Search

In October 1970, the Commission on Civil Rights published a large-scale study of "The Federal Civil Rights Enforcement Effort." Based on an evaluation of more than 40 departments and agencies with significant civil rights responsibilities, the Commission found that enforcement was characterized largely by inaction, lack of coordination, and indifference. In May 1970, the Commission issued a follow-up report to determine what progress, if any, had been made in the seven months since its October 1970 study. The basic conclusion was that some advances had been made, in terms of tentative first steps, combined with promises to do better in the future. The Federal civil rights enforcement effort is held difficult to evaluate as of November 1971. When compared to the situation that existed a year ago, the structure of the Government's effort has been improved in a number of important respects. But judged by the more objective standard of civil rights performance, the Federal Government continues to get low marks. Wide disparities exist in the performance of the many departments and agencies with civil rights responsibilities. Some are taking actions necessary to perform effectively. Others still barely recognize that they have any responsibility at all (Author/JM)

The sole issue discussed in this amicus brief is whether law faculty should be in a representational unit separate from the rest of the university in National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) conducted elections. It is the position of the American Association of Law Schools (AALS) that the NLRB should adopt a policy of preferring to place law faculty in a bargaining unit separate from other university faculty. This brief demonstrates that the law faculty's sense of identity and community of interests are separate and apart from that of the rest of the faculty. It shows that, in comparison with other faculty, the law teacher comes from a different kind of academic work experience background, conducts himself in a manner that reflects his special responsibilities to the legal profession, is rewarded under separate promotional and salary criteria, teaches a very unique group of students, utilizes distinctive teaching methods, and operates within a different type of curriculum. In light of these and other circumstances, it is evident that the welfare of legal education and the legal profession are best served by finding that law faculty are in a separate voting unit. (Author/HS)

This poll was administered to a total of 282 prospective college freshmen at the State University of New York at Buffalo to elicit their attitudes toward and opinions of such items as drug use and addiction, violence as opposed to nonviolence in civil protests, and the 18 year-old vote. At least 74% of the students responding to Youthpoll disagreed with: violence in demonstrations, taking of hard drugs, and characterizing the activist as a "mental case." At least 78% approved of: writing to public officials, circulating petitions, nonviolent change, protesting nonviolently, tutoring, 18 year-old voting, and campaigning for public officials. (HS)

By state law, the age of majority was lowered to 18 as of 1972. This pamphlet consists of general guidelines for curricula and school programs in response to questions regarding the implications of the new legislation. For example, school districts are requested to re-examine their civics courses in light of new voting age. It is also recommended that they incorporate within their curriculum structure a means by which students may acquire information about and an understanding of: contracts as they apply to personal and real property and insurance; consumerism and economic theory; labor legislation and unions; criminal and civic law proceedings; mental commitment and medical treatment; and, alcohol and tobacco use. (DJB)

Published six times a year, the newsletter keeps educators abreast of assessment studies; forthcoming reports; staff announcements, meetings, and services rendered; notes of interest; and publications. The newsletter allows for dissemination of current information of the National Assessment which provides data to measure student knowledge, skills and understandings in ten subject matter areas. The lead article provides findings from a recent report entitled: "Political Knowledge and Attitudes: A Special Social Studies Report from the National Assessment of Educational Progress" which shows that nearly one out of every four young adults in the nation is unaware that the U.S. Constitution contains a statement of his civil rights. Another article concerned with the report reviews misunderstandings about voting ballots among 17-year-olds and discusses comparative levels of political knowledge. Further reports in a series that will present survey findings in other subject areas are announced. Letters to the editors comment on a previous report on the teaching of reading. The newsletter is free to those on the mailing list. A related document is ED 073 007. (KSM) Primary type of information provided by report: Results (Overview).

A review of the political controversy surrounding the constitutionality of literacy tests and fairness of judging literacy at a sixth grade level resulted in analysis of literacy voter tests in several states, and Louisiana and Alabama in particular. Both states required citizenship, age of 21, and ability to read and write any article of the United States Constitution, with Alabama requiring the English language be used. The Dale-Chall Readability Formula was applied to the Louisiana test and revealed a ninth grade reading level. The Flesch Formula was applied to the Alabama test, in addition; and the Dale-Chall reading level revealed a grade of thirteen to fifteen; while a third formula by Gunning revealed an eighth grade score. It was concluded that the tests were not based upon a sixth grade reading level, and either this grade should be changed to an eighth grade level or above, or a different test not requiring reading of the Constitution should be used. An alternative would be to teach registrants with special reading materials with technical political vocabulary. It was recommended that one consider the ability to take tests, to fill in blanks, and to complete multiple choice questions and sentences. (pt)

This short survey begins with a definition of the Mexican American and some of the questions asked by the general public about his culture and aims. It outlines the history of the United States' involvement with Mexico and explains the experience of the Mexican Americans after the end of the Mexican War in 1848. Their ethnic origins and the rich cultural backgrounds of both Mexico and Spain are described, as well as the Spanish settlement of the Southwest and California. The widespread disregard for the provisions of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which called for the free enjoyment of liberty, property, and religion, and the U.S. settlement of the West in the goldrush led to their being downgraded as citizens by means of new land registry laws and legal systems, the requirement of literacy in English as a voting qualification, and an Anglo-dominated school system. The employment of immigrant day-laborers along the border and the prevelance of Spanish-language newspapers, movies, and radio programs have hindered the equal acceptance of Mexican Americans. The present Chicano movement is doing much to advance the recognition of their cultural values and to encourage a movement toward social justice, but it is still uncertain whether they will ultimately choose assimilation or biculturalism. (MBM)

The unit invites the student to consider a variety of viewpoints on what the vote means to Americans, challenging him ultimately to see it as a measure of his own political identity and of his association with or alienation from political society. After an introductory section which frames the question by looking at the role of the vote in Soviet Russia, the student is led to investigate the reasons for alienation and non-voting in the United States. A subsequent section surveys the history of the struggles for woman and Negro suffrage, asking why these groups were fighting for the vote. Designed primarily for slower learners at the high school level, the unit should interest junior high students as well. (See SO 000 161 for a listing of related documents.) (Author/SBE)

Guides and resources in this kit are prepared for a six week to two month secondary voter education course. The objectives are to prepare and motivate eligible students to register and vote in the presidential election, to participate in the presidential election campaigning, and to increase their overall knowledge concerning the presidential campaign and of the total political system. (Participating students are pre- and post-tested to measure increase in knowledge). Various techniques such as role playing, discussion, researching, field trips, interviews, and mock elections are employed in class activities. Included in the kit are a curriculum guide focusing primarily on the topics of elections-voting and political structures; a resource manual; guides to understanding party lobbying, voting rights, issues analysis centers, the electoral college, election information centers; and guides for conducting student elections, political canvassing campaigns, and operating a successful assembly. Two filmstrips, Operation of Voting Machines and Voting Rights and Procedures, are available through the Multi-District Institute for Political Education. (SJM)

THIS INTERIM REPORT PRESENTS THE FINDINGS OF A STUDY OF NEGRO VOTING AND NEGRO ATTITUDES TOWARD SCHOOL DESEGREGATION. DATA WERE OBTAINED IN INTERVIEWS WITH 282 MONTGOMERY, ALABAMA, NEGRO RESPONDENTS. WITHIN THE SAMPLE, 228 WERE REGISTERED VOTERS, OF WHOM 24 PERCENT REGISTERED AFTER THE DATE OF THE LOCAL ENFORCEMENT OF THE 1965 VOTING RIGHTS BILL. THE SAMPLE WAS QUESTIONED ABOUT THEIR VOTING BEHAVIOR IN SIX DIFFERENT LOCAL AND STATEWIDE ELECTIONS IN WHICH THEY MIGHT HAVE VOTED. WHEN NEGROES WERE ASKED ABOUT THEIR ATTITUDES TOWARD THE FREE-CHOICE SCHOOL DESEGREGATION SYSTEM IN MONTGOMERY COUNTY, IT BECAME APPARENT THAT THE ISSUE WAS NOT OF IMMEDIATE CONCERN TO PARENTS. MANY OF THEM DID NOT FEEL THEY REALLY HAD AN OPTION. MOREOVER, 96 PERCENT OF THE PARENTS WERE SATISFIED WITH THE SCHOOLS THEIR CHILDREN WERE CURRENTLY ATTENDING AND DID NOT HAVE ANY STRONG MOTIVATION TO TRANSFER THEM TO A WHITE SCHOOL. IT IS FELT THAT A GROUP WHICH HAS BEEN DENIED A ROLE IN THE DECISION-MAKING PROCESS IN SO MANY AREAS DOES NOT PERCEIVE FREE CHOICE AS A REALITY. (NH)