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O presente estudo pretende discorrer sobre os modelos econômicos e medidas de recuperação adotadas por determinados países em épocas de recessão econômica, em especial no atual cenário mundial de pandemia ocasionado pela Covid-19. Utiliza-se como método de pesquisa conceitos sobre políticas econômicas e dados estatísticos relacionados à crise gerada pelo vírus no período de 2020 e 2021. Todas as informações foram coletadas dos livros, artigos, sites especificados na referência bibliográfica deste artigo. A pesquisa revela diversas políticas de intervenção do estado na economia implantadas por alguns países e pelo Brasil, tais como i) transferências de renda imediatas e diretas a indivíduos, trabalhadores autônomos e informais, e pequenas empresas; ii) combate à extrema pobreza; iii) medidas de apoio fiscal e tributário; iv) redução de tempo de trabalho e de salário, e ressarcimento de contribuições sociais; v) garantias para acesso ao crédito; vi) medidas para reforçar o sistema sanitário; vii) medidas de apoio à ciência e tecnologia. Sugere ainda, dentre outros fatores, o controle fiscal para tentar frear o aumento da dívida pública ocorrido principalmente em 2020. Por caminhos nefastos a pandemia revela que a saúde é um bem público, de modo que é necessário dotar a estrutura estatal do mínimo de consciência social. Abstract: The present study intends to discuss the economic models and recovery measures adopted by certain countries in times of economic recession, especially in the current world scenario of the pandemic caused by Covid-19. Concepts about economic policies and statistical data about the crisis generated by the virus period of 2020 and 2021. All information was collected from the books, articles, websites specified in the bibliographic reference of this article are used as a study method. The research reveals several policies of state intervention in the economy implemented by some countries and by Brazil, such as: i) immediate and direct cash transfers to individuals, self-employed and informal workers, and small businesses; ii) combating extreme poverty; iii) fiscal and tax support measures; iv) reduction of working time and salary, and reimbursement of social contributions; v) guarantees for access to credit; vi) measures to strengthen the health system; vii) measures to support science and technology. It also suggests as well as suggesting, among other factors, fiscal control to try to stop the increase in public debt that occurred mainly in 2020. In harmful ways, the pandemic reveals that health is a public good, so it is necessary to provide the state structure with a minimum of social conscience.

To a large part, Latin American economic thought is rooted in the view that the State should be the engine of economic development. The theory developed by the Latin American Structuralist School supports this view. ECLAC, a United Nations development commission, is the bastion of the policy agenda branch of structuralism. Despite their central role in Latin American economic policies, structuralist ideas have hardly been discussed. We trace the historical origins of this school and use the theoretical standpoint of the Austrian School of Economics to talk about its views and mistakes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay has for object the presence of members of the National Monetary Council (CMN) in think tanks since 1995. The problem of research of the work is if there is a de facto link between the CMN members and think tanks. The essay also has two auxiliary problems: whether CMN members previously linked to their positions and then entered think tanks or whether think tanks function as an entry mechanism for positions; and whether members of the Council with an orthodox ideational profile tend to participate in think tanks more than the rest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Este artículo tiene como finalidad verificar para el gasto público de Colombia en el periodo entre 1960 y 2016 la existencia de ciclos políticos económicos. Para comprobar esto se evaluó la presencia de estos desde los diferentes ciclos planteados en la teoría: los ciclos partidistas y los ciclos oportunistas. Esto se llevó a cabo mediante varias técnicas econométricas: i) análisis del periodograma; ii) extracción del componente cíclico de la serie de tiempo; iii) modelos de componentes no observables (UCM); y iv) la estimación de un modelo Arima. Se encontró que no hay evidencia concluyente que sugiera la existencia de ciclos políticos económicos oportunistas o partidistas, pero a un nivel de confianza de 90% sí hay evidencia que sugiera que el gasto público en Colombia tiende más a un ciclo partidista donde los partidos conservadores han generado un mayor gasto que los partidos liberales; sin embargo, este resultado es contrario a lo que sugiere la teoría ideológica de los partidos Liberal y Conservador en Colombia.

El artículo hace una revisión de la política económica en la India durante las últimas décadas y del impacto laboral, social y económico que ésta ha tenido. Comienza con un análisis del régimen dirigista que surgió a partir de la Independencia del país, para más adelante hacer énfasis en el periodo neoliberal, que aún continúa como régimen económico predominante. Asimismo, aborda el impacto que ha tenido la pandemia de covid-19. Concluye con un recuento de los desafíos a los que se enfrenta la India en la actualidad para unificar al país.

A Teoria da ‘Sociedade Civil’ de Hegel e a economia política do Iluminismo Escocês, a seção de Hegel sobre a Filosofia do Direito da ‘sociedade civil’ (§§ 182ss), revelam sua dívida para com o Iluminismo Escocês: Adam Ferguson, David Hume, Adam Smith, Sir James Steuart e outros. Essa dívida há muito atrai a atenção dos estudiosos. No entanto, novas edições de vários conjuntos de notas sobre as preleções de Hegel (por Ilting, Henrich, Arquivo Hegel) e o recente renascimento do interesse pelo Iluminismo Escocês mudaram fundamentalmente nossa percepção do impacto da influência escocesa em Hegel. Este artigo leva em conta essas mudanças e reexamina as seguintes questões: quem eram os autores que Hegel tinha em mente quando falava da nova ciência da economia política e quando estudou esses autores? Finalmente, que significado ainda possui a recepção da economia política por Hegel, especialmente para os países do Leste Europeu que agora abordam os problemas da ‘sociedade civil’?

El objetivo de este artículo es describir y analizar las diferentes maneras de intervención del Estado en la trayectoria de la marina mercante portuguesa entre 1933 y 1985 en cuatro puntos: a) el régimen jurídico de concesión de subvenciones y los modelos de protección nacional; b) la formación y el mantenimiento de empresas navieras de propiedad estatal; c) los aspectos institucionales en la creación de órganos reguladores y promotores del sector naval; y d) los mecanismos de financiación a través de fondos y recursos liberados por bancos públicos y privados en los programas de fomento naval. La relación entre el Estado y la marina mercante siempre ha sido muy estrecha en Portugal, tanto en su formación como en el mantenimiento de las carreras y flotas y en su expansión. Incluso, teniendo en cuenta los diferentes periodos históricos y políticos y las distintas políticas económicas, la presencia del Estado en el sector naval ha sido siempre importante en el nivel de la concesión de subvenciones a las compañías navieras, en la garantía de mercados (protección), en la formación de empresas estatales, en el financiamiento de la renovación de la flota y en la organización de instituciones responsables por la formulación de políticas de fomento al sector naval durante el Estado Nuevo corporativo (1933-1974) y el régimen democrático (1974-1985).

A partir de la obra de Keynes, y del consenso que surgió con la síntesis neoclásica, parecía que se vislumbraba en el horizonte una situación en que el control de la economía era posible. Pronto se evidenciaron las limitaciones de este planteamiento. Por un lado, los policymakers actúan sobre una realidad compleja e incierta en la que los agentes diseñan estrategias que afectan a la eficacia de las actuaciones públicas. Por otro, se cuestionó que los decisores públicos tengan la omnisciencia y benevolencia para maximizar la función de bienestar social. Sobre esa base, se han fortalecido las soluciones de mercado y el escepticismo respecto a la eficacia de una política discrecional. No obstante, existe un amplio margen para el perfeccionamiento de la política económica basada en la redefinición de sus objetivos básicos, en la importancia que han demostrado tener las instituciones y en las propuestas de solución de problemas concretos.

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Under the influence of Deidre N. McCloskey's contribution in the field of Economic Methodology, this article aims to explore the rhetoric employed in the field of fiscal economics, specifically in the context of fiscal consolidation. The text unveils some "myths" of austerity and inquiries about the latent moral component in the current Brazilian economic policy agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Unprecedented economic interdependence and the extensive legalization of international commerce have created unique opportunities for states to exercise power in world politics. Yet, while international relations (IR) scholars have revealed much about how interdependence conditions the ability of states to leverage economic relationships to influence other actors, the equivalent role of law has received less systematic attention. This article explains the logic and dynamics that inform how, why, and under what conditions states may use law as a sword or shield in the realm of international commerce. Drawing upon the IR literature on economic statecraft and the international law literature on lawfare, the article conceptualizes "economic lawfare" and uses it to elucidate how law may shape the use of economic power. It outlines a typology of pathways through which economic lawfare can be employed and their associated opportunities and constraints, before presenting a simple model of key dynamics that shape their use. That model's plausibility is probed and the pathways are empirically illustrated in two case studies of recent episodes in which the Chinese government has sought to manipulate international commerce for strategic purposes. The article clarifies the distinction between legal and nonlegal instruments of economic statecraft, offers a theoretically explicit account of key mechanisms through which law may condition the use of economic power, and provides new conceptual foundations for emerging research on how institutions shape the ability of states to intervene in markets to achieve strategic objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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El crecimiento económico obedece a los estímulos provenientes de la oferta y la demanda. Desde el lado de la oferta, el crecimiento depende de la acumulación de factores y de la productividad de estos. Por el lado de la demanda, está en función del consumo, la inversión y el gasto del gobierno y las exportaciones netas. Con las tablas de insumo-producto se pueden explicar las contribuciones del crecimiento de los componentes de cada una de las variables y encontrar la senda de crecimiento que sigue la economía. A partir de esa senda se juzga si el tipo de crecimiento se inclina más por la oferta o por la demanda. En este trabajo se emplean las tablas de insumo-producto para demostrar que el crecimiento experimentado en México se ha basado en una mayor dinámica de los componentes de la oferta, lo que no favorece el desempeño del sistema económico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Resumo A partir da formulação de Wilson Cano (1999) discute-se a questão da soberania da política econômica no contexto das economias latino-americanas. Argumenta-se que em sua evolução histórica, a subordinação da política econômica às finanças internacionais foi o principal divisor de águas entre o período desenvolvimentista e o período que se afirmou após os anos 1970. Estas economias recuperaram parcialmente uma maior autonomia no novo milênio, mas a abandonam sobretudo pós 2015. Argumenta-se que este abandono se deu num contexto externo bastante distinto do que se passou nos anos 1980 e 1990, quando reversão era imposta por crises cambiais e deve ser explicado, no caso da economia brasileira, por razões políticas internas. O conflito distributivo e a desnacionalização contribuíram para o triunfo do neoliberalismo como estratégia de acumulação.

El proceso de descentralización fiscal en Colombia, determinada por la descentralización hacia el mercado, tiene una relación intrínseca con las políticas de apertura económica que pueden ser rastreadas desde finales de la década de los años 60 del siglo XX, en la que se evidencia como el aumento del gasto derivado de las políticas de descentralización fiscal conllevaron a la adopción de políticas enfocadas en la liberalización y desregulación de la economía. Todo esto en sincronía con la puesta en marcha de la Modernización del Estado en Colombia. Este proceso genera un aumento de la opresión fiscal de corte indirecto y regresivo en el país y una pérdida de derechos del pueblo colombiano a partir de los postulados de eficiencia y eficacia impartida por el mercado, los cuales han evidenciado todo lo contrario al no comprender la descentralización atada a las relaciones sociales, económicas, culturales y políticas en el país que han generado una captura del Estado con procesos de corrupción, detrimentos patrimoniales y baja responsabilidad en la prestación de los servicios públicos y los derechos sociales.

El texto analiza las implicaciones de las políticas de seguridad alimentaria para los campesinos productores de leche y queso en el municipio de Paipa (Colombia), durante el periodo 2000-2010. Estas políticas se desligaron de la Reunión de Washington en que se definieron estrategias y directrices sobre el manejo económico para América Latina. A través de este estudio de caso, desde la historia social, y bajo la perspectiva del concepto de seguridad planteado por Foucault, se pretende establecer la incidencia de esa política macroeconómica neoliberal en la cotidianidad de los campesinos. Este estudio nos ha permitido comprender cómo el sector campesino colombiano paulatinamente ha visto diezmada su economía, mientras se fortalecen las grandes productoras lácteas, que han asumido el control de la producción y comercio de la leche y el queso en Paipa. Situación que no es ajena a las vivencias de los campesinos colombianos.

El objetivo del artículo es mostrar la relación de algunas decisiones de política económica en Uruguay, desde 2015 hasta 2019, con las reivindicaciones de grupos que se pueden considerar clases sociales de acuerdo a la definición adoptada. Se utilizó una metodología interdisciplinaria, heterodoxa, con planteamientos de Lukács (1969) considerando la sociedad como totalidad en movimiento y también de García (2006) con su definición de “sistema complejo” que orienta el análisis de las interrelaciones de la política económica, como una pieza de un engranaje social complejo y vasto, en un doble sentido, como condicionada y condicionante. Se concluyó que se implementó un ajuste heterodoxo, los objetivos fueron los característicos de estas políticas, pero la instrumentación incorporó innovaciones. La satisfacción del capital financiero se manifestó tanto en su discurso —expresado por el Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI) y las calificadoras de riesgo— como en su práctica, por la creciente demanda de los bonos soberanos. La política que se instrumentalizó como estrategia de la alianza de clases dominantes hegemonizada por el capital financiero se impuso a pesar de la lucha de las organizaciones populares, en la pugna por la apropiación del excedente económico y la dominación.

En este artículo se analiza la construcción mediática de los sindicatos, durante la huelga contra el Plan Fiscal, discutido y aprobado en Costa Rica, durante el segundo semestre del año 2018. En particular, se estudia la construcción mediática de la figura del sindicato, a partir del periódico de circulación nacional La Nación. Para ello, se analizan los titulares y los mecanismos de representación de los actores movilizados y los no movilizados en las publicaciones periodísticas.

In monetary economies the dynamics of the economy are determined by firms that make decisions based on the level of production and investment, according to expectations. The paper aims to evaluate the impact of uncertainty on the Brazilian economy for the period from 2003 to 2015. It discusses the impact and the way of conducting economic policy with reference to conventional behavior theory. The results show that the uncertainty persists on average between 4 and 5 months, and can reach 7 months. Moreover, the political dimension can be a source of stability or uncertainty, which through conventions reduces or prolongs the impulses arising from uncertainties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the neoliberal economic policies implemented during the Macri era in Argentina. It highlights that these policies were implemented gradually and ambivalently, with an initial focus on deregulation and trade and financial openness, and later on fiscal adjustment and contractionary monetary policy. These oscillations were conditioned by political traditions, economic and institutional constraints, and the correlation of social forces. Specific measures taken by the Macri government are mentioned, such as the elimination of regulations in the financial market, the liberalization of interest rates, and the reduction of soybean export taxes. However, it is also noted that these measures benefited the banking sector and harmed the manufacturing industry and trade. Despite implementing social assistance programs and subsidies for lower-income sectors, inflation remained a problem and there were downward wage adjustments. During the second stage of the Macri government, additional neoliberal economic policies were implemented, such as the elimination of preferential prices in the Ministry of Agroindustry and the signing of an agreement with the IMF to receive a loan in exchange for fiscal adjustments. These measures led to a sharp currency devaluation and an increase in inflation. Overall, it is highlighted that Macri's economic model can be considered as tempered neoliberalism compared to the 1990s. [Extracted from the article]

In the present essay, a comparative study of the historical role of the elites in Colombia and Venezuela is carried out. Elites are assumed to be a group of people who have privileges over the vast majority of a country and who, therefore, manage to capture the State and from there dictate economic policies. The administration of the State allows them to renew itself and sustain itself as an elite, establishing spaces of control and room for maneuver in the face of certain socioeconomic events. Since countries go through economic phases of growth and decline, the elite can design economic policies that allow them to survive as a class in phases of negative economic performance. In this essay, four historical moments have been selected that have determined the evolution of Colombia and Venezuela in their history. The aim is to study the behavior of the political-economic elites in each of these moments in both countries, using a documentary and historical methodology. Although the continuation of the research is foressen, it is affirmed that historically the Colombian business elite has had a more active participation in politics, by directly administering income. Meanwhile the Venezuelan business elite, has established commercial exchange networks with the political class, allowing them to intervene in public economic policies, as long as this guarantees the transfer of part of the oil rent to the elite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Claims from the media and academic research suggest that during the first Zapatero government (2004–08), the Oficina Económica del Presidente (President's Economic Office) played an activist role, not only in the development of its legal functions but also in the decision-making process related to economic policy. Given that the OEP was headed by individuals who had no political experience at the time they were appointed, and moreover were assisted by technical experts of the same background, this article intends to examine the extent to which this kind of reform of the core executive – seen as a product of presidentialization – undermined the influence of the minister of Finance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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