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Copyright of Security: Theory & Practice / Bezpieczeństwo.Teoria i Praktyka is the property of Andrzej Frycz Modrzewski Krakow University, AFM Publishing Office and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Analizując znaczenie Maghrebu w polityce zagranicznej Hiszpanii, należy zwrócić uwagę na jego geostrategiczne położenie między Europą a Afryką. Z tego wynika priorytetowe traktowanie państw południowej części basenu Morza Śródziemnego. Istotne są również ich doświadczenia historyczne oraz pluralizm socjokulturowy (zderzenie cywilizacji chrześcijańskiej i muzułmańskiej). Na uwagę zasługują także wzajemne stosunki gospodarcze. Relacje Hiszpanii z Maghrebem są często postrzegane wyłącznie przez pryzmat stosunków z Marokiem. Opisać je można jako tzw. relación obcesiva. Przez dziesięciolecia w relacjach dwustronnych przede wszystkim skupiano się na problemach takich jak: imigracja, posiadłości hiszpańskie w Afryce Północnej, a także kwestia Sahary Zachodniej. Celem głównym dla Hiszpanii była stabilizacja nie tylko Maroka, ale całego Maghrebu. Strategiczne znaczenie regionu wynikało z jego bliskości geograficznej, potencjału ekonomiczno-handlowego oraz wpływów kulturowych.

Copyright of Historia i Polityka is the property of Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Przegląd Europejski is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Economic & Political Thought / Myśl Ekonomiczna & Polityczna is the property of Lazarski University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia i Polityka is the property of Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studia Oecumenica is the property of Editorial Office of the Faculty of Theology at the University of Opole and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Rocznik Bezpieczeństwa Międzynarodowego is the property of University of Lower Silesia / Dolnoslaska Szkola Wyzsza and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Strategic Review / Przeglad Strategiczny is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Strategic Review / Przeglad Strategiczny is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Security: Theory & Practice / Bezpieczeństwo.Teoria i Praktyka is the property of Andrzej Frycz Modrzewski Krakow University, AFM Publishing Office and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Przegląd Europejski is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The main goal of the article is to analyse continuity and change in American foreign policy with a particular emphasis on the concept of President Woodrow Wilson and its impact on the international strategy of the United States during World War II, the beginning of the Cold War and after it. The article puts forward the thesis that the concept of Woodrow Wilson was not created in a vacuum and although it brought to an end the era based on the Farewell Address of President George Washington’s from 1796, it fits very well in the tradition of thinking about the American nation and its mission, as well as with other elements that form the basis of the U.S. international activities. Wilsonianism, understood as liberal internationalism, has been a very influential concept in the development of American foreign policy for decades and contributed during World War II to the rise of the American era in international politics. Due to the transformation of the global order after the end of the Cold War and in view of the presidency of Donald Trump, the question of the end of the American century may be considered. In analysing the U.S. foreign policy, the author takes into account both the liberal theory, referred to by Woodrow Wilson, as well as realism that can be associated with Wilson’s predecessor, President Theodor Roosevelt. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Rocznik Bezpieczeństwa Międzynarodowego is the property of University of Lower Silesia / Dolnoslaska Szkola Wyzsza and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article concerns the importance of the Federal Republic of Germany in the foreign policy of the Slovak Republic. The analysis covered the period from the creation of the Slovak Republic (January 1, 1993) to the termination of Mikuláš Dzurinda's rule in 2002. The role of Germany in the foreign policy of Slovakia during the rule of Vladimír Mečiar, Jozef Moravčik and Mikulaš Dzurinda was presented. The following hypotheses were assumed: taking into account bilateral relations, in the years 1993-2002 the Slovak Republic had the worst relations with the Republic of Hungary and Ukraine, while it is difficult to find any negative factors that would affect relations with the Federal Republic of Germany, outside the period of V. Mečiar's rule, when human rights were abused. Secondly, Germany, due to its position in the European Union, played an important, though not decisive role in the process of Slovakia's accession to this organization. A comparative method was used to verify the hypotheses. The policies of particular governments in Bratislava towards Germany were compared. The method of decision analysis was also employed, which allowed for the presentation of situations and processes that are the culmination of decisions taken by representatives of the Slovak authorities. The institutional and legal method allowed to analyze legal acts and multilateral and bilateral agreements to which the Slovak Republic was a party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Three Sees Initiative (tsi) enables cooperation of the twelve states clustered between three seas – the Baltic, Adriatic and Black Seas. The TSI’s priorities include projects related to the development of road and energy infrastructure, as well as taking measures to increase the region’s competitiveness. The purpose of this article is to indicate the conditions related to the Hungarian perception of the TSI and to define the factors enabling closer cooperation under the TSI and those that impede this cooperation. The analysis is based on the latest findings, which make it possible to track changes in Hungary’s perception of the TSI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Central European Political Studies / Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Komunikaty Mazursko-Warminskie is the property of Komunikaty Mazursko-Warminskie and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since the 1990s many formats and initiatives for stability and security of the Western Balkan states have emerged, which include a broad array of support instruments. One of the formats of cooperation involves the Berlin Process, which increasingly affects the Balkan reality. A number of political factors determined Poland's joining in the mechanism. The aim of the paper is to identify and systemize them as well as analyse the importance of this initiative from the perspective of Polish foreign policy. It has been assumed that after 1989 due to the focusing of Polish diplomacy on the pursuit of strategic interests, the area of Southeast Europe, the discussed Western Balkan states included, was located at the margin of Polish foreign policy. The temporary increase in the activity of Polish diplomacy towards the region did not mean its appreciation from the perspective of Polish foreign policy but resulted only from a search for ways to boost the efficiency of implementation of its guidelines. What is more, modification of emphasis in the foreign policy after Poland's accession to the European Union did not result in a modification of the Western Balkans' position from the perspective of Polish interests. Taking the above into account a question arises about factors that determined the enhancement of Polish activity towards and for the region, an example of which includes joining in the mechanism of the Berlin Process. At the same time one needs to examine the forms and character of Polish involvement, and primarily to establish what resources and what instruments were supposed to support political declarations about the need to intensify Poland's activity towards the Western Balkans region. The paper's main hypothesis boils down to an observation that Poland, searching for ways to ground its position as a country involved in the development of the situation in the Western Balkans, joined in the initiative of the Berlin Process motivated, on the one hand, by the pursuit of Poland's own interests resulting from the desire to boost its impact on the course of political processes in an international dimension, while on the other, its activity was dictated by the endeavour to intensify the region's interrelations with the European Union. The detailed hypothesis, corresponding to the adopted research assumption, boils down to a statement that Poland has not become a key country in the context of the region's integration with the structures of EU cooperation. Therefore, postulating the EU "open door" policy for years, regardless of its resources and capabilities, Poland became involved in various mechanisms supporting the expansion process. The main research methods used in the text include an institutional and legal analysis, a critical analysis of documents and the literature of the subject, and the comparative method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate and trade diplomacy are the largest multilateral negotiation processes today, involving 196 and 164 countries respectively. Consequently, climate and trade policy are also the most internationalised areas of the European Union’s (eu) activity. Interestingly, both areas were developed in the eu outside the framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. In pursuing climate and trade policy, the European Commission has developed special mechanisms and procedures that are tailored specifically to its needs. While it is extremely diff icult to agree traditional foreign policy decisions within the eu, climate diplomacy, often agreed by majority voting, is gaining importance with each new term of the European Commission. This study discusses the origins of eu climate policy and tries to answer the question of why it has gone beyond the scope of the institutional structure prepared under treaties to conduct foreign policy. This study also presents Poland’s place in global climate negotiations. The authors try to show why and how the Polish administration should use the existing, practical division of competences in European climate policy and the potential accumulated in the organisation of three global climate summits in a fairly short period of time. They try to prove that climate policy is and will remain an eff ective tool for building the state’s position in international diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Political Science Review / Przegląd Politologiczny is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Hileya: Scientific Bulletin / Gileya is the property of GILEYA Publishing and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sprawy Miedzynarodowe / International Affairs is the property of Instytut Studiow Politycznych PAN and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Economic & Political Thought / Myśl Ekonomiczna & Polityczna is the property of Lazarski University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Queen Marie Casimire played an important role in the Polish-French relations. The article analyzes each stage of the political relationship between the two countries during Marie Casimire's stay in Poland. She played a significant, and largely decisive, role during the election of 1674. The queen's influence was also an important factor in the making of the treaty of Jaworów. The friendly relationship between the Commonwealth and France changed in 1678 due to a combination of reasons. The Commonwealth reoriented her foreign policy to adopt an anti-French stance, as ultimately confirmed by the Treaty of the Holy League. It is also important to take note of the personalities and actions of the French ambassadors in Warsaw. The last one, Polignac, acted in cooperation with the queen towards reorienting the foreign policy and assuring an election of a pro-French candidate, but he was unsuccessful on both counts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Przegląd Europejski is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Przegląd Europejski is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the United Kingdom's response to the Rohingya Crisis which began in August 2017, resulting in the ethnic cleansing of 600,000 Rohingya Muslims in the first nine weeks of violence, with a minimum of 6,700 people being killed in the process. The United Kingdom reacted with condemnation, and began immediately calling for the safe return of refugees who had fled the violence, to their homes in Ra- khine state, Myanmar. Using the testimony from Mark Field MP, Minister for Asia, in a Foreign Affairs Committee meeting, this essay assesses this policy of pushing for the return of the Rohingya to their homes. Using primary sources available to Britain at the time its policy was formed, this essay argues that Britain's approach was not only unrealistic with regards to providing an environment in which Rohingya refugees would be provided safety, but also in relation to Burmese authorities' desires to take back Rohingya refugees. Myanmar's campaign of ethnic cleansing intentionally created the environment in which either the Rohingya would never return, or they would return to state-controlled concentration camps. Secondary material expires the history of violent state policies against the Rohingya in Myanmar, and Britain's policy is shown to not only be unworkable due to such policies, but would actively endanger those refugees who chose to return. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annales UMCS, Sectio K (Politologia) is the property of Maria Curie-Sklodowska University in Lublin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Strategic Review / Przeglad Strategiczny is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Indonesia has become one of the most internationally “compelling” entities nowadays. Its economic development, large and mobile society, political reforms as well as the impressive combination of Islam and democracy attract world’s attention. Indonesia has every right to be regarded as one of the regional powers, or even the emerging leader in Southeast Asia. The breakthrough came along with the overthrow of president Suharto in 1998. The new authorities started to implement variety of reforms in the entire country that are still in process. The transposition of Indonesia’s role and image in the world created also a need for adopting a new, completely fresh approach towards its foreign policy. This paper focuses on foreign policy of Indonesia since 1998 till current days. It examines its main goals and relations with its neighbors, world’s great powers, as well as the involvement of Indonesia within the international organizations. Indonesia is without a doubt primus inter pares in the Association of Southeast Asia Nations and in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation. Indonesia recognizes its participation within ASEAN as the cornerstone of national foreign policy. Since ASEAN’s establishment in 1967, Indonesia has lead that organization from behind. Nowadays, Indonesia tries to overhaul the whole ASEAN system by pushing for the promotion of democracy and human rights as one of the key agendas for the organization. Within last few years, there was also a deeper Indonesian involvement in G20. Indonesian experience of financial crisis in late 90s and years of economic recession during New Order helps to understand the challenges in today’s world. Sharing that experience within G20, Indonesia initiated different action related to safeguard the international financial institutions and world banking system. The last years brought also a great change in the foreign policy of Indonesia in terms of its relations with the People’s Republic of China and the United States of America. China is no longer regarded as a threat for Indonesia’s elites, but as a prospective economic partner. The diplomatic relations with the United States have been strengthened in recent years as well. Last but not least, the paper focuses on the relations of Indonesia with its closest neighbors. After years of diplomatic discourse and antagonism with the government in Kula Lumpur, Singapore, or Canberra, Indonesia initiates a new phase of cooperation. The years of Konfrontasi are over and Indonesian government opened a new chapter and enjoys the cooperation with Australia, Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand. Indonesia may be, without a doubt, considered as both regional and middle power, as well as the emerging economic power.

The purpose of this article is to show the importance of the Nord Stream 2 project for Russia's external energy policy, for Gazprom's strategy and other Russian economic entities. The analysis of the potential consequences of the implementation of this project for Russia and the Russian entities involved in it is based on theoretical assumptions of neoclassical realism. For Moscow, the construction of new gas pipelines is to enable the resignation from dependence on gas transit through Ukraine. Nord Stream 2 is also an important political tool for Russia in its relations with the European Union. It allows Moscow, on the one hand, to strengthen political influence in selected countries of the Union (mainly in Germany, but also in France and the Netherlands), and on the other to strengthen the divisions between EU Member States (some EU states are opposed to implementing new infrastructure projects with Russia). For Gazprom, the new gas pipeline increases the possibilities of flexible response to changes taking place on the European market. Finally, the implementation of costly infrastructure projects is extremely important for economic interests of Russian construction companies, which, thanks to state procurement, gain significant financial profits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nord Stream 2 is a topic debated in the European Union (EU) with the participation of the Polish government. The article analyses arguments presented in this discussion from the point of view of the EU and NATO's interests. It ends with conclusions and recommendations for the government of Poland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the potential of a constructivist approach in analysing the European Union's security strategy area. It focuses on the new EU Global Strategy (EUGS), which was adopted by the Council at the end of June 2016. First, the methodology is explained, followed by discussing the consequence of using the document's language for EU identity. The paper then focuses on the new title of the strategy that shows a new approach to security strategies within the European External Action Service's staff. The consequences of building a narrative about the "threatened" but also "needed" and "influential" European Union are underlined here. Furthermore, the new role of the EU in the international scene is described, focusing on the shift from the EU as a civilian power to the EU as a normal power, with an emphasis on the importance of the preservation of the EU as a normative power. The conclusions from using a constructivist approach to examine the EUGS are then presented, which show that mechanisms of the logics of appropriateness, consequence, and persuasion are observed within the document. Moreover, the language of the EUGS could have an influence on EU identity and role on the global stage. The constructivist approach proves that the EU external actions are continuously under construction, and the EUGS is the next step in achieving a more coherent and effective European foreign and security policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Polish policy towards Russia has been sometimes described as virtually non-existent. The author argues though that this policy goes far beyond pure bilateral initiatives that indeed have been reduced after the Russian aggression on Ukraine. Polish policy towards Russia needs to be analysed in a broader context of the European Union's (EU) general approach, sanctions, strengthening NATO Eastern Flank and enhanced cooperation with the United States. Furthermore, purposeful suspension of certain activities by Poland, as well as the EU's 'wait-and-see' approach and strategic patience are definitely integral parts of today's Realpolitik. As long as Russia's ruling elite is unable to modify its politics, there is no need for any special initiatives. Less attention should be paid to Russian authorities and much more to the people and civic organisations that are truly interested in honest cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thirty years ago, we started a successful process of freeing ourselves from Russian domination. Poland has become a sovereign country, but we are still not free from what can be called a postcolonial complex. The dominant approach in Poland's foreign policy is based on cultivating hostility and showing ourselves and the whole world that Russia is evil. This approach makes us unable to develop an effective policy and see what has already happened in Polish-Russian relations. Meanwhile, Warsaw's position towards Moscow has changed a lot in recent years. Poland has made a geopolitical retreat and withdrawn from the fundamental conflict that can be called a dispute over the borders of the West. By withdrawing from this geopolitical dispute, Poland has abandoned big politics in relations with Russia. An effective strategy towards Russia is very difficult yet still possible today. It would have to involve undertaking constructive and nuanced measures in the sphere of security, relations with Ukraine and, finally, Russian interference in Polish public life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks back at the long history of Poland's role in international development cooperation from the moment it regained independence to the present time. Unlike most other publications which focus on contemporary Polish development assistance, it sheds more light on Poland's support for developing countries during the Cold War and its role as a beneficiary of foreign aid during the post-1989 political and economic transformation. By taking the long- -term perspective, the article shows Poland as a re-emerging rather than a new contributor to development assistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Horizons of Politics / Horyzonty Polityki is the property of Jesuit University Ignatianum in Krakow and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Strategic Review / Przeglad Strategiczny is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Vistula Scientific Quarterly / Kwartalnik Naukowy Uczelni Vistula is the property of Vistula University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)