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Cet article expose les logiques pratiques des dépenses cérémonielles au Tadjikistan, ainsi que les tensions actuelles qui traversent ce domaine de compétences proprement féminines. L’indépendance du pays en 1991, son entrée consécutive dans l’économie de marché, les nouvelles formes de mobilités et de consommation contribuent à intensifier les dépenses cérémonielles ostentatoires, alors même qu’elles sont de plus en plus décriées, générant un contexte d’incertitude et de mécontentement à leur égard. L’article analyse les effets paradoxaux de l’évolution des relations d’affinité et des pratiques d’endettement mutuel, et la façon dont l’économie cérémonielle telle qu’elle est réalisée par les femmes, résiste encore (difficilement ?) à la marchandisation des relations sociales. This article describes the practical logics of ceremonial expenditure in Tajikistan, as well as the current tensions that run through this area of women's competences. The country's independence in 1991, its subsequent entry into the market economy, and new forms of mobility and consumption have all contributed to the intensification of conspicuous ritual expenditure, even though it is increasingly criticized, generating a context of uncertainty and dissatisfaction with it. The article analyses the paradoxical effects of changing affinity relations and mutual indebtedness practices, and how the ceremonial economy as performed by women still resists (with difficulty?) the commodification of social relations

This study discusses the traditions of the Dayak Siang community in Murung Raya Regency, Central Kalimantan, namely the Ticak Kacang traditional marriage, in which the bride and groom are married on a gong covered with mats made of peanut leaves. Men and women who love each other or are considered ready to marry are immediately united in marriage to avoid unwanted things, such as having children out of wedlock. Ticak Kacang marriage is still maintained today as a local cultural marriage. Another reason this traditional marriage is still being carried out is as an alternative for couples who conflict with the formal rules that apply, such as the age of marriage. This research was conducted using qualitative methods with data collection using the documentation method. The results of this study are that the Ticak Kacang traditional marriage is a way for the community to maintain the sanctity of the village, avoid behaviour that is not in accordance with prevailing customary norms, and demonstrate the simple life they practice. Second, Muslims who carry out the Ticak Kacang wedding tradition continue to carry out Islamic wedding processions so that they are legally religious and state law and can preserve customary law traditions.

A non-brahmanical, but popular and dravidian origin has often been attributed to the non-vegetarian deities settled in the pēy-kōvil ("shrines of evil-spirits or demons") in South India. My findings contrast sharply with this view. In the village which I studied, every deity of the Hindu pantheon – and every demon as well – is directly or indirectly connected with the main Śiva temple. Each pēy-kōvil is owned by a kinship group (patrilineage) of non-Brahmins or sometimes more widely, by the local members of a subcaste.In this paper I examine the beliefs of the villagers concerning the pēy-kōvil deities. I provide examples of local stories which relate the way in which a relationship called aṭimai ("being at the feet of ") was established between a particular deity and the ancestor of the group which has owned the pēy-kōvil from the time onward. The deity, which is the evil itself before being worshipped, always comes from outside the village. The aṭimai relationship is obtained through a process which I have called ‘sacrifice partaking’.It is primarily to the pēy-kōvil deities that the villagers turn in matters of life and death. These deities are thought of as being an aspect, the terrible one, of Śiva himself. As such, in opposition to the inner space of the village, they are closely related to the outside space, the "forest" world of the classical literature. If the "forest" is associated with renunciation, it is also the place beyond the pure/ impure dichotomy, from where come evils but also prosperity and fertility. The demons are included as an intrinsic part of the Hindu conception of the universe.

The economy of Ceylon was badly hit by the world depression of the 1930’s. The slump in rubber and coconut prices from 1926 onwards coincided with a serious crisis in the local credit system, the keystone of whith was the Nattukottai Chettiars banking business. The consequences for Ceylon included growing urban unemployment, intensified population pressure in the rural areas, and a large outflow of Indian immigrant labour from the plantation sector.In this paper, we emphazise the early date of the depression (well before the Wall Street crash of october 1929), and the large degree of the integration of the different sectors of the economy. For Ceylon at least, we argue that "dualism" is a misguiding concept. We also discuss the connections between the depression and the 1935 malaria epidemic, and between the depression and the agrarian structure, with particular regard to compulsory sales of mortgaged lands.

This study on Premchand’s Godān is an attempt to bring to light the system of values underlying an important novel in the time of Gandhi. A system of values, in other words a perception of the world, which puts forward, with the collective awareness of an era, a remarkable structural homology.If one looks at Godān as a whole, and not as most critics are wont to do, that is by considering the village sequence as being the only worthwhile part of the novel, one realizes that the web of the narrative, at first sight somewhat nebulous, weaves itself around the fundamental conflict between the village and the town. This conflict is the modern transposition of the traditional scheme : village/forest. In Godān, the village is, as it is traditionally, the place of life-in-the-world, sacrifice and dharma – in a nutshell, the place of Brahmanical order (symbolized by the cow, the mediator of the narrative in this part of the novel). The town, like the forest, emerges as the domain of disorder and violence but, at the same time, as the place in which are cultivated the supreme values of renunciation.However, in this case the renunciation is of a new form : it becomes renunciation-in-the-world, an unselfish commitment to the service of others. The town turns into a hermitage, into a village in the forest, a utopia where these contradictions are reconciled : life-in-the-world and renunciation, and where new values are born, of which Sevā is the vector. New values, since -both with Premchand and with Gandhi – Sevā is no longer the dedication of the devotee to the divinity ; she has become the prop of a political movement. We attribute the emergence of this new system of values on the substructure of the traditional ideological set-up to the intermediary of the West. India lends to these terms new senses which end up by having meanings quite the contrary to the originals. This conversion of ancient ideological data emerges as a basic characteristic of Gandhi’s era, when one makes an analysis through a collective subconsciousness which is expressed most freely through the medium of the imaginary world of the novel.

Princess Ambā was won in a svayaṃvara by Bhīṣma, the patriarch of the Kuru dynasty, then allowed to go to her lover Śālva, only to be sent away by him. Filled with hatred against Bhīṣma, she obtains from Śiva the boon of being reborn as a male (= Śikhaṇḍin) and contributes to the death of Bhīṣma in the great battle of the Mahābhārata.I first summarize the two versions of the myth (I). An analysis of the more significant features (the rejection of Ambā ; her appeal to king Drupada and brahmarṣi Paraśurāma ; her suicide interpreted as a sacrifice to Śiva) leads to the conclusion that the two narratives, in spite of their rather different scenarios, contain similar patterns of mythical thought (II). The story of Ambā may further be compared with those of Śrī and NāỊāyanī (two of the stories told to account for the polyandrous marriage of Draupadī). Draupadī and Amba stand for two parallel but contrasting representations of the Goddess (III).This paper is part of a study of the context, the purpose and the modalities of Śiva’s intervention in the Mahābhārata.

There are relatively few studies of marriage among Śūdra peasants and it seems that the greater part of the theorization of Indian marriage in general has been done on material drawn from the higher castes and more specially the Brahmans (Dumont for North India, Khare). It can be all the more misleading that the marriage in these high castes has often aspects which can be considered as exceptional. It is therefore important to substantiate our knowledge of marriage among the Śūdras who represent the majority of the population. The Kirars of Madhya Pradesh are representative for this purpose.Their marriage system, although unexpectedly original in some of its aspects, fits well, at the same time, in some already known concepts of North Indian marriage and might help to explain them (for instance the joking relationship between the sister-in-law and the younger brother of the husband). Including its apparent originality, the Kirar marriage has been found to be very similar to the marriage of other Sudras in the region of the study, as for instance the Gujars, Dhimars, Kachis, Gaukidars, Nais, Dhobis and, with some variants, the Camars.The conclusion of this paper is that the kinship and marriage system of the Kirars, 1) through the conception and the working of the brother-sister extended relationship, 2) through the rules regulating the giving and taking of women between the lineages and the families (a very clear picture of which can be given with the help of modern mathematics), tends to prevent the formation of a marriage "alliance" of the kind described by Louis Dumont in South India. There appears to be, in the case proposed here, a very well defined specificity of the North Indian marriage, in opposition to the views stressing the fundamental unity of Indian marriage by annexing the North to the South.

Conventional writing on the history of Indian nationalism often implicitly explains the mobilization of mass participation in the freedom movement as a process of "politicization from the top", the peasantry being stirred up to action by nationalist leaders recruited in the urban intelligentsia. Closer analysis seems to show that the mass movements of the nationalist period, such as the Champaran satyāgraha of 1917, are first of all traditional, non-political peasant movements, the main leaders of which are well-off peasants, money-lenders and rural traders (all of whom generally have their own axes to grind), and a certain number of "half-educated" mukhtars and teachers. Gandhi and his intellectuel associates only controlled part of the Champaran movement, and had to rely on the mediation of those local leaders to secure the participation of the peasant mass. The specific role of the nationalist intellectuals was to change the traditional resistance of the indigo raiyats, which consisted mainly of sporadic flare-ups of hostility against individual planters or factories, into a "modern", global contestation of the Champaran indigo system. Gandhi’s "charismatic" leadership added considerable weight to the efficiency of the local leaders. It tended in the long run to strengthen the hold of the rural oligarchy on the lower strata of the peasantry.

This is the third and last in a series of three studies dealing with ritual trances among Hindus and Muslims of the Himalaya. The enquiry was begun in central. Nepal, continued in Western Nepal and extended to Kumaon which is most probably the point of origin of the institutions here described and the place where the ceremonies are performed in the most elaborate fashion.I begin with a detailed description of a particular ceremony observed, photographed and recorded in Almora. The two main roles were played by mediums on the one hand, and, on the other, by a bard who sang the stories of the gods and directed the trances. In analysing this ceremony I compared it with other ritual trances which I have recorded. Four divergent interpretations of the trances, representing irreconciliable points of view, emerge from the material collected.There are two theological interpretations. The ritual trance is understood by the faithful as the descent of incarnations (avatār) of gods into the bodies of the mediums. The bard is assimilated to a meditating tantric guru who compells the gods to come down into the mediums. In both cases, differenciated by the text sung by the bard, the ritual trances are linked to the sacrifice offered on the following day. The vocabulary employed and the ideas expressed show the relationship existing between popular religion and more refined types of Hindu and Buddhist mysticism.In the two other interpretations, trances are conceived from a human point of view. The physical and emotional manifestations are seen as a temporary madness. This leads to questions as to the personnality of the medium, who is considered as an abnormal in his own society. In fact, not only the medium but three other personnages : the renouncer, the passionate lover and... the anthropologist are also perceived as madmen. This is important for the sociological interpretation of Hindu society. Up to now, only one borderline case, the one with the greatest prestige, that of the renouncer has been fully investigated. If we could now focus on two other less exalted cases, those of the medium and his alter ego the anthropologist, we could perhaps place the interpretation of Hindu society in a more human and reasonable perspective.

Ce mémoire étudie la prostitution dans le roman Memoirs of a Woman of Pleasure de John Cleland comme moyen réussi d'indépendance financière et de mobilité sociale dans une société patriarcale du XVIIIe siècle. Respectivement, il met en évidence la résistance de l'héroïne à ces structures. Dans le premier chapitre, j'analyse le personnage de Fanny Hill et l'importance des choix qu'elle fait pour transformer son statut financier. Ainsi, je discuterai des maquerelles, les femmes qui supervisent l’affaire du bordel, en tant que figures centrales dans la formation de la personnalité de Fanny en plus de sa relation amoureuse avec Charles, le jeune homme qu'elle rencontre dans le bordel et s'échappe avec lui. Dans le chapitre 2, j'aborde, à travers la figure de Fanny, la notion d'un corps féminin en contrôle, et les manières dont Cleland dépeint l'agence de Fanny à travers son corps ; Fanny présente son agence à travers son corps de plusieurs façons. L'une des principales façons dont elle le fait est de faire des choix concernant ses expériences et ses relations sexuelles. Tout au long du roman, elle a un certain nombre de rencontres sexuelles avec différents hommes, et elle est souvent décrite comme contrôlant ces rencontres.. Dans ce chapitre, je discuterai le pouvoir des femmes à travers le thème de la virginité feinte telle qu'elle est représentée dans le roman et le mariage comme un concept transgressif qui remet en question les normes patriarcales., Through a reading of John Cleland’s Memoirs of a Woman of Pleasure (1748), this thesis explores prostitution as a means of financial independence and social mobility within the patriarchal structures of eighteenth-century Britain. It considers the resistance of the novel’s heroine, Fanny Hill, to these structures. In Chapter 1, I analyze Fanny Hill’s character and the importance of the choices she makes in her attempts to transform her financial status. Thus, I discuss Cleland’s portrayal of the ‘bawds’— the women who oversee the brothel business in which Fanny becomes involved — as central figures in shaping Fanny’s personality, while also considering her developing amorous relationship with Charles, the young man she meets in the brothel and escapes with. In Chapter 2, I address, through the figure of Fanny, the notion of a female body in control, and the ways in which Cleland portrays Fanny as finding agency through her body. She does so by making choices about her sexual experiences and relationships. I demonstrate that, throughout the novel, Fanny has a number of sexual encounters with various men, and that she is often depicted as being in control of theses encounters. In this chapter, I discuss female empowerment through the phenomenon of feigned virginity and through a particular version of marriage that challenges patriarchy.

Cet article a pour but d’examiner les stratégies argumentatives mises en œuvre dans le conflit autour de la Bretagne entre le Habsbourg Maximilien Ier et Charles VIII de France dans les années 1490 à 1493. Ce conflit éclata à la suite du mariage de Charles avec Anne de Bretagne, qui était déjà mariée avec Maximilien à cette date-là. Il en ressort que Maximilien s’efforçait avant tout de représenter l’action de la France comme une menace pour l’existence de l’Empire afin de gagner les états impériaux et leur soutien financier à sa politique. En revanche, la stratégie argumentative de Charles se basa notamment sur la justification directe de la légitimité ou de l’illégitimité des deux mariages. Pour ce faire, il se servit, contrairement à Maximilien, surtout d’arguments juridiques. Der Aufsatz untersucht die Argumentationsstrategien im Konflikt um die Bretagne zwischen dem Habsburger Maximilian I. und Karl VIII. von Frankreich in den Jahren 1490 bis 1493, der infolge der Heirat Karls mit Anna von der Bretagne ausbrach, die zu diesem Zeitpunkt bereits mit Maximilian verheiratet war. Dabei zeigt sich, dass Maximilian vor allem darum bemüht war, das Vorgehen Frankreichs zu einer Bedrohung der Existenz des Reiches zu stilisieren, um auf diese Weise die Reichsstände und deren finanzielle Unterstützung für seine Frankreichpolitik zu gewinnen. Karls Argumentationsstrategie basierte hingegen vor allem auf der direkten Begründung der Recht- bzw. Unrechtmäßigkeit der beiden Ehen, indem er sich im Gegensatz zu Maximilian vor allem rechtlicher Argumente bediente.

L’article envisage les usages du terme auctoritas dans le cadre des relations familiales. Le sens premier désigne l’intervention d’un tuteur comme auctor pour donner pleine efficacité juridique aux actes d’une personne partiellement incapable. Mais l’auctoritas doit être éclairée par les rapports de pouvoir qui se nouent au sein de la cellule familiale. Globalement, elle peut être interprétée comme un instrument permettant à la famille d’exercer un contrôle sur l’alliance et la transmission des biens de la part des mineurs ou de femmes – ce qui reste le cas même quand une évolution historique donne dans les faits à celles-ci une plus grande autonomie à partir du ier s. p.C. The article considers the uses of the term auctoritas in the context of family relations. The primary meaning refers to the intervention of a guardian, acting as an auctor, in order to give full legal effect to the acts of a partially incapable person. However auctoritas can only be understood within the broader context of the power relationships in the family. Overall, it can be interpreted as an instrument allowing the family to control alliance and transmission of property by minors or women. This definition remains valid despite the fact that women enjoy greater autonomy from the 1st century. p.C. onward.

Ovaj diplomski rad bavi se terminologijom s područja obiteljskog prava. Teorijski dio posvećen je terminologiji i terminološkim pojmovima. U drugom dijelu predstavili smo metodologiju terminološkog rada. Praktični dio obuhvaća prijevod, glosar, 10 terminoloških kartica i terminološko stablo. Na kraju rada, slijedi analiza specifičnosti područja s kojima smo se susreli pri izradi ovog rada. Ce mémoire de Master traite de la terminologie du domaine du droit de la famille. La partie théorique est consacrée à la terminologie et les notions de base de la terminologie. Dans la deuxième partie, la méthodologie du travail terminologique est présentée. La partie pratique comporte la traduction, le glossaire, 10 fiches terminologiques et l’arbre de domaine. À la fin de ce mémoire, les spécificités rencontrées lors de notre travail terminologique sont analysées.

Thèse co-dirigée par François-Joseph Ruggiu (Professeur des universités, Sorbonne Université) et Sylvie Steinberg (Directrice d’études, EHESS), soutenue devant un jury composé de : Jean-Luc Chappey (Université Paris 1- Panthéon Sorbonne), Anne Bonzon (Professeure des universités, Université de Paris 8), Marie Houllemare (Professeure des universités, Université de Genève), Ulrike Krampl (Professeure des universités, Université de Tours) et Didier Lett (Professeur des universités, Université de...

(Civ. 1re, 22 juin 2022, no 20-20.202, Q. Guiguet-Schielé, Profits subsistants liés à l'acquisition et à l'amélioration d'un même bien : évaluations distinctes, D. actu. 29 juin 2022 ; D. 2022. 1205 ; ibid. 2063, obs. S. Godechot-Patris et C. Grare-Didier ; AJ fam. 2022. 497, obs. J. Casey)

(Civ. 1re, 9 juin 2022, no 20-21.277 (476 F-B), D. 2022. 1151 ; AJ fam. 2022. 445, obs. J. Casey)

L’article explore trois textes qui ont une image en commun, celle de l’anneau. Deux de ces pièces sont en ancien français (Lasse, pour quoy, Mestre de Rodes ! et Osteis lou moi, l’anelet dou doi !) ; la troisième est en occitan (Cant me donet l’anel daurat ?) Toutes les trois font référence à un anneau et à vrai dire, le motif de la croisade n’est présent que dans l’une des trois. Pourtant, ces trois compositions, bien qu’anonymes, nous permettent d’entendre la voix féminine médiévale, exprimée par des femmes.

(Civ. 1re, 18 mai 2022, no 20-20.725, D. actu. 8 juin 2022, obs. Q. Guiguet-Schielé ; D. 2022. 1388, note P. Bouathong ; ibid. 1828, obs. D. R. Martin et H. Synvet ; AJ fam. 2022. 443, obs. J. Casey ; ibid. 307, obs. D. d'Ambra)

(Civ. 1re, 22 juin 2022, no 20-20.387, D. 2022. 2063, obs. S. Godechot-Patris et C. Grare-Didier ; AJ fam. 2022. 493, obs. J. Casey ; Revue IP 4-2022, no 4.3, obs. C. Grare Didier)

La farce anti-matrimoniale de Regnault qui se marie à La Vollée, que l’on peut dater des premières années du xvie siècle, est un exemple éloquent du rôle central joué par la musique dans le théâtre profane des xve et xvie siècles. Le dramaturge anonyme place en effet dans la bouche des six comédiens trois chansons à la mode et un air de musique sacrée. Non seulement ces quatre pièces musicales sont pleinement intégrées à l’action de la farce mais elles offrent avec elle de multiples échos.