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This article deals with Julian the Apostate’s religious policy and its relationship with the renewal of both the Roman state and the morals of Roman society during the emperor’s reign. Julian, who was a zealous follower of pagan religion, attempted to re-establish the old cultus deorum in the Christian-pagan society and to make paganism the Roman state religion. Ammianus, who witnessed Julian’s reign, shows in his Res Gestae that the emperor did his utmost to renew equally the morals of society and condition of the state. In this article the author argues that ‒ according to Ammianus ‒ Julian’s religious programme influenced neither his good moral conduct nor his secular policy. In the Res Gestae, the historian demonstrates that the imperial power as well as Julian’s virtues were sufficient means to renew the morals of society and to restore and strengthen the state, whereas religion only accompanied the emperor’s moves and did not influence them. This article was written with a view to presenting Ammianus’ standpoint on this matter as it emerges from the Res Gestae; one that may seem contrary to how some modern scholars tend to accentuate the role played by pagan religion in the secular policy of the Apostate.

The article examines the complex and fluctuant relationship which exists between the Moroccan regime and salafists from the 1970s until the ‘Arab Spring’. In each moment of this evolution, the regime opts for a pragmatic approach which consists in using this religious trend to meet pressing demands and priorities of a political and security nature. Ten years after breaking up with salafist groups, both quietists and jihadists, suspected to be responsible for the 2003 Casablanca attacks, the regime seeks henceforth to reconcile with salafis with the purpose to integrate them, or at least neutralise them, in the ongoing politico-religious reconfiguration process. Yet, this reconciliation, which aims to defuse the socio-political tensions and uncertainty the country has experienced in the aftermath of 2011 in addition to counterbalance the Islamists rising to power, is likely to challenge or even contradict certain ideological and doctrinal choices that have hitherto framed the religious policy since 2003.

The issue of the reopening of churches in the territory of Stavropol and Baku dioceses at the end of World War II and during the fi rst post-war years is connected with problems of the “new deal” (Russ. «новый курс») in state-church relations in the USSR. A correlation of macro- and micro-historical phenomena in a single problem fi eld allows us to regard this issue as a complex system of interactions. The starting point for the analysis of the position of acting fi gures of the events in question is the initiative of Orthodox church communities that had been forced out of the legal fi eld in the course of antireligious policy of the previous period. The article traces important changes in religious life of regional communities in war-time conditions and draws on the material of Stavropol region, autonomous republics of the Caucasus and Azerbaij an. After the Battle for the Caucasus and Stalingrad Battle, the state faced the necessity to reverse the process of large-scale seizure of church buildings, which for a quarter of a century accompanied its religious policy. The state with an offi cial atheistic ideology came to be a donor to the religious community, providing it with buildings for the worship. This ideological paradox is determined by the direct involvement of top leadership of the Soviet Union in the issue of reopening of churches, as well as an active position of the Chairman of the Council for Aff airs of the Russian Orthodox Church and representatives of local authorities. The almost simultaneous election of patriarch of Moscow and all Russia and the enthronement of archbishop Anthony (Romanovsky) in Stavropol See complements the picture of historical interactions from the side of church hierarchy, the main mediator between communities of believers and state authorities in solving the problem of reopening of churches. On the basis of archival documents, the article makes conclusions as to the nature of concessions of the government in the issue of officially recognised extension of the social base of the church. The article also provides evidence that the “new deal” in fact continued pre-war practices of antireligious policy; it also reveals forms and methods of resisting religious revival in the centre and in the periphery, reconstructs the model of implementing the impeding strategy and summarises results of the established status quo in church life of the North Caucasus and Eastern Transcaucasia at the moment of completion of the so-called “new deal”.

Introduction. This paper deals with the dynamics of changes in relations between followers of Christianity and Islam in Egypt since the 1970s. The relevance of our research consists in the fact that the aforementioned world religions play a significant role in the formation of Egyptians’ mindset and the predestination of their behavior. The novelty of the topic is associated with the attempt to speak about the problem of interfaith relations in the light of main “players’ view”. The list of players includes the State, the Coptic Orthodox Church, the Muslim Brotherhood Movement and other Islamic institutions under presidential control. The research is aimed at analyzing the interfaith relations in Egypt over the last fifty years in order to determine their current status. To achieve this goal, we consistently solved a number of tasks. At first, we found out prerequisites of problem’s emergence, then we described interests of each group, considered their activity and made general implications. Methods. For complex study of the role of the State and religious structures, we have applied an institutional research method. A historical and a system method allowed us to comprehend a genesis of the question and show how internal and external factors affect these institutions. Results. We’ve made the conclusion that the main impact on interfaith relations was made by authoritarian leader who specified their evolution in a favorable way for him. The official Islamic clerics get benefits from the President and therefore do not criticize his power. The Coptic Orthodox Church also collaborates with the State under the threat of terroristic attacks. The Muslim Brotherhood Movement shows independent views, so it can condemn or support President’s decisions based on their vision of the role of religion in the country. Thus, in the 21st century, the choice between Secularization and Islamization will became principal for Egypt’s development.

In the present article the basic aspects of activity of Romanian Orthodox Mission in Transnistria during the Second World War (1941-1944) are analyzed. The author concludes that the main objective of Romanian politics was the re-Christianization of the occupied territory of the USSR. The situation of the Orthodox Church in Transnistria was catastrophic in 1941. Only one church operated on the whole territory between the Dniester and Bug, in Odessa, with one priest. Other churches were completely destroyed (235 churches) or turned into clubs, shops, libraries, etc. Romanian authorities instructed to restore church life in this region to a special Orthodox mission, which from 1941 to 1944 achieved certain results: most of the churches closed by the Bolsheviks were restored and returned to believers; the necessary clergymen were appointed to the parishes; several monasteries were reopened; two theological seminaries were opened; religious books and textbooks were printed, over 20 church newspapers and magazines were published. All these actions had a favorable effect on the restoration of religious life in Transnistria.

Banaras also known as Varanasi (at present a district of Uttar Pradesh state, India) was a sarkar (district) under Allahabad Subah (province) during the great Mughals period (1526-1707). The great Mughals have immortal position for their contributions to Indian economic, society and culture, most important in the development of Ganga-Jamuni Tehzeeb (Hindustani culture). With the establishment of their state in Northern India, Mughal emperors had effected changes by their policies. One of them was their religious policy which is a very controversial topic though is very important to the history of medieval India. There are debates among the historians about it. According to one group, Mughals’ religious policy was very intolerance towards non-Muslims and their holy places, while the opposite group does not agree with it, and say that Mughlas adopted a liberal religious policy which was in favour of non-Muslims and their deities. In the context of Banaras we see the second view. As far as the destruction of temples is concerned was not the result of Mughals’ bigotry, but due to the contemporary political and social circumstances. Mostly temples were destroyed during the war time and under political reasons. This study is based on primary Persian sources and travelogues, perusal study of Faramin (decrees), and modern works done on the theme. Besides this, I have tried to derive accurate historical information from folklore, and have adopted an analytical approach. This article showed that Mughals’ religious policy was in favour of Pundits (priests), Hindu scholars and temples of Banaras; many ghats and temples were built in Banaras with the full support of Mughals. Aurangzeb made many grants both cashes and lands to priests and scholars of Banaras.

The article is devoted to the study of the Volga Stavropol Kalmyks both as a special military service estate and ethnic-confessional one. Results of the work on the volumes of the documentary serie “The Volga Stavropol Kalmyks” and research project “Parish registered books of the Volga Stavropol Kalmyks” are there. Also the importance of scholar usage of unpublished documents and registered notes is marked in this article.

The article analyzes the official activities of the Commissioners of Religious Cult Affairs in the Kalmyk ASSR in 1960-1991 and provides their sociodemographic characteristics. The issues of religious policy and the relations between the commissioners, the Christian clergy and the Executive organs of religious societies were considered. Among the functions of the Commissioner for Religious Affairs were to attend worship services, talk with religious leaders and Church representatives, and travel to areas where he met with the believers and members of the party-state authorities. At the meetings he explained the nature of religious law, became acquainted with the religious situation, resolved problems encountered in the relationship between the believers and the authorities. The main duties of the Commissioner included the supervision over observance of legislation on religious cult affairs by believers and representatives of state institutions as well as public organizations. He checked the activities of the clergy and authorities, their documentation, attended meetings of believers. In case of violation of the law he had the right to initiate before the government authorities the process of striking off the register religious societies and groups, removing clerics from the performance of their official duties, achieving re-election of the Church Council and the audit Commission. In the late 1980s there were positive changes in Soviet religious policy: both the Buddhist and Christian clergy were actively involved in the political life of the Republic. Moreover, in 1989 the heads of Buddhists and Orthodox took part as candidates in the elections of the “Councils of Deputies and Workmen” of different levels. The article is based on the materials of the State Archive of the Russian Federation and the National Archive of the Republic of Kalmykia.

The article deals with the history of the Pentecostal Movement in Kalmykia during the Soviet period on the basis of archival documents. Pentecostal organisations were first founded in the German settlements of the Bolshederbetovsky ulus in the 1920s. However, the authorities arrested the leader of the Pentecostals and the organization was soon closed down. The Pentecostal Movement continued to grow in the late 1950s, after the return of the German population to Kalmykia from places of deportation. In the 1950s and 1970s members of Pentecostal groups worked in 5 settlements, which were located in Gorodovikovsky and Yashaltinsky regions of the Kalmyk ASSR. Usually, the group consisted of 8-15 people, mostly persons of German nationality. By the end of the 1980s, the number of Pentecostals in Kalmykia had decreased and only one of their group had remained. In the postwar period, the government had them merge with the Baptists and prevented them from registering. Therefore, they acted illegally. The atheistic policy of the Soviet state caused the collapse of the Pentecostal Movement in Kalmykia which eventually resulted in the cessation of the influx of new members into a Pentecostal organization. Unlike the Baptists, the Pentecostals did not have the legal structures and were fewer in number, so most their groups disbanded. Although in the late 1980s the religious policy of the Soviet state underwent positive changes, the Pentecostal movement in Kalmykia did not revive, where it had once been suppressed and most of their groups by this time had ceased to exist.

As of this time, the religious behavior of young people, the specifics of their religious practices and their general attitude to religion have not been adequately studied. The same fully applies to the influence of youth religious culture on the religious environment. Meanwhile, a better understanding of the religiosity level among young people and its specific features would have produced a more balanced and more adequate religious policy and helped preserve interconfessional harmony and stability in the post-Soviet space. In the course of our studies we defined the level of religiosity by the extent to which the sacral duties (i.e., fasting, praying, pilgrimage to holy places and voluntary offerings) were observed. The attitude of the younger generation to religious extremism was also examined. We based our research on the results of public opinion polls among the young people in the cities of Turkestan (Kazakhstan) and Nizhnekamsk (Tatarstan, Russian Federation). It turned out that the level of religiosity (as per the above parameters) among the young people of Tatarstan was lower by almost two times than that in Kazakhstan, yet the type of their religious culture does not negatively affect religious stability. The high and ever-growing level of religiosity among all population groups (younger generation included) is present in the southern regions of Kazakhstan (the Turkestan Region being no exception), which are seen as a zone of high risk of religious extremism. The results of recent studies, however, confirmed that current social instability is not rooted in youth radicalism: the level and nature of religious activity in this population group are not a threat to religious stability in the region. Indeed, the majority of the respondents in the Turkestan Region had no personal experience of dealing with radical religious extremists; a smaller part (a third) of the respondents believes that the threat is real. In Tatarstan, on the other hand, the share of respondents who are aware of the threat of religious extremist activity and fear it is nearly 40%; the share of those who admit that religious extremists are present among the republic’s younger generation is even higher (81%). While the majority of the respondents assessed the religious situation in Tatarstan as fairly stable, 40% remained convinced that religious extremists may destabilize the religious environment in the region. Since the level of religiosity among the polled young people in Tatarstan is nearly half the size of that in Kazakhstan, it can be defined as a zone of low youth religious activity. The level of religiosity in Turkestan makes it a zone of average religious activity. Comparative analysis of the religiosity level among the younger generation helped us identify certain factors that negatively affect interconfessional stability in Kazakhstan and Russia and suggest an efficient religious policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article analyzes the main elements of the modern theoretical concept of post-secularity in the context of comparative analysis with the main provisions of the theory of secularity, compares and analyzes different interpretations and different theoretical and methodological approaches to defining post-secular society. A retrospective analysis of the causes and process of formation of the postsecular paradigm in the conditions of observation of the inability to fully implement the principles of secularism is carried out. The correlation between post-secular reality and convergent processes as a reaction to socio-cultural transformations of society is revealed. The role of the ecumenical concept as one of the main elements of the convergent processes of society as a response to the spread of secular ideology and socio-cultural transformations of society is clarified. The complex comparative analysis and reflexive, critical views on sekulyarnist and plurality of interpretations outlined the use of the term "postsekulyarnist" in modern philosophical and religious studies plane. The concept of post-secularism does not aim to deny the existence of modern secular societies, or that they all totally move towards desecularization, but to demonstrate that the main directions of the secular paradigm remain often unrealized. Instead, religion is not seen as a relic of the past, but in the public sphere it is given a legitimate role, which can still remain the subject of debate. However, such tolerance should exclude the slightest suspicion of its possible repressive nature, when adherents of both religiosity and secularism recognize one after another the right to their own beliefs, the practice or non-practice of rituals. Evidence of post-secular ideological disposition is open Christian communities to adopt and implement in reality ecumenical concepts as well as their focus on directives post-secular philosophy and theology, intended to overcome destrukturyzatsiyu caused by secular processes in the political and cultural spheres of secular society and inner life of the Christian denominations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Seminare Learned Investigations / Seminare. Poszukiwania naukowe is the property of Francis de Sales Scientific Society / Towarzystwo Naukowe Franciszka Salezego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this essay I discuss the encounter of the Church of England and the German Evangelical Churches in the aftermath of World War Two. Central to the relationship is the work of George Bell, Bishop of Chichester. He rebuilt links that had existed before hostilities started in an attempt to create a new theology for German political life. Bell was instrumental in the creation of a Religious Affairs Branch within the British element of the Control Commission Germany. As will be shown, he worked closely with the staff of the branch. In Germany throughout the period were Anglican members of the Royal Army Chaplains' Department. At the start they played a role in linking the local German churches with the British occupation authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective is to present an overview of the relationship between church and state in Brazil in the 19th century, comprising key moments of a double process of incompatibility and discontinuity. First, the Religious Question (1872-1875), which represents the expression of an ultramontane incompatibility, supported by Pius ix, with the practice of Brazilian Catholicism, and which translates as a discontinuity between the church itself and the imperial policy. Second, the separation of state and church was in 1890, a year after the Proclamation of the Republic. This model had original features, due to the moderate aspect and the way of negotiation employed by the Brazilian episcopate. A kind of anticipation of the discontinuity of the church with the monarchical regime is identified, which is consolidated with the Ralliement in 1892, related to the French case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos is the property of Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article deals with Julian the Apostate's religious policy and its relationship with the renewal of both the Roman state and the morals of Roman society during the emperor's reign. Julian, who was a zealous follower of pagan religion, attempted to re-establish the old cultus deorum in the Christian-pagan society and to make paganism the Roman state religion. Ammianus, who witnessed Julian's reign, shows in his Res Gestae that the emperor did his utmost to renew equally the morals of society and condition of the state. In this article the author argues that - according to Ammianus - Julian's religious programme influenced neither his good moral conduct nor his secular policy. In the Res Gestae, the historian demonstrates that the imperial power as well as Julian's virtues were sufficient means to renew the morals of society and to restore and strengthen the state, whereas religion only accompanied the emperor's moves and did not influence them. This article was written with a view to presenting Ammianus' standpoint on this matter as it emerges from the Res Gestae; one that may seem contrary to how some modern scholars tend to accentuate the role played by pagan religion in the secular policy of the Apostate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The new publication carries on the study with theme of the Justinian’s I building activity. There is the legislative material of the period 535–546 selected as the research object. An analysis of data of the Justinianic novels and edicts displays some interesting things, which do partly correct a certain modern notions of this object. At the same time, the legislative data corroborated the known from other sources fact of intensive church building under Justinian the Great. The well-known prevailing role of the private builder in the same time did receive the supplementary confirmation as well. But Justinian I was not a big private builder of churches, as the literary historical sources try to demonstrate. This emperor is mentioned in his novels in connection with the building of monasteries. It’s scholar knowledge that Justinian was working out the standards in the sphere of the religious building. However, full regulation of the building process didn’t take place under his rule: just separate norms have arisen then, which concerned mainly the proprietors’ rights and duties, and as well indirectly as the volume of church building. Consequently, Justinian the Emperor did not only build many religious edifices, but limited private building too. Finally, the aforesaid witnesses that he didn’t have any program of church building in the Empire, and he didn’t waste state financial means for its realization.

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Studies about religion and education in post-Mao China have become more common in recent years, but very few have touched on teacher and religious education at the basic education level. This study adopted a mixed methodology approach (questionnaire, interview and lesson design analysis) to report Chinese pre-service teachers' interpretations of religious policy in citizenship education. The analyses of the findings reveal that pre-service teachers actively constructed their understandings of religion-citizenship, rather than passively adopting the officially promoted religion-citizenship relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Mahmud of Ghazni's rule witnessed the formation of fundamental Sunni principles. Mahmud of Ghazni ignored the activities related to kalam in accordance with the religious policy, and he rather preferred to protect sufist waves relied on modesty and tolerance. Mahmud of Ghazni with a wellreligious and mystical education valued the Sunni scholars and sufists in terms of the sultanate, and created madrasas by establishing foundations on behalf of them. He did not hesitate to fight against those who were against his rule and to stand against all mythical beliefs and mystical insights contrary to his own politics. A lot of data related to Mahmud of Ghazni's religious education, sufist stance and relations with sufists c an be f ound i n c o-eval pieces such as tabakât, terâcim and menakıbnames. Some narratives cite him a sufi as compassionate, and wise as told in the stories. This study aims at investigating his religious education and viewpoint in regard to narratives and his relations with the sufis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the main directions of the 'strategies' of Orthodox and Protestant social communication in the Ruthenian Territories of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth at the turn of the 16th and 17th centuries. Relations between Protestants and the Orthodox Church followed a natural and traditional course of actions aimed at protecting the confessional freedom of non-Catholics. This cooperation was taken up too late. It took place at the time of predominance of the counter-reformation camp in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the rapid development of science and technology, the era of big data has come. Big data technology will bring new changes to the innovation of social governance, including the management of religious affairs. Big data is of great significance to the successful implementation of the future decision making and the successful implementation of the guarantee decision. Big data will promote the management of religious affairs more scientifically, promote the improvement of the level of the management of religious affairs and promote the improvement of the management ability of religious emergency events. At present, big data has attracted the attention of relevant countries, organizations and research institutions. In the field of religious studies in our country, this new thing needs to be further studied. The government should start from the establishment of religious databases, data platforms and systems, and train big data talents, and constantly promote the role of big data in the field of religious affairs management, and promote the innovation of religious affairs management. Based on the induction and analysis of the definition, characteristics and essence of big data, this paper discusses the possible impact of big data on the development and dissemination of religion, the formulation and implementation of religious policies, the religious management and the theoretical research of religion, and the corresponding coping strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy & Peace is the property of Ihsan Dogramaci Peace Foundation, Center for Foreign Policy & Peace Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper is a description of the religious situation in China during the period of socio-economic reforms introduced by Deng Xiaoping. The relevance of the study is determined by the fact that there is currently a restructuring transition in China’s economic system, which effects and brings about changes in all spheres of life, including the religious one. The purpose of this study is to show how state measures can lead the country out of a spiritual crisis. In the process of the study, the comparative analytical approach has been used to identify the most important moments in China’s religious policy during the rule of Deng Xiaoping. We have analyzed not only statistical data, but also official documents, which ultimately allowed us to define our own position on the problem. The paper shows what changes the religious system of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) underwent and how much damage was inflicted on it during the rule of Mao Zedong. It has been pointed out that Deng Xiaoping was forced under the conditions of the economic crisis to embark on a path of socio-economic reforms that provoked negative trends in the spiritual sphere. The new leadership of the country led by Deng Xiaoping found a way out of this situation in the restoration of freedom of religion and in the return to traditional values. It has been shown the revitalization of the religious life of the PRC began in the 1980s. Based on the results of the study, the following conclusions have been made: the socio-economic reforms caused a spiritual crisis in China; the way out of this crisis was the return to the system of traditional values and the revival of religious life in the country. To overcome the challenges, a number of legislative acts were adopted, and the leading role played by the intelligentsia and clergy was restored in the society. The results obtained are of great importance for researchers who deal with the issues on China’s spiritual development.

In the article state of Anglican religion in the Russian Empire of the late XIX — early XX century is observed, information about the number of parishes and their location, number of church members and proportion of Russian and British subjects among them is given. The specific status of Russian Anglican parishes (not included into the common imperial system of non-Orthodox church management but using the extraterritorial status under the auspices of the British embassy) is shown. Legal problems, which faced Anglicans residing in Russia due to extraordinary status of their church are described (such as difficulties with testifying of parish registers and solution of divorce cases, indefinity of the procedure of conversion from Anglican Church to other Protestant denominations, impossibility for Anglican parishes to obtain property in their own favour). The attempts of the problems’ regulation by Russian authorities by making the specific law for Anglican religion are written down; the law was to subordinate Anglican church to the Ministry of Internal Affairs on equal terms with other non-Orthodox Christian denominations in Russia. The ecumenical contacts between Anglican and Orthodox church and their possible influence over Russian government’s policy towards Anglican religion are touched upon. The article is based on the materials of Russian State Historical Archive, it includes references to the essay “Anglican Episcopal Church” by S.D. Bondar, published in 1911 and articles in modern scientific and encyclopedic editions, concerned with the Protestant denominations in Russia.

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Our study sets out to discuss the religious policy of Emperor Heraclius (610-641) in regards to Hebrews. Before the relic of the Holy Cross was reinstalled in Jerusalem (31 March 630), Emperor Heraclius's relations with the Hebrews do not seem to be tense. Starting with 630, Heraclius retaliates against the Hebrews as a punishment for their collaboration with the Persians, as well as for their involvement in the massacre of Christians when Jerusalem was conquered by the Persians (614). The Emperor issued an edict for the forced conversion of Hebrews to Christianity. The scope of this edict covered the entire Byzantine Empire, but it was only enforced in Cartagena (May 31, 632). Saint Maximus the Confessor condemns Heraclius's decision to forcibly convert Cartagena Hebrews to Christianity. Heraclius's decree was contested among the Hebrews. Their forced christening caused their migration to Persia. Also, Heraclius's anti-Hebrew policy determined them to facilitate the Arab expansion in Byzantine territories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abu‟l-Fath Jalal-ud-din Muhammad Akbar popularly known as Akbar the Great (1556-1605) is considered as one of the greatest Mughal emperors for his achievements in the military, politics, and administration. In fact, he was the real founder of the empire after his victory at the Second Battle of Panipat in 1556 AD. The victory has paved the way for Akbar to become the sole emperor in the Indian sub-continent and continued to wage wars against the Hindu rajahs. During his reign, Akbar was credited with his liberal ideas and religious policies. These religious policies emerged from different internal and external factors and his success stemmed from his religious policy that was based on Sulh-i Kul (universal peace and harmony between all his subjects regardless with their social, ethical or religious identities). In 1582 A.D, he propounded a new religious ideology namely the Din-i Ilahi (Religion of God). This was a syncretic religious movement and was one of the most substantial dimensions of mutual interaction and relationship between Hinduism and Islam. This paper aims to examine the factors influencing Akbar's religious policy and to critically analyze Akbar's Din-i-Ilahi and Sulh-i Kul by dealing with its basic features and virtues which shaped his attitudes towards other religious and social groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue du Monde Musulman et de la Méditerrannée is the property of Edisud and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)