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When people receive descriptions or doctored photos of events that never happened, they often come to remember those events. But if people receive both a description and a doctored photo, does the order in which they receive the information matter? We asked people to consider a description and a doctored photograph of a childhood hot air balloon ride, and we varied which medium they saw first. People who saw a description first reported more false images and memories than did people who saw a photo first, a result that fits with an anchoring account of false childhood memories.

In their descriptions, eyewitnesses often refer to a culprit's distinctive facial features. However, in a police lineup, selecting the only member with the described distinctive feature is unfair to the suspect and provides the police with little further information. For fair and informative lineups, the distinctive feature should be either replicated across foils or concealed on the target. In the present experiments, replication produced more correct identifications in target-present lineups--without increasing the incorrect identification of foils in target-absent lineups--than did concealment. This pattern, and only this pattern, is predicted by the hybrid-similarity model of recognition.

Doctored images can cause people to believe in and remember experiences that never occurred, yet the underlying mechanism(s) responsible are not well understood. How does compelling false evidence distort autobiographical memory? Subjects were filmed observing and copying a Research Assistant performing simple actions, then they returned 2 days later for a memory test. Before taking the test, subjects viewed video-clips of simple actions, including actions that they neither observed nor performed earlier. We varied the format of the video-clips between-subjects to tap into the source-monitoring mechanisms responsible for the 'doctored-evidence effect.' The distribution of belief and memory distortions across conditions suggests that at least two mechanisms are involved: doctored images create an illusion of familiarity, and also enhance the perceived credibility of false suggestions. These findings offer insight into how external evidence influences source-monitoring.

In prior research on false autobiographical beliefs and memories, subjects have been asked to imagine fictional events and have been exposed to false evidence that indicates that the fictional events occurred. But what are the relative contributions of imagination and false evidence toward false belief and memory construction? In the present study, subjects observed and copied various simple actions; then they viewed doctored videos that suggested that they had performed extra actions and they imagined performing some of those and some other actions. Subjects returned 2 weeks later for a memory test. False evidence or imagination alone was often sufficient to cause belief and memory distortions; in combination, they appeared to have additive or even superadditive effects. The results bear on the mechanisms underlying false beliefs and memories, and we propose legal and clinical applications of these findings.

The first use of percutaneous tracheotomy in intensive care was by Sheldon in 1957. Because this technique saves time, costs less, and reduces staff requirements, it is well suited to conditions in underdeveloped countries where resources are often lacking. The purpose of this prospective study conducted in intensive care unit of the Principal Military Teaching Hospital in Dakar, Senegal was to evaluate percutaneous tracheotomy in terms of effectiveness, time and resource management, and perioperative problems while trying to adapt it to resources available in a tropical intensive care setting. A total of 2958 patients were admitted during the study period including 100 who underwent percutaneous tracheotomy. Most cases involved traumatic injury. The mean implementation period was 10 days with a mean procedure time of 6 minutes. Two failures occurred requiring conversion to a surgical approach. Two patients had presented esotracheal fistula including one who died after inhalation when feeding was attempted. One patient developed stenosis. Operator experience and training were identified as good prognostic factors.

This retrospective study was carried out from January 2005 to December 2006 to ascertain the profile of patients admitted for treatment of myocardial infarction (MI) in a modern emergency reception facility (ERF) in Sub-Saharan Africa. Diagnosis of MI was based on clinical presentation, electrocardiography (persistent ST-segment depression), and laboratory findings (measurement of troponine T and CPK MB). Study data included epidemiological parameters (including risk factors and interval between onset of symptoms and admission), clinical and paraclinical findings, therapeutic modalities (including any prehospital management), complications at the time of admission, and mortality within the first five days. Men accounted for 77% of the 52 consecutive patients hospitalized for MI during the study period. Mean age was 59 years. Risk factors included hypertension in 46% of cases, tobacco use in 40%, and diabetes in 21%. The mean interval for management was approximately 29 hours with only 5 patients receiving care within the first 6 hours. Chest pain was the main reason for coming to the ERF (86%). The location of pain was anterior in 58% of cases and inferior in 37%. Diagnosis was confirmed by laboratory findings in 96% of patients. Ten patients benefited from transportation by ambulance and four patients underwent thrombolysis before hospitalization. Complications at the time of admissions included cardiovascular collapse (n=3), acute pulmonary edema (n=13), and arrhythmia (n=6). Eleven patients (21%) died within the first five days. These findings confirm the need to educate the population in an effort to reduce the interval for management, to develop prehospital medical care, and to increase the availability of coronary artery revascularization modalities to improve the prognosis of MI in the acute phase.

Pezdek and Lam [Pezdek, K. & Lam, S. (2007). What research paradigms have cognitive psychologists used to study "False memory," and what are the implications of these choices? Consciousness and Cognition] claim that the majority of research into false memories has been misguided. Specifically, they charge that false memory scientists have been (1) misusing the term "false memory," (2) relying on the wrong methodologies to study false memories, and (3) misapplying false memory research to real world situations. We review each of these claims and highlight the problems with them. We conclude that several types of false memory research have advanced our knowledge of autobiographical and recovered memories, and that future research will continue to make significant contributions to how we understand memory and memory errors.

Post surgical pain is a histonic reality. At the beginning of eighteen century (18th), morphine was used for the first time in analgesic aim. Post surgical pain is a reality for which takes care of it. The impact of pain pain post surgical in Europe is between 31 to 75% as for pain softened instinct, any type of mergened surgery. In Africa, the taking care of post surgical pain is not still well codified. To take care of it better, is needed a valvation of its intensity, analgesic means and a goad strategy.

This study examined the types of strategies people use to verify putative childhood memories and the degree to which their preferred strategies are restricted in typical memory implantation studies. We asked subjects to describe a situation in which they recalled a false childhood experience and a hypothetical situation in which they pretended to have developed a false memory after taking part in a memory implantation study. We also asked them how they did (or would) determine the source of the event. We found that subjects relied primarily on other people and cognitive strategies to verify their experiences. These results suggest that laboratory situations cultivate false memories in part because they prevent people from talking to others about the false event, which causes them to rely on less optimal strategies.

Most memory "implantation" studies have elicited false memories by using fake narratives. Recently, Wade, Garry, Read, and Lindsay (2002) showed that doctored photographs can be used to create false childhood memories in adults. Fifty percent of Wade et al.'s sample reported details of taking a childhood hot air balloon ride, although they had never been in a balloon. In this experiment, we investigated whether photos or narratives influence memory more than the other. We exposed subjects to either a fake photograph or a fake narrative of a childhood hot air balloon ride. Subjects tried to remember the false event and three real events over 1 week. Narratives were more likely to produce false memory reports than were photos. We offer a fluency-based account of our results and suggest that narratives promote more familiarity in subjects than do photographs.

Some trauma-memory-oriented psychotherapists advise clients to review old family photo albums to cue suspected "repressed" memories of childhood sexual abuse. Old photos might cue long-forgotten memories, but when combined with other suggestive influences they might also contribute to false memories. We asked 45 undergraduates to work at remembering three school-related childhood events (two true events provided by parents and one pseudoevent). By random assignment, 23 subjects were also given their school classes' group photos from the years of the to-be-recalled events as memory cues. As predicted, the rate of false-memory reports was dramatically higher in the photo condition than in the no-photo condition. Indeed, the rate of false-memory reports in the photo condition was substantially higher than the rate in any previously published study.

Adult questionnaire respondents reported, for each of a number of events, if they had experienced that event during childhood and, if so, if they remembered the experience or merely knew it had happened. Respondents also rated the emotion of each event and judged whether they would remember more about each reportedly experienced event if they spent more time trying to do so. Study 1 respondents were 96 undergraduates, whereas Study 2 tested 93 community members ranging widely in age. Respondents often reported no recollections of reportedly experienced events. Reportedly experienced events rated as emotional were more often recollected than those rated as neutral, and those rated as positive were more often recollected than those rated as negative. Predicted ability to remember more was related to current memory. Claims of remembering reportedly experienced events increased with age, but predicted ability to remember more about them declined with age.

Because image-enhancing technology is readily available, people are frequently exposed to doctored images. However, in prior research on how adults can be led to report false childhood memories, subjects have typically been exposed to personalized and detailed narratives describing false events. Instead, we exposed 20 subjects to a false childhood event via a fake photograph and imagery instructions. Over three interviews, subjects thought about a photograph showing them on a hot air balloon ride and tried to recall the event byusing guided-imagery exercises. Fifty percent of the subjects created complete or partial false memories. The results bear on ways in which false memories can be created and also have practical implications for those involved in clinical and legal settings.

Objective: To identify the nature of pain and discomfort experienced during mammography and how it can be ameliorated., Design: Questionnaire survey before invitation for mammography and immediately after mammography. Responses before screening were related to experience of discomfort., Setting: Health district in South East Thames region., Subjects: 1160 women aged 50-64 invited routinely for screening; 774 completed first questionnaire, of whom 617 had mammography. 597 completed the second questionnaire., Main Outcome Measures: Reported discomfort and pain, comparisons of discomfort with that experienced during other medical procedures, qualitative description of pain with adjective checklist., Results: 35% (206/597) of the women reported discomfort and 6% (37/595) pain. 10 minutes after mammography these figures were 4% (24/595) and 0.7% (4/595) respectively. More than two thirds of women ranked having a tooth drilled, having a smear test, and giving blood as more uncomfortable than mammography. The most important predictor of discomfort was previous expectation of pain (discomfort was reported by 21/32 (66%) women who expected pain and 186/531 (35%) who did not). Discomfort had little effect on satisfaction or intention to reattend., Conclusions: The low levels of reported pain and discomfort shortly after mammography and the favourable comparisons with other investigations suggest that current procedures are acceptable. Since two thirds of the women experienced less pain than expected health education and promotion must ensure that accurate information is made available and publicized.