia traz às discussões acadêmicas, sobretudo quando ela foge às tentações de alcançar a verdade absoluta, e se abre às novas reflexões e teorias.

Resumo Este artigo tem como objetivo compreender alguns acontecimentos políticos da Primeira República pelo olhar literário de Lima Barreto. Numa relação entre alegoria e história, buscamos entender como o escritor trabalha o mundo político a partir do figurado, da sátira e de temas clássicos da literatura universal, como o banquete. A crônica mestra que será analisada é Coisas do Jambon, publicada na revista Careta, em 1921. Por meio de seus rastros alegóricos, iremos descortinar outros testemunhos e apreender os fios que costuram a particularidade da história brasileira. Dois episódios históricos se cruzam nas imagens alegorizadas tecidas pelo autor: a vinda de Alberto I, rei da Bélgica, ao Brasil, em 1920; e a disputa presidencial entre Artur Bernardes e Nilo Peçanha, em 1921.

Copyright of Human Review is the property of Eagora Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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El trabajo es un análisis comparativo de dos cuestiones presentes en los escritos de Tomas Paine y Maximilen Robespierre: la defensa de la república y el reconocimiento de los derechos sociales. Ambos defienden una república representativa, pero difieren en el proceso de construcción y en el uso de la violencia. Ambos persiguen la supresión de la pobreza, pero el derecho a una renta del suelo de Paine es universal e incondicionado, mientras que el derecho a la existencia de Robespierre no atañe a todas las personas, sino a las que son pobres o carecen de trabajo. Consecuentemente, Paine puede ser considerado el precursor de la renta básica universal y Robespierre un pionero defensor del derecho de subsistencia condicionado.

O presente artigo tem como objetivo apresentar as premissas e justificativas que embasam o processo de elaboração e teste do projeto Kallipolis: o jogo dos governos. O projeto consistiu no desenvolvimento de um jogo que tem como objetivo ilustrar e criar um ambiente no qual um estudante ou interessado em filosofia descubra e pense a partir das reflexões que Platão apresenta no oitavo livro d’A República. Em vista disso, primeiro discorremos brevemente sobre os fundamentos filosóficos que embasam a concepção do jogo, isto é, como pensamos os seus elementos a partir do livro VIII d’A República de Platão. Em seguida, explicamos a metodologia que propusemos para sua elaboração e testagem e, a partir do que foi observado no processo de realização dos testes, discutimos e apontamos algumas potencialidades e limitações do jogo em vista de seu uso pelo professor de Filosofia no Ensino Médio.

En 1836, exiliado en Bolivia, Juan Ignacio Gorriti publica un extenso ensayo acerca de la inestabilidad política americana posrevolucionaria, Reflexiones sobre las causas morales de las convulsiones internas en los nuevos estados americanos y examen de los medios eficaces para remediarlos. Gorriti encuentra las causas de esa inestabilidad en el despotismo que se expandió en las nuevas repúblicas americanas como resultado de la revolución y de la guerra. Aunque la dimensión de su obra es americana, Gorriti deriva su análisis de la experiencia política rioplatense, de la cual ha participado activamente por veinte años. A fin de superar el despotismo, Gorriti propone la formación de un cuerpo de sacerdotes bien educado en cuestiones teológicas y cívicas que emprenda una evangelización republicana destinada a difundir en el pueblo una educación a la vez religiosa y republicana como única garantía de la creación de una ciudadanía responsable.

Este artículo investiga algunos pasajes de la República de Platón para comprender algunos presupuestos y consecuencias de la argumentación del filósofo sobre el estatus de las pasiones, que culmina con la incisiva y radical afirmación, en el libro X, de que “es necesario secar las emociones” (Rep. 606d). Ello se debe a que, según Platón, ellas conducen a los hombres a actuar de forma irracional y cobarde, especialmente a aquellos ciudadanos que se acostumbran a la poesía, especialmente la dramática, que incita a las pasiones. Frente a la crítica del filósofo al valor del teatro y a las expresiones de dolor (como el lamento y el llanto), propongo revalorizar el papel de la emoción en la formación del ciudadano y el fortalecimiento político de un grupo, tomando un caso contemporáneo: la ceremonia fúnebre realizada por el gobierno francés con motivo de la muerte del actor Jean-Paul Belmondo, en el contexto de la crisis pandémica de SARS-CoV-2.

The present work aims at studying the myth of Gyges’ ring from Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s work The Reveries of a solitary Walker. Gyges’ ring is a magic artefact, allowing its bearer to be visible or invisible according to his will. The ring’s myth is portraited for the first time in the Second Book of Plato’s Republic. Thusly, our article is divided in two parts: the first one presents an analysis of the Republic observing its challenge of justice and the relation it holds with the art of ruling; the second part presents an investigation of Rousseau’s work to show how he had absorbed the ring’s myth. The main objective of our work is the comparison between Plato’s and Rousseau’s view of Gyges’ ring, and the investigation of the concept of nature as one of the pillars of the social contract theory. As results we present the way Rousseau answers to the challenge of justice from the concept of justice within the soul, whereas no harm could be done to others. In his reflexion on the ring, Rousseau seems to point at the existence of an interior justice according to its “natural inclination”, opposite to any obligation of the positive law among men. Therefore, one needs to observe that Rousseau is defending justice according to the natural rights holding that any contract established among men should be according to nature. This agrees with our thesis of a possible political ontology based on firstly, the concept of a universal justice, and secondly, on the art of ruling according to justice.

Based on the concepts of modernity of the public space, of liberal exile and Hispanic American experience, the present article intends to examine Cipriano Barata's and Frei Caneca's transcripts in Correio do Rio de Janeiro, in 1823, while its editor João Soares Lisboa was in prison for being accused of "colluding with Republicans". These editions discussed civic virtues, the Emperor's morality, and the idealization of what Soares Lisboa called a "Monarchical-Democratic" government and disseminated, in the Court, the ruling center of the Empire, a project for Brazil that fought the Upper House and defended provincial autonomy in a federal arrangement, with broad citizen participation in government, formation of militias and restriction of the monarch's powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The elaborate construction of the Republic progresses, step by step, to a final conclusion, irrefutable for Socrates' interlocutors, in the construction of the ideal city: mimesis and, in particular, the tragic theatre have no place in that city, for its ontological emptiness and for the illusion and consequent deviation of reason. However, the Platonic Socrates argues with frequent recourse to metaphors, to allegories. The very structuring of book 1 suggests, by poetic anticipation, the course of the dialogical 'action'. In other words: the reader or listener will appreciate how the Philosopher resorts to what he rejects, surrendering to its charm and aware of its persuasive charge. I propose, then, in the matter of understanding how theatre (tragedy) is excluded from the perfect city, to follow the thread of argument and the steps of argumentation that seem to contain deliberate vice and contradiction to arrive at the elimination of mimetic art (versus theatre) from the perfect polis, supported by a decisive argument of analogy: that of the ontological devaluation of painting, as mimesis of appearances. In the whole dialogical journey, however, if the power of persuasion derives from the appeal to intelligence (noesis) and understanding (dianoia), through argumentative logic, it also derives from the force of the suggestion of poetic resources. It is, after all, this same process of persuasion that leads Socrates to admit in the city the epidictic rhetoric of poetry of praise to illustrious men and heroes. Now this constitutes the space paradoxically open to what Socrates warns about as a danger: the charm of the imprecise, which escapes judicious evaluation. This is the case and the function of the recourse to the developed metaphor of painting, prepared to devalue this art by resorting to the comparative argument of the mirror. After all, artistic imagery delights and reinforces the reader's adherence to the Platonic proposal, in a dynamic that is easily condensed into delectare, mouere, docere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to understand the structuring of the baptismal co-parenthood ("compadrazgo") network in the La Cañada parish, Province of Maracaibo, Venezuela, in the second decade of the republican period (1834-1841), and to evaluate the importance of this connecting link in the generation of social capital and social cohesion in the parish in said historical time. Additionally, the structural differences between said network and the network of baptismal co-parenthood generated in the parish at the end of the monarchical period are compared, in order to infer possible differences in the structuring mechanisms of the relational fabric and the generation of social capital in the parish in both historical times. The methodology of Social Network Analysis (sna) is used for the structural analysis of the network. It is found, among others, that the baptismal co-parenthood network generated in the second republican decade had a lower degree of integration and structural cohesion in comparison with the equivalent network generated at the end of the monarchical period, which would indicate that by the years 1834-1841 the role of baptismal co-parenthood as a generator of social cohesion in the parish had somewhat eroded. It is argued that this could have been related to changes in the social reproduction strategies of the parishioners, more specifically, to changes in the modalities of alliances as a consequence of the new forms of sociability of the republican period. The main primary sources used in the investigation were a population census of the parish carried out in the year 1834, and the marriage and baptism records registered in the ecclesiastical books of the parish in the years 1834-1841. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates a few passages from Plato's Republic in order to uncover certain assumptions and consequences of the philosopher's argument about the status of emotions, which culminates in the incisive and radical statement in book X, "It is necessary to dry the emotions" (Rep.606d). According to Plato, emotions lead men to act irrationally and in a cowardly manner, especially citizens who become accustomed to poetry, particularly drama, which arouses the passions. Rather than analyzing the philosopher's criticism of the value of theater and the expression of pain (such as lamentation and crying), I shall examine a contemporary case: the funeral of actor Jean-Paul Belmondo which was held by the French government amidst the SARSCoV- 2 pandemic crisis. Through this approach I shall reassess the role of emotion in the education of citizens and the political strengthening of a city or a group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Saeculum - Revista de História (0104-8929) is the property of Saeculum - Revista de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

María Edilia Valero, a Venezuelan writer, arrived in Madrid at the end of the 1920s with the purpose of creating a Hispanic-American cultural center that encompassed multiple scope of action. This research paper approaches the institution she created, its foundation and directions, its statutes and activities during the years it was active in Spain and its closure with the declaration of the Spanish civil war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under a republican democratic system, the rule of law and the governance of institutions must guarantee the full observance of the Constitution. Any decisionmaking abuses, any outburst or fanciful interpretation of the Constitution ever intended by the maximum executive authority, should be neutralized. This judgment turns out to be incomplete: the daily actions of millions of citizens cannot be left aside of the democratic system. In a sense, citizenship is the political system. To some extent, the terms used in the presidential speeches -democracy, republic and citizenship, in this case- clearly signal the path that reality will take. This paper is based on a particular theoretical framework built around the idea of citizen function and a civic ethical standard of minimum constitutional principles and we analyze the messages for the opening of legislative sessions that the Executive Power delivered in the National Congress during the years 2010 to 2020, a period that included the presidencies of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, Mauricio Macri and Alberto Fernández. By breaking down the characteristics of the "national and popular" and "liberal-republican" models through the citizen's lens, we attempt to demonstrate the essential need to have a citizenship that is a fundamental element of the democratic system and therefore, needs to be educated for such purpose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tradicionalmente, la metáfora de los anillos imantados contenida en el monólogo socrático del Ion se ha interpretado en clave epistemológica, en un contexto de debate sobre la naturaleza de la actividad poética. Sin negar este aspecto, la interpretación que se defiende en este artículo es que por medio de la metáfora de los anillos imantados se confrontan también dos modos opuestos de entender la unidad del Estado: una, la que se establece por medio de la téchne política, de naturaleza racional, autónoma, diferenciada y permanente; y otra, la de poetas y rapsodas, de naturaleza irracional, heterónoma, homogeneizadora y litúrgica.

El autor examina las líneas de continuidad y las diferencias que existen respecto a la dialéctica platónica entre el Fedón y la República, por un lado, y el Parménides y el Teeteto, por otro, ya que solo en estos últimos y especialmente en el Parménides es donde podemos encontrar una demostración del método. Las reflexiones metodológicas del Parménides sobre la dialéctica insisten en tres dimensiones: (a) un componente gimnástico en el que debe ejercitarse el pensamiento, (b) la necesidad de explorar caminos que muestran la inviabilidad o la errancia de las tesis ontológicas propuestas y (c) su indudable conexión con la verdad. Dada la diversidad de interpretaciones suscitadas por las ocho hipótesis de la segunda parte del Parménides, el autor explora el vocabulario cognitivo que contienen como un indicio muy claro del valor de verdad o de la inviabilidad que Platón concedía a cada una de ellas, lo cual pone de manifiesto cómo se ejecuta la metodología dialéctica a la que tiene que atenerse el pensamiento filosófico.

El artículo recoge el planteamiento de estudio del incaísmo, referido como un constructo ideológico relacionado al “recuerdo inca”. Se ingresa al análisis de la función ideológica de este “recuerdo” en el imaginario colectivo cusqueño en la etapa de transición colonial al republicano en la ciudad del Cusco. El análisis abarca la conformación del nacionalismo cusqueño inicial y la vivencia del Estado republicano en los primeros años de su temprano proceso institucional. La perspectiva de la crítica narrativa posmoderna antropológica fue fundamental para establecer el proceso historiográfico e ideológico cultural que analizamos.

RESUMO O texto apresenta a trajetória da construção visual de Júlio de Castilhos (Presidente da Província do Rio Grande do Sul, década de 1890) por parte do poder público e imprensa. Visa-se discutir a construção da imagem visual do líder republicano como um projeto político que perpassa os acervos dos arquivos e museus públicos e o emprego dessas imagens na imprensa partidária e comercial das cidades de Porto Alegre e Pelotas, os dois principais centros republicanos do estado.

La finalidad de esta investigación es analizar la relación que ha existido entre el Derecho Constitucional y el Derecho Comercial en el Perú en el siglo XIX, con el nacimiento de la República. De este modo, la evaluación de la realidad social y jurídica con la declaración de la independencia hasta la actualidad permite observar una “república inconclusa” que no ha logrado generar un sistema normativo que garantice la gobernabilidad, la democracia, la seguridad jurídica a la población. En este sentido, el estudio de la realidad peruana entre 1821 y 1899 resulta fundamental, sobre todo porque el modelo político constitucional se basa en la regulación de las condiciones económicas y comerciales en la sociedad peruana, para lo cual se presenta un estudio histórico-dogmático que plantea un análisis interdisciplinario con una proyección hasta nuestra actualidad.

El presente artículo está basado en las mujeres peruanas que Flora Tristán conoció durante su viaje al Perú entre 1832 y 1833. Ellas han permanecido en el tiempo en su libro Peregrinaciones de una paria. A través de Joaquina, Manuela, Carmen, Francisca, las rabonas, las limeñas y las otras, se esboza un amplio panorama de diversos entornos de desigualdad y opresión. En este escenario, la sociedad se organiza por y para un sujeto que es el hombre blanco criollo de clase alta, imaginario social cuyos fragmentos persisten hasta la actualidad.

Este artículo se propone revisitar el debate en torno al populismo como fenómeno y como concepto político en las ciencias sociales argentinas post transicionales valiéndose de las herramientas propias de la historia conceptual y la historia intelectual. Nuestra hipótesis es que el lugar que ocupa el concepto de populismo en el debate político y académico en la Argentina actual se explica, siempre parcialmente, por la polarización del campo político argentino en torno a proyectos políticos antagónicos cuyo carácter incluyente o excluyente, elitista o popular es nombrado a través de la oposición conceptual entre populismo y republicanismo. El análisis se circunscribe a sus usos y evolución en las principales discusiones al interior del campo intelectual y académico argentino en la historia reciente, en particular, desde el retorno de la democracia en 1983 hasta el final de los gobiernos kirchneristas, coyuntura crítica a partir de la cual los sentidos del populismo fueron especialmente puestos en disputa.