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Indian orators have been saying good-bye for more than three hundred years. John Eliot's "Dying Speeches of Several Indians" (1685), as David Murray notes, inaugurates a long textual history in which "Indians... are most useful dying," or, as in a number of speeches, bidding the world farewell as they embrace an undesired but apparently inevitable exile or demise. In this article, the author considers Chief Sealth's "farewell" speech as a formal statement of exile and ending. Chief Sealth, or Seattle, was born about 1786 at Old Man House, the winter village of his Suquamish (the name means "people of the sheltered salt water") nation, on Bainbridge Island in what is now Washington State. His father, Schweabe, was Suquamish, and his mother, Scholitza, was a Duwamish woman from the area of present-day Kent, Washington. Sealth is said to have attained chiefly status as a result of his initiative in defending his people against an attack from upriver tribes, the sort of career success expected at one time or another for a young man of his noble lineage. There are various monuments to him in Seattle and the state of Washington, but his national and international renown derives from a speech he is usually said to have given in 1854 or 1855. The author first determines whether the speech does in some substantial measure represent things Sealth might have said or whether it is largely a fabrication. This is especially important in that there are three versions of Sealth's speech that were indeed fabricated to serve various environmental and ecological ends. The author asserts that it will not be possible to determine with any certainty exactly what may have come from Sealth. (Contains 1 figure and 66 notes.)

The fragmentation of large nineteenth-century reservations resulted in the creation of American Indian allotment geographies in the United States. Federal Indian policy, namely the General Allotment Act of 1887, allowed the US government to break up large reservations, allot land to individual Indians, and sell the surplus to non-Indian settlers. More than ninety million acres of land transferred from Indian to non-Indian ownership during the past 130 years. Reduction of land-allotment areas concerned tribal governments, Indian landowners, and the US Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA). Implementation of the Indian Reorganization Act (IRA) in 1934 encouraged the preservation of Indian culture, the development of tribal government, educational opportunities, and the protection of Indian land. However, many American Indians sold their allotments, and land bases continued to decrease following the passage of the IRA. The purpose of this study is to investigate the allotment problem at a local scale, using historical land maps and BIA documents to determine why Indian-owned land bases continued to decline after 1934. The author's tribal affiliation with the Kiowas of southwestern Oklahoma led to the selection of their land base as a subject of inquiry and a geographical focal point. This research contributed to a broader collection of literature regarding the dispossession of Indian land in the United States. (Contains 5 figures, 2 tables, and 77 notes.)

As American settlement spread to the Midwest, college and university campuses came to symbolize some of the greatest achievements of public policy and private philanthropy. However, the expansion westward often ignored the cultural precedents of Native Americans and the diversity of the varied native landscapes. Today, campus planners and historic preservation advocates can learn much from the pre-settlement landscapes of prairies, streams, ridgelines, and wetlands that Native Americans appreciated for their utility and beauty. As a landscape architect, the author believes every campus should study, explore, celebrate, and teach about the native landscape and the ecological systems of its site and region, with a focus on incorporating natural systems into the campus infrastructure. This ecological grounding is as much a part of campus heritage as the designed landscape of quads, drives, and plantings. (Contains 10 figures.)

Henri Lefebvre suggested that social researchers engage in "the concrete analysis of rhythms" in order to reveal the "pedagogy of appropriation (the appropriation of the body, as of spatial practice)". Lefebvre's spatial analysis has influenced educational researchers, while the idea of "pedagogy" has travelled beyond education. This interdisciplinary paper combines Lefebvre's analytical trilogy of perceived, conceived and lived spaces with Bernstein's "pedagogical device" in an interrogation of historical documents. It engages in a "rhythm analysis" of the New Zealand Company's "pedagogical appropriation" of a group of agricultural labourers into its "systematic colonisation scheme". The temporal-spatial rhythms of the labourers' lives are accessible in nine surviving letters they wrote in Wellington and sent to Surrey between 1841 and 1844. By revealing how their bodies were "traversed by rhythms rather as the "ether" is traversed by waves", we gain insight how bodies, space and the self are mutually constitutive and constituted. (Contains 165 footnotes.)

In Native American literary studies today there is a gap between the variety of criticism being produced and the metacritical debate about what Native literary criticism should look like. A review of recent issues of "Studies in American Indian Literatures", for example, will discover a wide variety of approaches, some relating literary works to tribally specific contexts, others demonstrating the utility of pan-Indian or pan-Indigenous approaches, and others suggesting a variety of ways in which Native literatures might be simultaneously related to both Native and non-Native contexts--or, indeed, suggesting that these contexts are themselves deeply connected. All of these approaches are, of course, joined by still other modes of criticism that make no overt claim about the relationship between a text and the cultures that produced it. At the same time, however, the metacritical debate about what Native literary study "should" look like has become polarized between theorists favoring an inward-facing nationalism and those insisting on an outward-facing cosmopolitanism. The author's aim in this article is to survey this polarization of the theoretical debate and, in so doing, to suggest a route toward a middle ground. Finding a theoretical justification for such a middle ground will help to provide a firmer grounding for criticism that sees modern Native and non-Native cultures as both distinguishable and historically entangled and that therefore rejects the unnecessary polarity of much of the metacritical debate in recent years.

This paper is part of broader ongoing attempts to demonstrate that shifts in educational policy can be understood as mutually constitutive with the changing nature of contemporary cities, including changes in urban policy. In this paper, the author wants to explore one aspect of these broader attempts, namely the relationships between education policy, globalization, and the notion of the neighborhood. To do this, the author briefly proposes that the neighborhood has been deemed as relatively insignificant within certain discourses of globalization, and then uses this paper to try and argue that the neighborhood retains significance not despite but through neoliberal globalization as played out in the connections between gentrification and education markets. In the first part of this paper, the author identifies how globalization, as pertaining to cities and education policy, has come to be represented by the political economy and philosophy of neoliberalism. In the second part of this paper, the author sketches out the rationalities of neoliberalism relating to education and urban policy, noting for the purposes of illustration the phenomena of education markets and neoliberal urban policy underpinning "third-wave" gentrification. Based on the connections between gentrification and education markets, the author concludes by suggesting that the neighborhood is not "withering" in the face of neoliberal globalization; rather, it is being "reconstituted" according to the logics of the market. It is this idea of reconstitution that also provides the possibility of thinking about the neighborhood through a politics of place, and as such as a site of contestation and potential reinvention.

This paper investigates the changing relationship between land, citizenship, and power in Brazil, where land-related policies have historically served to situate political and economic rights in the hands of an elite land-owning minority. In response, contemporary grassroots movements in Brazil, including the Landless Rural Workers Movement (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra, or MST) advocate the substantive transformation of what I develop here as a new form of "agrarian citizenship", in which political participation, local food production, and environmental stewardship redefine the ongoing constitution of the relationship between land, state, and rural society. Based on extensive interviews, participant observation and document analysis from 2004-2006, this ethnographic study examines the contours of how changing notions of agrarian citizenship are negotiated among members of a growing body of social groups demanding land redistribution and reasserting agrarian culture in Brazil. By developing and enacting new forms of political participation that involve the transformation of personal and collective values and practices, rural activists such as the MST envision the redistribution of land as a material right, but also view the transformation of the land-society relation as an equally public responsibility. (Contains 1 figure.)

This paper traces the kinds of learning engendered through Adivasi trans-local and local subaltern social movement (SSM) action addressing state-corporate developmental collusions, state-caste interests and the resulting dispossession of Adivasis from land, forest and their ways of life given the economic liberalization drive to exploit resources in the rural hinterlands in India since 1991. The paper draws upon insights from the author's association with the Adivasi since 1992 and funded research into "Learning in Adivasi movements." (Contains 6 notes.)

Land management and land administration are defined as a system of planning, management and administration methods and techniques that aims to integrate ecological with social, economic and legal principles in the management of land for urban and rural development purposes. The main objective is to meet changing and developing human needs, while simultaneously ensuring long-term productive potential of natural resources together with maintenance of inherent environmental and cultural functions. In the wake of social and political turmoil in Cambodia's recent history in the late twentieth century, there is rising demand for land management and land administration that will pave the way for economic development in the country. This results in demand for educated young professionals in the related areas of land management, land administration, surveying and remote sensing. While geographic education in schools will provide this pool of human resource in the long term, the immediate needs can only be met through professional development of existing workers and officers in these areas. It is also through professional development that education for sustainable development (ESD) will have the farthest reach in society, in this case. This article documents a critical geography approach to solving a geographic and environmental education problem. In addition to providing the empirical evidence for the lack of professional geographic education, this article describes how the researchers are agents of change in creatively solving the problem through adopting a professional development approach. The article also assesses the present status of professional development as the mode of ESD in Cambodia and provides a framework for using professional development as a continuing educational mechanism for other developing countries. (Contains 6 tables and 1 figure.)

Heir property is land held communally by family members of a landowner who has died intestate. Because this informal arrangement does not fit neatly into the individualist-centered, integrated property rights system of the United States, it is viewed by most as a hindrance to economic development and capitalism. We present an alternative framework for analyzing the significance of heir property in the African American community and its constraints. While the consequences of owning land with clouded title are clear--ineligibility for housing programs, inability to secure a mortgage or sell timber, and vulnerability to land loss through partition and tax sales--we argue that a culturally-based understanding of heir property provides insight to why it persists among rural African Americans. Based on personal interviews with heir property owners, lawyers, housing counselors, and county officials, the authors illustrate how heir property is supportive of certain cultural values and meets the needs of a subset of rural populations in ways that other forms of property ownership cannot. (Contains 1 table.)

Rail and water, water and rail. These were the indicators of value and future promise on the Great Plains in the 1870s. A man or a woman could make something of the land with them, but would probably fail without them, or so it was understood. Economic failure was a real possibility in the depression years after 1873, but the decade was also an era of dynamic growth and change as the effects of extensive railroad building played out in community after community across the region.

The Pecos River of the nineteenth century, unlike its faint twenty-first century shadow, was a formidable watercourse. The river stretches some 755 miles, from the Sangre de Cristo Mountains northeast of Santa Fe to its eventual merger with the Rio Grande. Control over the public domain of southeastern New Mexico came from controlling access to the Pecos, its tributaries and springs. In the arid environment of New Mexico's Pecos Valley, corporate accumulation of land through manipulation of federal land laws followed the removal of Native Americans, the displacement of Mexican American communities, and the departure of major players in the cattle industry of the American West. The purpose of this article is to reveal some of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century speculative impulses for harnessing water.

The RAFT technique (Santa 1988) is a writing strategy that helps students understand their "Role" as a writer, the "Audience" they will address, various "Formats" for writing, and the expected "Topic" or content. This article discusses the RAFT writing strategy used by the students to address land development issues. The authors facilitated connection-making and deep, reflective thinking about the interconnectivity of human actions and the environment. Helping students realize that the land development issue can be viewed from different perspectives--and understanding what frames of reference and cultural values influence those perspectives--allows them to view the world with a depth necessary for understanding such interconnected systems as human interaction and the environment. The RAFT strategy has the potential to help students connect prior and new knowledge, to write in a rich context, and to develop literacy skills that will serve them far beyond the classroom. (Contains 4 figures.)

The central focus of social studies education is to help develop effective citizens in a democratic society, and one of the components of effective citizenship is the development of critical thinking skills (Mallen 2005; National Council for the Social Studies 1991; Parker 1999). One aspect of critical thinking is the ability to look at information from different perspectives. This skill helps students better understand the multifaceted nature and complexity of historical issues in a social studies class and is preparation for citizenship when they face multifaceted issues at the ballot box. To provide a resource for teachers who are teaching this skill, the author explores views of land ownership among Native Americans and Western European Americans during the 1800s.

Reactions to the retirement of Justice Sandra Day O'Connor and debate over the president's replacement nomination, Judge John Roberts, Jr., of the D.C. Circuit, dominated this summer's Supreme Court recess. Subsequently, after Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist's death on September 3, 2005, President Bush nominated Roberts for the chief justice slot. In the 2004-2005 term, O'Connor provided the deciding vote in many of the 13 capital cases the Court decided, and her opinions have been described as a kind of "bridge" over the wide gulf between the Court's left and right factions in this area. In this article, the author reviews some of the landmark cases handled by the Supreme Court under the jurisprudence of Justice Sandra Day O'Connor. The author also provides his views on some of the Supreme Court's decisions. (Contains 21 notes).

Designed for grades 9-12, this lesson plan aims to let students learn how the Fifth Amendment to the Constitution relates to private property and how the power of eminent domain was defined in a recent Supreme Court case. Students will review summaries from Kelo v. New London to gain a better understanding of the case, which dealt with the limits of a government's right of eminent domain. They will also have the opportunity to defend one of the two viewpoints contained in this court decision. The lesson plan also explains to students various aspects of the Supreme Court case Kelo v. New London. The recent court case dealt with the limits of eminent domain and that it ruled that under the Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment, local governments can condemn private real property so that the land can be used for purposes that are primarily commercial as long as this use serves a "public purpose." The handouts for Kelo v. New London Summary, Majority Opinion Summary, and Dissenting Opinions Summary are presented.

One of the main indicators of industrialisation in agriculture has been the increase in farm sizes as farms are amalgamated to form larger, more economically efficient units. While the processes of farm amalgamation are relatively well understood, the processes by which large farms may be dispersed are less well understood. In particular, while multiple succession is relatively common in other European countries, in the UK the Common Law rule of primogeniture has meant that multiple succession as a means of land dispersal has rarely been considered. This study uses a sample of 154 historically large farms in the South East of England and traces multiple succession over the last 40 years, making observations on possible impacts on average farm size and the social processes by which farms are divided. Almost one-third of the farms were found to have divided through multiple succession between 1960 and 1999. While the farms surveyed in this study were large and thus theoretically more likely to be able to divide, there was no substantial evidence to support farm size as a limiting factor, suggesting that multiple succession as a process may be more widespread than previously thought. This has consequences for our current understanding of the concentration of agriculture in the UK.

This is an essay about Indian claims for the return of historically stolen lands, written from the perspective of a "Western" academic moral philosopher. I want to try to outline points of agreement and disagreement between Indian and Western moral conceptions and to seek common ground on which land claims can be more clearly evaluated and justified to both sides. To foreshadow my conclusions, I will argue that Indian nations seem morally entitled to the return of a significant land base and that there are good reasons for the United States to re-open consideration of Indian claims on a more serious and pluralistic basis than is now occurring or than occurred during the late Indian Claims Commission. On the other hand, the United States seems morally prohibited from transferring lands held by individual non-Indians in most circumstances. Or at any rate, that is what I will argue--the test of the argument's effectiveness, as always, is whether it actually proves convincing to those who read it.

This paper focuses on contemporary re-imaginings of the land in North Sutherland that counter global, modernist discourse. One narrative concerns the reinvention of the past; the other concerns the reconstruction of the present. Through both, people create what Edward Said (Culture and Imperialism. Alfred A. Knopf, New York, 1994) calls a "culture of resistance" to contemporary as well as past processes of dispossession. The stories are about reclaiming land through a local, collective imaginary. They chart cultural territory (collective rights to land) at the same time that they dispute geographical territory (private and non-local rights to land). The evidential base for the discussion is provided, first, by the actions of local history groups which have emerged over the past decade and, second, by the actions of the North Sutherland Community Forestry Trust. The latter, formed in 2000, has become a significant player in the struggle to assert collective rights to land under crofting tenure in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland. Its central remit is to own the solum of the Naver Forests currently controlled by the Forestry Commission.

In this study we identify factors that influence farmers' expectations to sell some or all of their farming operation in areas where the increase in the conversion of agricultural land has been relatively rapid. Findings indicate that the following factors increase farmers' propensity to sell some or all of the agricultural operation for non-agricultural land use: perceived negative change (particularly difficulty in obtaining and retaining rental land and in purchasing land) increases the likelihood that farmers will expect the operation to become nonviable, which in turn increases the expectation to sell some or all agricultural land; lack of a child who will take over the operation; and declining profits from the operation. Factors that apparently exert little influence on the expectation to sell some or all of the farming operation include level of intrinsic rewards that a farmer experiences from his farming operation, the farmer's satisfaction with his community, and the farmer's closeness to retirement age. (Contains 1 figure, 4 footnotes and 3 tables.)