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The article focuses on the National Museum for Japanese History, known as Rekihaku, located in Sakura, Chiba Prefecture. It highlights how Rekihaku is unique among Japanese museums as it covers a broad range of historical aspects, including societal, cultural, and everyday history, while intentionally excluding political history and the history of the imperial house. The museum's exhibits emphasize the diversity of historical experiences within Japan.

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Most sociological and historical accounts on sex trafficking and Japanese war crimes focus on conceptual and theoretical analyses concerning linkages between sex trafficking, social stratification, and victims. While these studies enhance theoretical knowledge about sexual slavery, they do not meticulously explore how the Japanese actually manipulated and managed sexual slavery in China into a legalized practice despite the fact that it blatantly violated Japanese and international law. I argue that Japan attempted to design sexual slavery into a legalized practice by exercising a Panopticon, or more specifically, by emphasizing the maintenance of tight regulations on hygiene, prohibition, and unruly behavior of soldiers inside brothels. These attempts do not hide the fact that the Japanese military breached Japanese and international law by abandoning a commitment to human rights and dignity as stipulated by the Japanese Criminal Code and The International Convention on the Prohibition of the Sale and Purchase of Women for Prostitution (1925).

Copyright of Pravnik is the property of Czech Academy of Sciences, Institute of State & Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the use of the UNESCO Memory of the World programme in claims for recognition of atrocities, focusing on two recent nominations: Documents of Nanjing Massacre and Voices of the 'Comfort Women'. We argue that amid domestic and international contestation of memories and historical accounts, cultural programmes, such as the Memory of the World, have become increasingly politicised and used to push for international recognition of past atrocities. The article reflects on the character of the Memory of the World programme and the core reasons for nominations to such programmes. It also considers the possible consequences of registration as it transposes the heritage of memory from the local to the global stage (and back) and in the process subjects both memory and heritage to various forms of authorised transformation and reification. We bring attention to how official recognition by the Memory of the World affects ongoing collective memory formation, and express concerns about the appropriation of individual and local memories, as they are granted universal value. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On December 14, 2011, the first P'yŏnghwaŭi Sonyŏsang, also known as the "Statue of a Girl for Peace," was built in front of the Japanese Embassy in Seoul, South Korea. Since then, replicas have been installed in global cities such as Berlin, New York, Shanghai, Sydney, and Toronto. The bronze memorial represents Korean "comfort women" -- a euphemism referring to Japanese military sexual slavery during the Second World War -- and serves as a mnemonic platform. In Germany, the "comfort women" memorial was erected and exhibited in multiple cities, primarily due to the Korean diaspora through its activities earning the solidarity of local communities on this issue. Seeking to install these memorials has led diverse actors to collaborate both locally and transnationally, meanwhile meeting with resistance from the Japanese government. Based on interviews with the individuals who established the memorials as well as German and Korean newspaper sources, I investigate how the Korean diaspora worked together with the German local community to shift the "comfort women" issue into a global memory space. I argue that this solidarity was based on universal and particular identifications with the memorial in question, highlighting the potential for transnational memory to be shared beyond ethnic and national boundaries and contributing to the extraterritorial quality of cosmopolitan memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Student activism plays an important role in student development, so understanding student activists' thoughts, identifying challenges they have encountered, and figuring out ways to support their activities are critical for higher education institutions. A group of college students in Korea has established a student organization actively engaging in varying ways to address the Japanese military sexual slavery (so-called "comfort women") issue. This study examined the motivations, experiences, and perceptions of Korean college students actively participating in this work. Using a case study research design, in-depth, open-ended, semi-structured interviews with 10 organization members were collected and analyzed thematically. Relevant documents showing their various activities were also collected as supplementary data for better understanding of the context. Participants' desire for engagement, the benefits they gained from the KorPeaceWomen activities (i.e. personal growth, sense of solidarity, and awareness of other issues), and overcoming challenges show their development. However, it is necessary to consider the cultural, historical, social, and political contexts in Korea to fully understand their challenges and concerns as student activists. The findings may help us understand student activists' motives, concerns, and needs and explore their engagement as a form of development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia recruited tens of thousands of local military labourers in the New Guinea Campaign (1942–5) of the Pacific War. This article suggests that widespread Australian military incorporation of local people in the war effort rendered Papuan and New Guinean women vulnerable to sexual abuse and exploitation by the Japanese military. These abuses were sometimes facilitated by men organized in Australia's labour indenturing scheme, both before and during the war. The article describes this historical connection in order to shed new light on the 'comfort women' system from an allied perspective. Its conclusions extend a trajectory of research forged by the late Hank Nelson in his groundbreaking 2008 article published in the Journal of Pacific History. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Interdisciplinary Studies of Literature is the property of Interdisciplinary Studies of Literature Editorial Office and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

"Impartial Gateway: Colonial Taiwan and Japan's Expansion in South China and South-East Asia, 1895-1945" by Seiji Shirane is a comprehensive and well-researched book that explores the history of Taiwan under Japanese colonial rule. The book examines the concept of "gateway imperialism" and argues that Taiwan played a crucial role in Japan's military advance and wartime ambitions. The author draws on previously untapped sources to provide a detailed analysis of the complex relationship between Japanese colonial authorities and Taiwanese subjects. The book also explores topics such as the illicit opium trade, tensions between the Government-General of Taiwan and the Tokyo central government, and the sociocultural policies of subjectification. Overall, "Imperial Gateway" is a valuable resource for scholars and students interested in Japanese and Taiwanese history, settler colonialism, and imperialism. [Extracted from the article]

'Comfort women' refers to the estimated 80,000 to 200,000 women who were forced to serve the Japanese imperial army sexually, physically, and mentally during WWII in and beyond the Asia-Pacific region. Drawing on ethnographic research that I conducted on the protests for comfort women called 'the Wednesday Demonstration' from September 2019 to August 2020, this intervention traces both how sexually violated women and their bodies are represented in ways that comfort Minjok (Korean ethnicity) and how discomfort can function as a starting point of alternative feminist knowledge production and transformative praxis. This intervention interrogates how the comfort women narrative draws on paternal metaphors of colonial history—the 'raped daughter (comfort woman)' and 'weak father (colonized Korea)'—and how it reinforces the savior fantasies of Korean men. It then illustrates how this narrative creates an ethnic comfort zone in which the sense of the 'we, Koreans' fueled by ethnic victimhood is strengthened and a unified Korea (victim) is re-imagined in opposition to Japan (perpetrator) as the other. By introducing activist Jung Ah-lim's case, this paper examines how her feelings of discomfort revealed forms of epistemic injustice in which Korean ethno-nationalist leaders determine forms of knowledge regarding comfort women and control the direction of political acts for their nationalist purposes. In doing so, this intervention shows how discomfort enables Jung Ah-lim to pursue her own knowledge and transformative praxis for the comfort women issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An influential strain of thought supports restrictions on individual rights to achieve certain liberal values. The temporary use of illiberal means for ostensibly liberal ends (Doyle's "low-road" liberalism) is embraced by both the political right and left to serve their partisan policy goals. Our essay analyzes low-road policies and practices, specifically speech restrictions, and how they are countered. We compare two transnational campaigns, mainly based in democratic South Korea, which criticize either the North Korean and Japanese governments for their current or past human rights violations. The "anti-North" campaign is supported by South Korea's political right and the "anti-Japan" campaign by the left. Each has exercised bureaucratic-institutional power to stigmatize target groups and punish dissenting speech. Each campaign is countered by a mix of low-road, partisan opponents, who would similarly exercise illiberal power to achieve their respective goals, and high-road, procedural liberals, who secularly criticize censorship and endorse open, rational debate to correct flawed information, advance shared knowledge, and generate bipartisan, multilateral consensus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contribution aims at analysing the role of international solidarity movements in seeking justice for international war crimes against women. Through the example of the 'comfort women' case, the article examines the ways in which these international solidarity movements have used international law instruments and institutions to promote the idea of an individual right to reparation as a means by which victims can obtain justice. Two specific legal features of this case show the international solidarity movements' engagement with international law over the last decades: first, the establishment of the Women's Tokyo Tribunal, and, second, the judicial mobilisation of international civil society actors before national courts. It is argued that the international solidarity movements have informed the legal concepts, paradigms, and language used to legally analyse the 'comfort women' case, and, to a certain extent, they have influenced some recent jurisprudential developments, especially in the legal arguments invoked by the national courts that have decided on the claims of 'comfort women'. Ultimately, the 'comfort women' case demonstrates how the solidarity of international civil society actors towards a specific group of victims can be essential in order, first, to achieve post-conflict justice and, second, to progressively develop international law towards the advancement of legal standards of protection for individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the recollection of a Japanese 'comfort women' survivor published in 1975. By applying the analytical concept of gender and trauma, this study draws on the 'politics of integrity' theorised by Aurora Levins Morales (1998) as well as the theory of 'coherence of the self' proposed by Charlotte Linde (1993). The social, political and psychological analysis of her life story reveals the complexity of the politics of integrity in telling a story of trauma. It concludes how strongly her silent voice of trauma required societal acknowledgement of her sense of self to regain human integrity and dignity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In analyzing comfort women issues in such global contexts, Laura Hyun Yi Kang proposes taking "Asian women as method" and differentiates an intra-Asian from an inter-Asian approach, thereby denoting the nonunity of Asia and Asian women. This book offers a critical perspective for reassessing the issues of "comfort women", the sexual slavery system enforced by the Japanese military during World War II. Chapter 3 introduces the process through which the United Nations identified traffic in women and prostitution as a form of sexual slavery and how Asian women were featured in this discursive and institutional process. [Extracted from the article]

In this article, we analyze and compare photographic images from some of the most widely circulated Japanese and American high school history textbooks regarding their treatment of the Pacific War. We focus on the visual component of war technology, the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and the visibility or invisibility of women, especially regarding the comfort women issue. We argue that images in the textbooks are articulated by a dialectic relationship between the visible and the invisible as a political question, thinking about the "off-screen space" as the structural principle of what we see. The textbooks' visual memories about the Pacific War are not only influenced by what is shown but also by what is omitted and virtually depicted in the surrounding media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bringing together "identity as agency" (Schiffrin, 1996; De Fina, 2003), Bamberg's (1997) three-level positioning, and Tannen's (2008) narrative types, I analyze three interview narratives of Korean women coerced into the Japanese military's sexual slavery during World War II, commonly known as "comfort women". Through an eye toward "others" – e.g., Japanese soldiers, "comfort station" managers, interviewers, and sociocultural and sociopolitical forces – I investigate the manipulation of the women's agency with their identities positioned as victims, rather than survivors. Meaning-making strategies, such as "constructed dialogue" (Tannen, 2007[1989]), repetition, deixis, and third turns, present the ways in which various others objectify and marginalize the women as well as control their stories. These illuminate how the women's identities are granted and defined by others. This other-granted identity work reinforces aspects of language ideologies and ideologies of being silenced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the historical relations between the Emirates and Japan (1973-1990). Which was based on economic interests (oil) to a large extent. The historical links indicate the existence of Japanese relations with the coastal emirates, which seem to have been Japan's gateway to the Persian Gulf. It seems clear that the great competition that Japan witnessed with the British government, which controlled the political and economic decisions of the emirates of the coast. This study shows the nature of relations between the UAE and Japan. Those relations that were proceeding according to two factors: First: Oil and the need to obtain it from the Emirates, which was the largest source of oil for Japan. Secondly: taking a position of neutrality in political issues and not angering the United States of America, which has deep relations with Japan, but the year 1973 and the accompanying cutting off of oil supplies to countries supporting Israel, America and Japan was one of the countries covered by the oil embargo. Therefore, the Japanese government hastened to issue a decision rejecting the Israeli aggression against the Arabs. And the necessity of resolving differences through peaceful means and referring to Security Council Resolution No. 242, which stipulates the withdrawal of Israeli forces from all occupied Arab lands after the June 1967 war. This is a position that is calculated for Japan, but from the context of the relations between the two parties, we find that this position is to ensure the continuation of the flow of oil and the preservation of economic interests between them. both parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article accords epistemic privilege to comfort women as embodiment of the perversion of hospitality. It draws a parallelism between their surviving the pandemics of World War II as forcibly recruited sex slaves and COVID-19. Through their lived experience as survivors of pandemics, a feminist-postcolonial theology of radical hospitality first critiques biblical narratives of men's hospitality to men. The parallel stories of Lot's offer of his virgin daughters (Gen. 19) and the Levite's offer of his concubine (Judges 19) expose, first, the hierarchisation of male guests over women, as property of men, and secondly, the inviolable creed of hospitality conferred on men by men, that is sustained by the cultural code that marks women's bodies as violable. Secondly, the article argues that extending hospitality to comfort women (for example, war reparations) goes beyond the "law of ekstasis", as touted in Fratelli Tutti, as comfort women themselves embody love, reciprocity, and inclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the recent Russian invasion, China's rise, and North Korean missile launches, there is an increased importance for the United States to strengthen its East Asian allies, South Korea and Japan. These two countries, however, have a long history of disputes that resulted from the legacy of the Second World War. One of them is the comfort women issue. More than 200,000 teenage Korean girls were taken by Japanese soldiers as sex slaves during the 1930s and 1940s. They are called comfort women. In December 2015, the South Korean and Japanese governments reached an agreement to resolve the issue of comfort women, getting an apology from the Japanese government. However, the surviving comfort women showed resentment toward this agreement and condemned the Korean government for reaching the agreement with the Japanese government. Why do the comfort women and many South Koreans reject this agreement? Also, two different understandings of the identically written accord have brought social conflict in South Korea. Where do these discrepancies in understanding the same accord come from? Applying the three conceptual frameworks—emic and etic approaches in cultural anthropology, the inclusive and restricted models of conflict resolution, and different levels of reconciliation—this paper analyzes the discrepancies in how people analyze and approach conflict resolution and highlights the importance of the cultural anthropological approaches in conflict resolution and reconciliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Asia Pacifi c War (1937-1945), the Japanese Imperial Army forced women in Japanese East Asian colonies to work as so-called “comfort women” (sex workers). The justice movement for these women is an international intersectional alliance of feminists from Japanese ex-colonies in East Asia, the former colonial power Japan, and other societies, such as Australia, Germany, and the USA. This long-term feminist justice movement has campaigned for an apology and compensation from the Japanese government, as well as for recognition of “comfort women‘s” suff ering and of sexual violence in war in cultural memory. Through researching this justice movement from a processual intersectionality perspective, this paper shows that it gained power and legitimacy from refl ecting and working on its internal intersectional inequalities. This included refl ecting on the class hierarchies between many former “comfort women”, who had power of defi nition, and intellectual feminist activists, as well as on the postcolonial divide between former Japanese colonies and the former colonial power Japan, leading it to develop horizontal cooperation and practices. Following an overview, the paper outlines the movements in South Korea, Japan, and Germany, and highlights the different postcolonial constellation between East Asia and Germany, the main actors, and their aims. While the Japanese government rejected the justice movement‘s demands and the right wing mobilised against it, has been able to infl uence cultural memory to widely recognize sexual violence in war and the dignity of the “comfort women”. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Judgment Debtor shall submit a property catalog stating the status of the property on the date for specification of property due to the Ex officio Judgment on the Legality of the Application for Compulsory Execution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The lawsuit in this case re Comfort Women Victims was brought to recover damages for the sovereign act of the Defendant, a foreign State, which is unlawful; therefore, Seoul Central District Court rejected it and rendered a judgment as in the Order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discourse is an important and effective tool, and has a close relationship with the institution of power in war. Hyakuta Naoki's The Eternal Zero (Eien no Zero 永遠の0) is about Japanese soldiers during World War II; it exposes this relationship and hidden things behind the militaristic government's discourses. Through the novel, Hyakuta Naoki brings a different, little-known perspective on the Japanese soldiers during the war. They are no longer presented as fanatical and extremist terrorists, they are just ordinary people with deep feelings and emotions. By explaining the causes and motives leading to the consent or resistance behaviors of Japanese soldiers with the institution of power, the discourse reveals the war crimes committed by the militaristic government, and shows us the message of peace, anti-war and human values that The Eternal Zero and the writer Hyakuta Naoki wants to convey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

J. Mark Ramseyer's publications on the topics of wartime "comfort women" and Japan's minorities have become the focus of intense controversy. His article on "comfort women" in the International Review of Law and Economics gained global scrutiny following its coverage in Japan's right-wing newspaper, Sankei Shimbun, and its English-language publication, Japan Forward. Ramseyer claims that "comfort women" willingly entered into sex-work contracts, denying responsibility by Japan's military and government for the "comfort station" system. He also insists that naming this system "sexual slavery" is "pure fiction" -- a stance shared by Japanese history denialists in Japan. Since the controversy over his publications, Ramseyer has been working closely with Japan's right-wing faction, appearing in their symposiums and media. The controversy over Ramseyer must be understood in the larger political context of widespread historical revisionism in Japan. In this chapter, I will situate Ramseyer's writings and actions in the context of the so-called "history wars" by the Japanese right-wing and the Japanese government. In particular, I will discuss the Ramseyer controversy in the context of the "strategic communication" policy by the Japanese government, and the right-wing efforts to disseminate revisionist claims in English to academics and politicians abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As World War II ended and a new democratic society was beginning in Japan, significant changes were made to the patriarchal system, changes such as the recognition of women's rights and the dismantling of the Japanese family system which in turn affected youth culture. Against this backdrop, particularly within the genre of shōjo shōsetsu (girls' fiction), new representations of the father, mother and shōjo (girl) emerged. Portrayals reflected not only the loss of power experienced by patriarchal figures after the defeat, but also the rise of new patriarchal mothers and resistant daughters. This article traces how changes in depictions of patriarchal authority in the genre reflect not only masculine humiliation around the war defeat, but also a contemporaneous rise in mothers whose intervention in their daughters' life decisions saw an increase in less compliant daughters. It demonstrates how, although post-war shōjo fiction was founded on the loss of the autocratic patriarch and has since struggled to depict a more co-operative family man, as reflected through the genre, the loss of the father figure also helped sow the seeds of new forms of womanhood, and of girlish resistance and independence. These elements reveal a continued fight for democratic freedoms in post-war Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Kadın/Woman 2000 is the property of Kadin/Woman 2000 and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines three Japan–South Korea postwar compensation cases: the comfort women issue, the Sakhalin Island forced labor issue, and Korean atomic bomb survivor issue. These compensation movements produced vastly different results, even though the basic policy directions for compensation provision in all three cases were similar. Japan's approach toward the comfort women problem has been a complete failure, while its treatment of the Sakhalin forced labor issue and the atomic bomb issues has been more successful. This article's explanation of the different outcomes focuses on the character and geographical base of the civic groups leading these compensation movements. In South Korea, women's rights activists spearheaded the comfort women compensation movement and related victim-relief activities. The Korean non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that assisted the comfort women treated this problem not only as a women's rights issue, but also as a nationalist issue. In contrast, the Red Cross, a politically neutral international organization, promoted the Sakhalin forced labor and atomic bomb issues. In short, the different receptions accorded to those championing the comfort women issue and those promoting the Sakhalin forced labor and atomic bomb issues depended on the principal agent of each compensation process. This article aims to provide some implications for successfully implementing postwar compensation policies. It suggests that, if successful postwar compensation policy depends on successful perpetrator–victim reconciliation, establishing solidarity between perpetrator and victim countries' civic groups is important. This can only be facilitated through the depoliticized and transparent operation of leading NGOs both inside and outside the redressal-seeking nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On June 1, 1923, Japanese soldiers in Changsha, Hunan, opened fire on and killed two anti-Japanese protesters seeking to prevent the landing of Japanese goods. Through a comprehensive review of the "Changsha Incident," this article explores the interplay between local and central diplomatic power during the high tide of provincialism. The incident demonstrates how the autonomous Hunan government, faced with the rise of anti-imperialism in local societies and the central government's inability to fend off foreign coercion, mediated between the local parliament, the central diplomatic office, and Japanese authorities for a solution to the case. By unpacking the multilayered power dimensions of the time, this article demonstrates that the interactions between local and central diplomatic offices were characterized by both cooperation and distrust. Meanwhile, attempts to reach a negotiated settlement over the incident hinged more on competing domestic agendas than on diplomacy. Conflicts between Hunan provincial authorities, a lack of coordination between diplomatic officials in Hunan and Beijing, civilian elites' distrust of military officials, and rivalry between regional warlords all combined to hinder progress in negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the International Military Tribunal for the Far East condemned and prosecuted rape crimes, there was only limited justice for victims of militarised sexual abuse. This goes especially for the majority of victimised Chinese women. The court's focus was on the so-called Rape of Nanking rather than on the sexual enslavement in military brothels. After the Second World War, the stories of the Chinese women used as military sex slaves by the Japanese military were soon excluded from the heroic Chinese master narrative. Outrage over mass rape was not primarily concerned with violence towards women, but rather with the 'humiliation' of men as nationalist subjects. In this article, I will focus on the Liji Alley Former Comfort Station Exhibition Hall in Nanjing and analyse how the museum moves in politically contested arenas and how activism and suffering is represented in the exhibition. How are the personal stories of former 'comfort women' used to evoke emotional reactions in the visitors and to what end? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2012, South Korea-Japan relations have deteriorated structurally in the long run, and the conflict between South Korea-Japan relations has expanded and deepened since the Moon Jae-in government. The conflict over historical issues, including the comfort women and the wartime forced labor, are the main factors that worsened the bilateral relations, but since 2018, confrontation has also expanded in the economic and security areas. In the background of the spread of conflict in all directions of South Korea-Japan relations, there is a phenomenon of power transition in international politics in Northeast Asia. While China is rapidly emerging as a superpower, South Korea has emerged as a mid-sized country through democratization and economic growth, and Japan is facing a decline in relative national power. The South Korea-Japan relationship is no longer a vertical relationship, but a horizontal relationship. In the meantime, the relations between two countries have become more misunderstood and biased in mutual recognition via medias, and strategically underestimate the importance of the other party. The dialogue and communication between leaders have long been cut off, and mutual trust has declined. However, since the inauguration of the Yoon Suk-yeol government in May 2022, South Korea has been making multidimensional efforts to improve relations with Japan and normalize relations. While gathering wisdom to solve the wartime forced labor issue, it is focusing on cooperation in North Korea policy and restoring the security cooperation system between South Korea, the US, and Japan. Even if the Kishida government has evaluated the Yoon government's efforts to improve bilateral relations, it has not been able to show an active attitude to improve relations on its own. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Second World War, the Japanese military recruited interpreters throughout Asia to assist in interrogating suspected insurgents and managing prison and internment camps. Many interpreters were tried for war crimes by Allied authorities after Japan's surrender. Sentences passed on those who were convicted were often higher than for other low-ranking personnel. Principally using British records, I argue that interpreters were punished because they participated in mistreatment of prisoners. Their punishments were disproportionately heavy because of their close association with the Japanese military police, and as a result of moral outrage by Western courts and Chinese populations in Southeast Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article I argue that despite the rhetoric and activism of Aleuts, and others, the limits of citizenship during and after the relocation led to an utter failure to properly protect them. However, they were exposed to Alaska Native political action during their time away from the Islands which would give them ammunition to seek better treatment and ultimately redress and an apology from the American government. The article first explains why the relocation occurred, followed by an explanation of the Russian impacts on the Aleut and the eventual path to American citizenship, an analysis of the Aleut reactions to the conditions they encountered, and finally how Aleuts protested their plight with the sounding board of citizenship. An important component of the article are the words of Aleuts themselves which serve as a corrective history to government accounts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature at the intersection of global norms and transnational advocacy typically equates target states' foreign constituencies with those exerting normative pressure on the states in question on behalf of their domestic constituencies. Another type of foreign constituency remains undertheorized: foreign nationals as rights claimants who make normative claims against target states, such as victims of colonization seeking redress or refugees demanding their rights protection. I argue that states, including robust democracies otherwise well socialized into global norms, respond differently to compliance pressures from these two types of foreign compliance constituencies. In what I call dual norm dynamics, states may regress in their norm practices when it comes to foreign claimants while at the same time deepening their normative commitments to the international community as a whole. In an unintended consequence of norm diffusion, norm regress in target states for foreign claimants may occur as a result of successful transnational norm advocacy on their behalf. To demonstrate the empirical utility of dual norm dynamics, I look at the transnational redress movement for Korean "comfort women." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the ongoing debate over "comfort women" memorials, especially one statue known as the Statue of Peace. Whereas Japanese ultranationalists and their foreign collaborators attack "comfort women" memorials for tarnishing Japan's reputation and spreading historical falsities, progressive scholars sympathetic to "comfort women" victims criticize these memorials for reinforcing female chastity and anti-Japanese nationalism. Examining these varying responses to "comfort women" memorials across the Pacific, this article analyzes how Japanese ultranationalism, anti-Japanese Korean nationalism, US imperialism, and transnational feminism collide in the representation of "comfort women." By pointing out the significance and limitations of "comfort women" memorials, this article concludes with a discussion of how socially engaged memorials can serve as critical sites for building transnational feminist coalitions in shared struggle against both wartime violence and postwar amnesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]