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The radical change of politics and ideology in the post-Communist states in the Yugoslav area caused a revaluation of national histories. The production of desirable history has the political support of the current authorities in the states that emerged from the break-up of Yugoslavia. The features of revaluing the past and writing desirable history are: anti-communism, anti-Yugoslavism and radical nationalism. At the same time, the engaged attitude towards anti-fascism as a national phenomenon is evident. Partisan anti-fascism is diminished or denied, the partisan movement and Communist ideology are criminalized by insisting on real and imagined crimes, retaliation and repression against ideological opponents. Communism is completely declared a totalitarianism and a nationally harmful ideology. On the other hand, the ideology and practice of the subjects of collaboration are being relativized and efforts are being made to relativize responsibility, to present collaboration as a national need. Through a series of resolutions and recommendations from 1996 to 2019, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe obliged the former socialist states to reconsider their past, to "dismantle" communism and remove the consequences of Communist rule, to rehabilitate victims of punishment for ideological conflicts. Everything is at the level of theory and anti-communist ideology. Procedures are not standardized, as the re-examination of the Communist-socialist past should be performed by the proposed subjects who can competently revise history and eliminate the consequences of totalitarian rule. History is being re-examined by whoever wants it, and rehabilitation without guilt is being done by local courts. There are no clear statements that revisionist practice is conditioned by European resolutions and declarations, but the character and content of revisionist journalism is in line with the adopted requirements.

The article presents the results of scientific research in the field of recovering and historical investigation of the memory of the victims of the totalitarian-communist regime in the Moldavian SSR during 1940–1941, 1944–1953, in particular, those achieved in the period of 2018–2019. The extension of the theoretical foundations and the elaboration of a methodology connected to the historical-cultural context of the researched space ensured the elaboration of a complex database with oral history interviews, documents from the family archive, journals, photographs. Included in the category of historical sources with documentary value and closely corroborated with traditional sources of study, they give to the historical research a more complex and documented aspect. Or, the research of the memory of the victims of the totalitarian regime from the period of the Moldavian SSR, beyond the recuperative function, also involved the effort of scientific investigation. Recognition at national and international level of the research results and promotion of a new field of research in the scientific environment of the Republic of Moldova – the memory of the victims of the totalitarian-communist regime in the Moldavian SSR, is also a symbolic act of justice for the whole society of the Republic of Moldova.

Florijan Andrašec u kontekstu poetike pučke književnosti i kulture sjećanja naslov je interdisciplinarnog diplomskog rada u čijem je fokusu međimurski pučki pjesnik, skladatelj, orguljaš, slikar i kipar Florijan Andrašec (1888–1962). U prvome se dijelu rada četrdesetak pjesama iz jedine Andrašecove za života objavljene pjesničke zbirke Međimurske fijolice (1953) analizira u kontekstu poetike pučke književnosti. Najviše se pažnje pridaje pitanju odredbe Andrašecova pjesničkog identiteta te pobijanju tvrdnje da oznaka pučkog degradira Andrašecov pjesnički talent. U drugome se dijelu rada prati konstrukcija lika Florijana Andrašeca kao figure sjećanja u naselju Dekanovcu, pjesnikovoj lokalnoj zajednici, u vremenskom okviru od 60-ih godina 20. stoljeća do suvremenih dana. Na osnovu prikupljene građe propituje se u kojoj se mjeri narativ o Andrašecu u zacrtanu vremenskom okviru mijenjao te na koje su načine književni i drugi znanstvenici i stručnjaci zahtjevom za stručnom valorizacijom Andrašecova stvaralaštva nakon pjesnikove smrti 60-ih godina 20. stoljeća anticipirali općinsku politiku pamćenja Florijana Andrašeca koja je uslijedila nakon 1997. godine. Nastoji se pokazati kako zahtjev za pamćenjem Florijana Andrašeca u Dekanovcu nije isključivo rezultat odluka koje se donose s pozicije moći, već zajedničkog djelovanja šire mreže aktera koji se s Andrašecom i njegovim stvaralaštvom poistovjećuju i u formalnim i u svakodnevnim prigodama. Najviše se analitičkog prostora pridaje manifestaciji Školski projekt „Florijan i ja” i načinima na koje se u okviru njezinih aktivnosti sjećanje na Andrašeca u Dekanovcu prenosi. Florijan Andrašec in the context of the poetics of folk literature and culture of memory is the title of an interdisciplinary graduate thesis focused on the Međimurje folk poet, composer, organist, painter and sculptor Florijan Andrašec (1888–1962). In the first part of the thesis, some forty poems from Andrašec’s only collection of poems published during his lifetime, Međimurske fijolice (1953), are analyzed in the context of the poetics of folk literature. Most attention is paid to the issue of the definition of Andrašec’s poetic identity and the refutation of the claim that the “folk poet” label degrades Andrašec’s poetic talent. The second part of the thesis follows the construction of the character of Florijan Andrašec as a figure of memory in the settlement of Dekanovec, the poet’s local community, in the timeframe from the 1960s to modern days. Based on the collected material, it is questioned to what extent the narrative about Andrašec changed in the set timeframe and in what ways literary and other scholars and experts in the 1960’s anticipated the Dekanovec Municipality’s politics of memory of Florijan Andrašec, which followed after 1997, by requesting a professional valorization of Andrašec’s work after the poet’s death. The thesis seeks to demonstrate that the demand for the memory of Florijan Andrašec in Dekanovec is not solely the result of decisions made from a position of power, but the joint action of a wider network of actors who identify with Andrašec and his work in both formal and everyday occasions. Most of the analytical space is given to the manifestation entitled “Florian and I” School Project and the ways in which the memory of Andrašec in Dekanovec is transmitted within its activities.

Polish-Hungarian contacts have a tradition dating back to the Middle Ages, which was present in Polish historiography of the early modern times. Knowledge on this subject was present in the consciousness of the Old Polish society. About it was described in medieval chronicles and historical writings of the Renaissance. In the 18th century, Old Polish historiography changed under the influence of the Enlightenment. The historiography was also influenced by the experiences related to the partitions of Poland. The aim of the article is to how the descriptions of Polish-Hungarian relations evolved. Particular attention is paid to the description of the relations between the elites of both countries. Historiographic works and geographical compendiums were used to conduct the study.

Ovaj rad se bavi analizom Ruskih revolucija u periodu od 1905. do 1917. godine, te njezinim utjecajem na područje današnje Hrvatske. Kako su marksističke socijalističke ideje utjecale na formiranje revolucionarnih umova i boljševizma, odnosno prve socijalističke radničke države, koja je nakon Oktobarske revolucije odjeknula svijetom. Kao uvodni dio fokusirati ću se na samu revoluciju i način na koji ona nastaje u primjeru Ruskih revolucija. Nakon čega ću analizirati utjecaj revolucije na područje današnje Hrvatske, na koji je način komunistička partija djelovala, te otpor Kraljevini SHS. Prikazati na koji način društveno-ekonomska nejednakost može stvoriti svojevrsni povijesni lom. Zadatak rada je prikazati moć revolucije i njezin utjecaj, odnosno kako je proletarijat jednini koji može sebe izbaviti iz eksploatacijske klasne pozicije. Drugi dio rada posvećen je Vladimiru Ćopiću kao jednom od najistaknutijih revolucionarnih figura početka dvadesetog stoljeća pa sve do njegove smrti 1939. godine. Naglasiti ću problematiku kulture sjećanja, odnosno percipiranja povijesti i načina sjećanja. Zašto se postavljaju spomenici, te iz kojeg razloga se ruše, te kako heroj jednog režima postaje žrtva drugog., This paper deals with the analysis of the Russian revolutions in the period from 1905 to 1917, and its influence on the territory of today's Croatia. How did Marxist socialist ideas influence the formation of revolutionary minds and Bolshevism, that is, the first socialist workers' state, which resonated with the world after the October Revolution. As an introductory part, I will focus on the revolution itself and the way in which it is created in the example of the Russian revolutions. After that, I will analyze the impact of the revolution on the territory of today's Croatia, the way in which the Communist Party operated, and the resistance to the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. To show how socio-economic inequality can create a kind of historical rift. The task of the paper is to show the power of the revolution and its influence, that is, how the proletariat is the only one that can free itself from the exploitative class position. The second part of the work is dedicated to Vladimir Ćopić as one of the most prominent revolutionary figures of the early twentieth century until his death in 1939. I will emphasize the issue of the culture of memory, ie the perception of history and the way of memory. Why are monuments created, and what’s the reason for their demolition, as well as how the hero of one regime can become a victim of another.

The aim of the paper was to establish the frames of remembering the Yugoslavian past in the Serbian media in the context of two important anniversaries which coincided: the centenary of the first Yugoslavia (the Kingdom of SHS) and the 75th anniversary of the second, socialist Yugoslavia. Drawing upon the theoretical and methodological paradigms of the memory culture and the concept of framing, the analysis was focused on the coverage of five daily newspapers online editions: Blic, Danas, Večernje novosti, Politika, Kurir and central news programs of the public broadcaster Radio Television of Serbia and Television N1 in the period between 28th November and 4th December. The results of the conducted research showed the presence of three frames: revisionist, nostalgic and critical counter-narrative, constructed by different strategies. The media framing of the Yugoslavian past reflects the decades-long frozen conflict of memory in public discourse between official, institutional, and unofficial critical, engaged, so-called, counter-memories.

The culture of remembrance that dominates national communities and states that emerged after the civil war and disintegration of the former Yugoslavia is an area of daily conflict, and different and mutually exclusive interpretations of events from the past testify that Serbs, Croats, Bosniaks and other ethnic groups that share a common history remember and interpret it in completely different ways. Selective recollection, relativisation and fabrication of the past, reversal and forgetting, and falsification of facts about individual and group roles in contemporary history result in political conflicts in the present and could potentially lead to future misunderstandings and conflicts, making the Balkans even more unstable and without any perspective.

Savez udruženja boraca Narodnooslobodilačkog rata, kao društveno-politička organizacija, okupljao je nekadašnje partizanske borce, vojne invalide, obitelji poginulih boraca i sudionike Narodnooslobodilačkoga pokreta. Od mnogih funkcija, briga za socijalno-materijalni položaj članova i očuvanje sjećanja na Narodnooslobodilački rat u društvu činili su najvažnije segmente društveno-političkoga rada Saveza. Unutarnjom reorganizacijom Saveza boraca na lokalnoj razini i konsolidacijom novih općinskih odbora 1966. njegove lokalne organizacije jačaju i sve intenzivnije sudjeluju u društveno-političkom životu općine. U radu je prikazan put formiranja Općinskoga odbora Saveza boraca Narodnooslobodilačkog rata Labin, proces jačanja njegova ideološko-političkoga djelovanja, sustav boračke zaštite i općinske socijalne skrbi za borce te forme očuvanja i promicanja ratnih i revolucionarnih tradicija na lokalnoj razini., The Veterans’ Federation (later: Federation of Veterans’ Associations) of the People’s Liberation War of Yugoslavia was founded in 1947 as a socio-political organisation of People’s Liberation War veterans and active participants of the People’s Liberation Movement, with committees formed according to the territorial principle—from the Federal, through republican and provincial, to municipal and local committees. It was characterised by a well-developed system of operation focused on the systematisation of veterans’ care and all forms of material, social, and health care for members as well as preserving and evoking public memory of the war. Combativeness and vigilance became high priorities of its socio-political work, especially from the mid-1960s and early 1970s, when members of the Veterans’ Federation became politicised in the wake of important socio-political changes. Simultaneous reorganisation-related changes and the activation of new municipal committees contributed to the intensification of the work of local veterans’ organisations, which manifested as the establishment of some new commissions and, in the following years, an influx of new members and a closer cooperation with other social and socio-political factors in the municipalities. This paper first describes the founding of the Veterans’ Federation of Yugoslavia, its structure and most important fields of activity, and then the formation, structure, and activities of the Municipal Committee of the Federation of Veterans’ Associations in Labin, which, together with other municipal veterans’ committees in the Socialist Republic of Croatia, represented the focus of veterans’ activities regarding quality of life improvements of its members and preserving the memory of the People’s Liberation War in the local community. This paper examines the most important changes in the Federation of Veterans’ Associations’ mode of operation, describes the local strategies of ideological work and work on creating a culture of memory related to the wartime and revolutionary past, and the ways in which the veterans’ organisation resolved the material and social-health issues of its members, and therefore influenced their quality of life. The research was based on materials of the Republican Committee of the Federation of Veterans’ Associations of the Socialist Republic of Croatia and the documentation of the Municipal Committee of the Federation of Veterans’ Associations in Labin, which has been mostly preserved for the late socialist period.

This thesis uses an interdisciplinary approach, combining anthropological theories and ethnographic research, to examine how the period of Yugoslav socialism influences the present and the future of the Serbian people. Yugoslavs have lived together in the common country for decades under familiar national and cultural identity, but with many different histories. It is challenging to explain and interpret the history of a nation, in particular if said nation no longer exists. The Yugoslav nation has existed for only 80 years, but its identity lives on and influences the present. Is there only one Yugoslav history and, if so, who gets to write it down? How to interpret the history and the heritage of past times when they are contradicted by the personal experience of witnesses of that past? The fieldwork conducted in the Museum of Yugoslav History in Belgrade illustrates the Yugoslav past has been portrayed and mediated by official authorities. Museums are important actors in memorizing processes and shaping the cultural memory of communities, but sometimes they are confusing and disharmonic. Museums preserve testimonies of past times and values of those times for the future, and as such play a crucial role in shaping the cultural memory of a nation. However, the Museum of Yugoslav History is incomplete and lacks the colorful description of many dimensions of Yugoslav heritage. This thesis proposes a novel contextualization of conditions in which the Serbian society remembers the past. It presents another lecture of the past through analysis of the missing cultural products and offers additional dimensions to the comprehension of the past. Images of Yugoslav socialist past and the consequences of the fratricide war are still dominant in the present, official and everyday discourses. Analysis of books, exhibitions, theater plays, movies, and songs offer a new interpretation of the history, often closer to the personal stories, and opens new perspectives on the Yugoslav past, heritage, and expectation of the future., Cette thèse traite la reconstruction de la mémoire collective en Serbie. Elle propose plus particulièrement la lecture du passé conflictuel à travers les productions culturelles. En utilisant une approche interdisciplinaire, des théories anthropologiques et des recherches ethnographiques, ce manuscrit examine l’héritage yougoslave qui influence le présent et l'avenir du peuple serbe. Expliquer et interpréter l'histoire nationale est un travail acharné, et il est encore plus difficile si cette nation n'existe plus. C'est le cas des peuples yougoslaves qui ont été regroupé sous une et même identité. Est-il possible d'avoir une seule et unique histoire yougoslave qui aurait satisfait tous les peuples yougoslaves ? Comment interpréter l’histoire quand il est en contradiction avec l'expérience personnelle des témoins du passé ?Le travail de terrain effectué au Musée de l’histoire yougoslave dépeint la position des autorités officielles et politiques par rapport à la mémoire collective. Les musées sont des acteurs importants dans la mémorisation du passé, mais leurs interprétations sont souvent disharmoniques. Ma thèse propose une nouvelle manière de contextualiser le passé serbe. Ainsi, ce manuscrit analyse des produits culturels qui offrent une autre dimension de la compréhension du passé. Les images du passé socialiste yougoslave et les conséquences de la guerre fratricide sont encore prédominantes dans les discours actuels, tant officiels que quotidiens.

The author reflects on memory as a cultural category. Memory belongs to the order of the world of culture and controls the rules of social life, both group and individual. Memory is a cultural value, an axiological basis, without which it is impossible to imagine social life in its many forms (nation, state, church, family, university, etc.). By connecting the present with the past, memory opens the view to the future. Memory is needed to understand the processes and complexities of modern times, and at the same time is a necessary instrument in forecasting and constructing the course and shape of future social life forms and cultural forms. The author characterizes the importance of memory, its roles and functions in society and culture. Finally, it signals the problem of constructing oblivion and introduces categories of memory transfusion.

В статье рассматривается место второй мировой войны в мемориальном наследии Великобритании. Показывается многоуровневое отношение к войне в общественном сознании. В коллективной памяти о войне соединяются различные эмоциональные и рассудочные компоненты, непосредственный опыт участников событий и превалирующий в послевоенный период исторический нарратив, связанный с представлениями о войне. Обращается внимание на эволюцию представлений о войне в ходе трансформации самого британского общества и изменения места Великобритании в мировой политике. The article examines the place of the World War II in the memorial heritage of Britain. The article shows a multi-level attitude to war in the public consciousness. The collective memory of the war combines various emotional and intellectual components, the direct experience of the participants, and the historical narrative that prevails in the postwar period, associated with ideas about the war. Attention is drawn to the evolution of ideas about war in the course of the transformation of British society itself and the changing place of Britain in world politics.

Povijest romskoga stanovništva na hrvatskim područjima većinom je bila obilježena razdobljima u kojima su ga vlasti nastojale represivnim putem asimilirati u većinsko stanovništvo. Za vrijeme Drugoga svjetskog rata nacističke su vlasti i njihovi saveznici proveli genocid nad njima. Upravo je to ratno razdoblje smatrano središnjom točkom u povijesti romskoga stanovništva. U radu se analizira na koji se način pisalo o stradanju Roma u odabranim leksikografskim djelima izdanima od 1945. do danas. Kako bi se bolje razumjeli rezultati ove analize, istraživanjem su obuhvaćene leksikografske publikacije određenih europskih zemalja. Rezultati istraživanja pokazali su kako je tema stradanja Roma u hrvatskim leksikografskim izdanjima nedovoljno zastupljena, što je bio slučaj i u drugim europskim leksikografijama. Ovakav odnos hrvatske leksikografije prema povijesti jedne od najstarijih i danas jedne od brojnijih manjinske skupine u Republici Hrvatskoj odraz je marginalizacije kulture sjećanja na romske žrtve unutar hrvatskoga društva, posebice u znanosti i kulturi., Similarly to other European countries, the history of the Roma population in Croatian areas was marked mostly by most periods of persecution and suffering, when the authorities tried to use repression in order to assimilate the Roma into the majority population. One such period was during World War II, when genocide against the Roma was carried out in many European countries by the Nazi authorities and their allies. After the War, the culture of remembering Roma victims became marginalised in Croatia. This paper examines how Croatian lexicography approached the issue of the significance of Roma suffering during World War II in selected lexicographical works from 1945 till today, and compares it to lexicographical publications from certain other European countries. Research shows that Croatian lexicography neglected the importance of Roma genocidal suffering as a central point in the history of the Roma population. Such a similar marginal attitude towards Roma suffering in World War II was present in other European lexicographies, which is only one of the arguments in favour of the thesis that post-war society in Europe, including Croatian society, neglected the importance of researching Roma suffering in war and thus marginalised the culture of remembrance of Roma victims of genocide, especially in science and culture.

Вивчено культурологічні аспекти взаємодії сучасних мистецьких практик з digital-технологіями в умовах гібридних технологій інформаційних просторів посткультури, з’ясовано ризики процесів комодифікації візуальних практик та культивації історико-культурної амнезії, що деформують культурну пам’ять суспільної свідомості та нівелюють сутнісну ідентифікацію мистецтва. Аргументаційна база наукового дослідження спирається на корпус аналітичних міркувань відомих західних і вітчизняних фахівців., The paper is focused on the cultural aspects of the interaction of contemporary art practices with the digital technologies under hybrid conditions of post-culture information spaces. The risks of the commodification processes of visual practices and cultivation of historical and cultural amnesia, which deform the cultural memory of the public consciousness and level the essential identification of art, are clarified. The reasoning of the paper is based on a substantive body of analytical considerations by well-known Western and domestic experts.

У раду се кроз широк хронолошки оквир проучава један сегмент српско-руских односно југословенско-совјетских односа у периоду од 1914. до 1991. г. Руски гробни комплекси, под којима се подразумевају гробља, парцеле, гробнице, костурнице, споменици и надгробници настали током 20. века на територији данашње Србије, представљају добре илустрације динамике односа између две државе и два народа у претходном веку. На њиховом примеру праћени су (дис)континуитети на релацији Београд-Москва(Петроград) и истовремено је анализирана меморијална и комеморативна пракса, и култура сећања два идеолошки супротна режима – Краљевине Срба Хрвата и Словенаца/Краљевине Југославије и Демократске Федеративне Југославије/Федеративне Народне Републике Југославије/ Социјалистичке Федеративне Републике Југославије. Однос државе према комплексима руских војника, бранилаца Београда, бораца са Солунског фронта и аустроугарских заробљеника из Првог светског рата; руских емиграната; ратника из редова Црвене Армије погинулих током Другог светског рата и совјетских ратних ветерана настрадалих 1964. г. на Авали, био је у директној вези, међузависности од југословенске спољне политике, њених промена и заокрета, као и совјетско-југословенских међудржавних односа. Тај однос је могуће свести на бригу, упросторавање и материјализацију успомена на настрадале припаднике руског народа; индиферентност, односно нехај и заборав. Еволуција и борба сећања су пратиле промене на државном, спољнополитичком, плану и биле су у већој мери везане за периоде сарадње односно неслагања две земље. Међутим, слика односа према руским гробним комплексима није тако једнострана и једноставна – попут и самих српско-руских односно југословенско-совјетских односа. Иако је политика представљала најважнији фактор, постојао је и известан број других, које не би требало занемаривати. Поред културе сећања, у средишту пажње дисертације је и танатополитика – употреба смрти, уопштено говорећи, Руса (с обзиром да су етнички Руси сачињавали око ¾ бораца Црвене Армије) у политичке сврхе. Њу је било могуће пратити преко 5 погребних ритуала и учешћа представника власти у њима који су на тај начин изражавали званични курс земље и њену идеологију. Рад је претежно заснован на необјављеној грађи из српских и руских архива – Архива Југославије, Архива Србије, Војног архива, Дипломатског архива Министарства спољних послова, Државног архива Руске Федерације, Архива спољне политике Руске Федерације; затим на објављеним изворима, мемоарској грађи, периодици (српској и руској) и релевантној српској и страној литератури.

The article analyzes the correlation and struggle between the tendencies of self-affirmation and repentance in the official politics of memory of modern Russia. The material for observation was the process of elaboration of historical memory in connection with the problem of rehabilitation of repressed citizens of the USSR. The methodological basis of the study was the conceptual apparatus of the concept of a “new memorial culture”. The state of the ongoing ideological civil war in the field of perpetuating the memory of victims of political repression is stated. The author focuses on the category “memory culture”, which determines the need for public rehabilitation and overcoming disunity with other peoples on the basis of the historical memory of a single totalitarian past. В статье проанализировано соотношение и борьба между тенденциями самоутверждения и покаяния в официальной политике памяти современной России. Материалом для наблюдения избран процесс проработки исторической памяти в связи с проблемой реабилитации репрессированных граждан СССР. Методологической основой исследования стал понятийный аппарат концепции «новой мемориальной культуры». Констатируется состояние продолжающейся идеологической гражданской войны в сфере увековечения памяти жертв политических репрессий. Автор акцентирует внимание на категории «культура памяти», которая определяет необходимость публичной реабилитации и преодоления разобщенности с другими народами на почве исторической памяти единого тоталитарного прошлого.

U članku se analizira slučaj kirurga u vukovarskoj bolnici dr. Mladena Ivankovića. Slučaj je zanimljiv kao fenomen s ruba službene kulture sjećanja. Srbin po nacionalnosti doktor radi zahtjevne kirurške zahvate u bolnici tijekom opsade grada. Istovremeno, njegov sin ratuje na suprotnoj strani i ulazi u bolnicu 18. studenoga 1991. Doktorov rad u bolnici tijekom opsade grada mnogi smatraju kontroverznim kao i njegovo držanje tijekom evakuacije bolnice nakon pada grada. Nastavak zanimljivog slučaja su doktorove navodne izjave nakon pada grada i njegovo držanje nakon mirne reintegracije 1998. Slučaj doktora Ivankovića ukazuje na složene mikrosocijalne odnose u Vukovaru, ali i na jedan dio prešućene povijesti u službenoj kulturi sjećanja., This article analyzes the case of surgeon dr. Mladen Ivanković who worked in Vukovar hospital. The case of doctor Ivanković is interesting as a phenomenon from the edge of official culture of memory. Although Serb by nationality, doctor worked in the Hospital during the siege of Vukovar. However, his son fought on the other side and he entered the hospital at 18th November 1991. Doctor's work in hospital during the siege is full of controversies, same as his atttitude vladimir filipović Na rubu službene kulture sjećanja 119 during the evacuation after the occupation of Vukovar. Extension of this interested case are doctor's supposed statements since 1991 and also his attitude since 1998. The case of doctor Ivanković shows very complex microsocial relations in Vukovar and it reveals the hidden parts of the official story of Vukovar in 1991 and after.

Of all atrocities committed by state actors in 20th century Europe, the systematic killings by Nazi Germany were arguably the most severe and best documented. While several studies have investigated the impact of the presence of concentration camps on surrounding communities in Germany and the occupied territories in terms of redistribution of wealth and property, the local-level impact on voting behaviour has not yet been explored. We investigated the impact of spatial proximity to a concentration camp between 1933 and 1945 on the likelihood of voting for far-right parties in the 2013 and 2017 federal elections. We find that proximity to a former concentration camp is associated with a higher vote share of such parties. A potential explanation for this finding could be a ‘memory satiation effect’, according to which voters who live in close proximity to former camps and are more frequently confronted with the past are more receptive to revisionist historical accounts questioning the centrality of the Holocaust in the German culture of remembrance.