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This paper describes the development and execution of an exhibition in an academic museum setting. The exhibition is presented as a self-directed learning intervention. The development process included conceptual development, the selection of exhibition materials, the creation of didactic written materials, spatial arrangement of the materials, organizing the flow and interaction of the exhibition, and analysis of the results of the exhibition. We find that interactivity is a viable means to drive interest in the subject(s) of an exhibition and that crowds can make informed decisions about the perception of displayed objects. We propose that interactive didactic exhibitions such as this show potential for successful self-directed learning in a variety of contexts and that further study of the results of such exhibitions are necessary.

Purpose: The aim of this research is to investigate youth understandings of citizenship against the dual backgrounds of inclusive citizenship education and exclusionary discourse in the public sphere. Design / methodology / approach: The topic was explored through group interviews with 10th grade students, while the emergent theme of material or sensory tokens as indicators of belonging was analysed through an adapted discursive-material knot framework. Findings: The analysis shows that exclusionary citizenship discourses visible in public debate impact youth's understanding of citizenship, and that youth use material or sensory tokens, such as skin colour, clothing, and audible language to justify or challenge citizenship belonging. Research limitations / implications: The research demonstrates youth engagement with citizenship discourse within the public sphere and their sense-making of citizen stereotypes and prejudices. However, more research is needed in order to further explore the issue within different contexts. Practical implications: As previous research has indicated, a clear vocabulary is needed in order to effectively address racialised prejudice in citizenship education. These findings indicate that addressing the material or sensory tokens inherent in such exclusionary discourse may be a useful starting point.

The primary concern of the present study is to provide a critical discourse analysis of Donald Trump's denial speeches of the 2020 United States presidential election's results. Using Van Dijk's framework of critical discourse analysis, this study investigates the linguistic features in five speeches of Donald Trump delivered after announcing the results of the US presidential election. The data analysis is conducted focusing on the use of 25 discursive devices presented by Van Dijk (2006), which represent the micro-level of text analysis to reveal the ideologies of positive self-representation and negative other-representation which represent the macro-level of text analysis. The findings of the study show that Trump made use of the majority of the discursive devices, with a special emphasis on using the following: "lexicalization," "evidentiality," "example/illustration," "number game," "polarization," "actor description," "hyperbole," "categorization," "victimization," and "authority." Furthermore, the analysis at the macro-level shows that Donald Trump used the ideologies of positive self-representation and negative other-representation, but he relied more on using negative other-representation. The findings also show that Trump used these discursive devices to justify his denial of the election results and gain the empathy of American people by showing a positive image of himself and his supporters while portraying others negatively by emphasizing their bad deeds during the election.

This study examines the effectiveness of a race and reporting course-based student journalism project, a partnership between a university and a national media outlet, which aimed to center the concerns of young voters during the 2020 presidential election and expand training of student journalists. This qualitative study explains how student journalists' training in intersectional reporting helped them to produce complex stories about diverse young voters' presidential election concerns during one of the most unique presidential elections in American history--one held during a global health pandemic and on the heels of a racial justice uprising.

In democracy education, determining how best to teach young children about democracy and how to measure the effectiveness of such learning is difficult, as "democracy" is a subjective and intangible concept. Given the challenge that this presents to educational planners, the author has created a cartoon video about democracy accompanied by an opportunity for children who watch the video to "mock vote." The author used the video in a series of elementary school visits to teach the children the meaning of democracy. The effects of the video learning were assessed by analyzing the children's questionnaire responses before and after the class using text data mining. It was found that the children were able to assimilate the contents of the video and the themes behind the story; that is, they understood the meaning of democracy and democratic elections.

This study aimed at establishing the impact of extra lessons on the political field in Zimbabwean urban day high-density secondary schools. It was guided by the interpretivist perspective based on the interpretation of interactions and social meaning that teachers, learners, parents, and school inspectors assigned to the role of extra lessons on the political environment. The study was qualitative and thus aimed at reporting detailed views of informants. The multiple case study method was used as the focus was on three high-density high schools in Chegutu town. The researcher adopted the multi-technique approach to generate data, thus interviews and focus group discussions were used. Data saturation was arrived at after the involvement of 23 participants. These consisted of 8 teachers, 6 learners, 6 parents and 3 school inspectors. Findings from the study show that political expedience was one reason why extra lessons had been carried out with the blessing of some political players. From the academic outlook, politicians in favour of the extra lessons capitalised on them to gain continued existence in the political arena. While the political elite benefitted in the short term, through political expedience, in the long run, they stood to lose political support as this could also lead to civil disorder when many youths passed examinations but found no formal employment. Extra lessons made teachers generate extra income and created informal employment in many private colleges. This translated into low political tensions which were usually sparked by poor teacher incentives and high unemployment. Extra lessons paved the way for some meeting point among and between the different stakeholders and politicians still were guaranteed their votes regardless of whether they were for or against the extra lessons. Since there is evidence that most stakeholders were in favour of the extra lessons, it is prudent these lessons should continue to be carried out. Extra lessons also created informal employment in private colleges, and this has translated into low political tensions as teachers get some extra incentives, at the same time lowering the high unemployment of qualified teachers.

The college-educated are more likely to vote than are those with less education. Prior research suggests that the effect of college attendance on voting operates directly, by increasing an individual's interest and engagement in politics through social networks or human capital accumulation. College may also increase voting indirectly by leading to degree attainment and increasing socioeconomic status, thus facilitating political participation. However, few studies have empirically tested these direct and indirect pathways or examined how these effects vary across individuals. To bridge this gap, we employ a nonparametric causal mediation analysis to examine the total, direct, and indirect effects of college attendance on voting and how these effects differ across individuals with different propensities of attending college. Using data from the 1979 and 1997 cohorts of National Longitudinal Surveys of Youth, we find large direct effects of college on self-reported voting and comparably smaller indirect effects that operate through degree completion and socioeconomic attainment. We find the largest impact of college on voting for individuals unlikely to attend, a pattern due primarily to heterogeneity in the direct effect of college. Our findings suggest that civic returns to college are not contingent upon degree completion or socioeconomic returns. An exclusive focus on the economic returns to college can mask the broader societal benefits of expanding higher education to disadvantaged youth.

Background/Context: Robust civic engagement by young adults supports the aims of a democratic society, as well as college- and university-espoused commitments to the public good. Civic engagement also benefits students themselves. Although voting participation among young adults has shown modest increases from 2016 to 2020, work remains to be done to help youth become more engaged in civics. Postsecondary education has the tools to support this engagement among college students. Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study: Postsecondary education has long sought to support young adults to participate in democratic society, despite the current dominance of a neoliberal focus on career and socioeconomic mobility outcomes. A realignment of goal-setting is necessary to recognize the need to do more than produce "docile bodies" for a neoliberal and capitalist labor market. Yet, colleges and universities struggle to center equity goals that would support radical democratic engagement. Research Design: This article is a philosophical analysis of the intersection of civic education, democracy, and equity in the postsecondary curriculum. Conclusions/Recommendations: The article concludes with four policy recommendations--(1) access to federal and state funding for postsecondary institutions for civic engagement initiatives; (2) support for the freedom to learn and the freedom to teach material grounded in equity principles, including critical race theory; (3) assessing civic education as a core learning outcome through collaborations between postsecondary education and government initiatives; and (4) protecting the methods by which young adults in college can participate in the electoral process.

Background: People with intellectual disabilities' voting rate within the United Kingdom remains significantly below the population average despite government enacted voting promotion measures. No published academic literature directly involves people with intellectual disabilities when considering their UK general election experiences -- this study aims to address this omission. Methods: Semi-structured interviews were conducted with people with intellectual disabilities (N = 20) about their election experiences during the 2017 (n = 18) and 2019 (n = 8) general elections. Six participants were interviewed around both elections. Data was analysed with template analysis. Results: Eight themes were produced -- election information, political knowledge, political opinions, voting choice process, polling station experience, voting outcome, capacity and support. Theme interactions impacted on election experiences. Conclusions: While acknowledging diverse experiences, voting outcomes and experiences were particularly impacted by factor interactions concerning election information and/or polling station accessibility, capacity and support. Voting promotion interventions and future research should consider these areas.

This study attempts to clarify Japanese youth participation policies' characteristics by analyzing four national youth policy documents in the 2000s. Compared with European youth policy, the article will investigate the challenges Japanese youth policy faces. Though recent Japanese national youth policy sees young people as active agents for society, Japan's youth participation policies mostly employ educational and volunteering approaches. Today's youth policy has reconsidered the inclination to promote voting behavior; however, the documents seldom cover new forms of the youth-led political movement and structural changes in youth policy governance. The reflection of young people's voices has recurrently been considered important over the decades. Yet Japanese youth participation policies only listen to youth via the Internet and roundtables. On the other hand, the Council of Europe's co-management system enables young people to influence the European youth policy decision-making process. Failing to conduct structural changes may lead to youth policy without young people.

The rapid emergence of the novel coronavirus and its impact on human behavior provoked dramatic increases in human usage of a variety of systems. These increases had the potential to stress the scalability of the systems, testing whether the system owners had designed and built those systems to cope with sudden changes in demand. This case invites students to study a variety of different types of systems, and to analyze the means by which they can or did achieve scalability, and efficiently serve their customers.

This paper examines how teachers expressing their political views influence students' opinion formation and discussions in classrooms regarding controversial issues. We used the methods of Journell (2011) and built on the scholarship of Hess and McAvoy (2015) and Iwasaki (2021). As a case study, we observed a junior high school social studies class and the teacher's approach to a lesson on lowering the age of candidacy in Japan, especially concerning how and if the teacher's personal opinions influenced the students. Teachers' political neutrality is a growing issue of concern in citizenship education. Some Japanese educators and education authorities argue that teachers should avoid expressing their personal views on controversial issues because of how it may impact students. However, we found that teachers' opinions may have a limited influence on student opinions, thus adding nuance and insight to the existing literature. Namely, the impact of teachers' expressing political opinions in a classroom should be considered with factors such as their choice of teaching materials and methods. [Note: The publication year (2021) shown on the PDF is incorrect. The correct publication year is 2023.]

When the coronavirus pandemic arrived, the United States was already deeply unequal. Before the pandemic, 140 million Americans were poor or near poor, living just one emergency above the poverty line. Inequality in the United States did not happen suddenly and cannot be explained as the consequence of individual failures; rather, decades of public policies brought the United States to this point, making the rich richer at the expense of everybody else. This article is a collaboration between the Poor People's Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival--a moral movement rooted in the legacy of Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. that is organizing around the needs and demands of the 140 million--and the Economic Policy Institute (EPI)--an independent, nonprofit, nonpartisan organization that uses economic research and analysis to understand and improve the economic conditions of workers and their families. In this article, the authors evaluate the public policies that shaped the preexisting conditions of the pandemic, policies that were by no means accidental or morally neutral, and lay out the policies that are needed to counter and reverse the status quo, including the heightened suffering from the pandemic.

Vocational education and training (VET) is a common form of upper secondary school tracking in countries around the world. There are ongoing debates regarding the effects of this differentiation on academic and labor market outcomes; however, evidence on civic outcomes is lacking. Using a unique cohort study in Germany (N = 2461) and a doubly robust weighting approach with a rich set of baseline covariates to address selection bias, we estimated the effects of VET (relative to academic upper secondary school) on political interest, internal political efficacy, and intent to vote across 15 years of late adolescence and early adulthood. We estimated negative effects of VET on these civic outcomes, particularly as participants grew older. Implications for future research and VET policy are discussed.

Polling data routinely indicate broad support for the concept of diverse schools, but integration initiatives--both racial and socioeconomic--regularly encounter significant opposition. We leverage a nationally representative survey experiment to provide novel evidence on public support for integration initiatives. Specifically, we present respondents with a hypothetical referendum where we provide information on two policy options for assigning students to schools: (1) a residence-based assignment option and (2) an option designed to achieve stated racial/ethnic or socioeconomic diversity targets, with respondents randomly assigned to the racial/ethnic or socioeconomic diversity option. After calculating public support and average willingness-to-pay, our results demonstrate a clear plurality of the public preferring residence-based assignment to the racial diversity initiative, but a near-even split in support for residence-based assignment and the socioeconomic integration initiative. Moreover, we find that the decline in support for race-based integration, relative to the socioeconomic diversity initiative, is entirely attributable to White and Republican respondents.

College experiences can contribute to teaching, learning, and instruction within higher education. The framework for this essay treats the college community as prototypic of the U.S. political society. Several aspects of the national political culture have been approximated within a collegiate culture. For example, every political problem within our society can be represented in a miniature fashion within a program of studies in a university. Much of students' political information can come from the interaction between teachers and students. However, a sizable portion of this learned information can extend through interaction among students. At that point, teachers would point students to information that expands their reservoir of collegiate information. Ultimately, students would refine their political information by exchanging valuable information with one another, as well as with their teachers. We have chosen to target higher education rather than pre-collegiate levels in emphasizing how higher education and our democratic system of government can be intertwined. We highlight the possibilities of college students' understanding and appreciating others' political views in working with one another rather than against one another in educational and political planning. Specifically, we include in this report the following issues: (a) political information resources routinely available in higher education, (b) college students' learning to participate in broader political conversation, (c) college students' examination of high profile U.S. constitutional declarations, (d) college students' deepened comprehension of their own political perspectives, and (e) college students' understanding that the knowledge derived from higher education can strengthen our democratic system of government.

This study is aimed at discovering possible reasons for young people's refusal to participate in elections in Russia and studying the attitudes of young people toward increasing voter turnout via electronic voting, postal voting, and three-day voting. The authors conducted a sociological survey of young people aged 18 to 29, mostly from the Astrakhan region of the Russian Federation, relying on a non-institutional approach and rational choice. The research results showed that E-voting is more convenient for citizens with health problems, busy people, and those who do not have free time. Voting by mail can ensure that voting is accessible to all. The most important requirement for elections in the event of multi-day voting is legitimacy and recognition of the results by all political forces and society. Thus, voter turnout among young people might be increased via E-voting, postal voting, and three-day voting.

African American high school students' erudition of Black history, including the events and individuals who afforded them freedoms, enhances their informed decision making and impacts them as citizens. The purpose of this article is to detail how African American high school students engage in critical discourse regarding how historical events pertaining to African Americans serve as a conduit for developing into productive citizens. This study was conducted at Way to Go (WTG), a K-12 public charter school with a 100% Black student population located in a mid-large size urban city in the southeastern region. The study participants consisted of eight students in grades 9-12. The data collection included a 90-minute focus group interview with the participants. Each participant noted how African Americans, such as Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., President Barack Obama, Dr. Mamie Clark, Malcolm X, and Rosa Parks, were individuals they aspired to be like. Each student's articulation of why they chose these individuals derive from the verity that these African American's tenacious, impactful selflessness helped to eradicate racial injustices and benefited future generations. The significance of this study demonstrates how African American high school students' historical knowledge prompts civic engagement facilitating change towards a racially justice society.

Many science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM) outreach programs focus on children, but relatively few efforts are dedicated to voting-age populations. These groups are important to reach because misinformation about science is widespread and difficult to detect, often interfering with informed voting on science-related issues. Science with Seniors (SwS) addresses this critical gap by bringing science research topics and news to the most dedicated voting demographic, senior citizens. Through SwS, graduate students and postdoctoral associates have delivered informal presentations on current and relevant science topics. Participating seniors have indicated that SwS has increased their understanding of the presented topics and that they would attend similar programs in the future. The article outlines a general program development methodology to support implementing this graduate student-led model elsewhere. Future directions include program expansion, additional online access, and evaluation of long-term effects on participants' voting habits and appreciation of science.

The recent diffusion of democracy across the globe has led to an increase in the curiosity of scholars, policymakers and the public alike about the main principles and characteristics of democracy. Equally important are concerns over outcomes of democracy, especially responsiveness of democracy to environmental and citizens' protection in times of disasters. This article aims to answer several questions about the understanding of principles and outcomes of democracy, and the complexity and variability of democracy across countries, which are still unanswered in the literature. Specifically, it adds to the scholarly debates on democracy and environmental disasters in three ways. First, it presents theoretical and empirical debates on definitions and principles of democracy and its progress worldwide. Second, it discusses the effect of democracy on environmental sustainability. Third, it focuses on the pre-eminence of responsiveness of democratic in comparison to non-democratic governments to environmental disasters, and the best pathways to education on democracy in a time of environmental disasters. The article concludes by highlighting the advantage of mechanisms and solutions of democracy in contrast to non-democracy to challenges in times of environmental disasters and to teaching about responses to environmental disasters.

This research aimed: (1) to study the political participation of the monk and novice students in MCUKK as the guideline to develop the political participation instruction for MCUKK students; and (2) to suggest the ways to promote the political participation instruction of the monk and novice students. The population of the research was the bachelor degree students: monks and novices (n = 266) of MCUKK. The key informants (15) including 1 educational administrator, 2 directors of Political Science Programs (Bachelor and Master), and 2 lecturers, 10 students selected by Purposive Sampling. This study was conducted by means of the mixed research methodology: quantitative research and qualitative research. The tools used in this research were the five-rating scale questionnaire and an in-depth interview. The research findings indicated that: (1) the political participation of the students in four studied aspects were statistically rated the moderate level; and (2) the university lecturers should pay attention to educating the legal rights and importance of political participation in terms of voting, political news, political campaign and political rally for the students. The finding suggested that teaching political participation should be managed properly, although there is the law that prohibits monks or novices to get involved in politics.

Recent studies on student politics and governance have shown that electoral clientelism (EC) in university student elections is often facilitated by clientelist relations between student leaders and political parties. However, there is a dearth of empirical research investigating the various forms of electoral clientelism, as manifested through vote-buying practices in campus electoral politics in African universities. This article, therefore, investigates the multifaceted and changing dynamics of vote-buying in student electoral processes in Ghanaian universities. The study adopted a qualitative approach based on semi-structured interviews with 15 student leaders, 4 university staff working with student leadership, and 4 focus group interviews involving students at the University of Ghana and Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology. From our finding, we argue that electoral clientelism takes place in five crucial ways in university student elections in Ghana. These include the provision of direct cash payments, exchanging electoral support for student government positions and appointments, provision of food and beverage consumables, award of student-related business contracts, and provision of educational materials and souvenirs.

Being politically aware and participating in politics are essential determinants of a society's democratic survival. One source of concerns for researchers of political behavior regarding post-apartheid South Africa is the low rates of youth's political participation. There is however a dearth of empirical studies in the extant literature on the university students' political awareness and their political participation in post-apartheid South Africa. This mixed-methods research was conducted to fill in this obvious gap. A study sample of 372 undergraduate students selected from one rural university in the Eastern Cape through the stratified random sampling techniques yielded the quantitative data, and the qualitative data were obtained from five (5) executive members of the Student Representative Council (SRC) who were purposively selected for semi-structured interviews. Both quantitative and qualitative data analyses were performed by employing simple descriptive and Pearson correlation statistics as well as a thematic content analytical approach. Results showed that nearly all the respondents demonstrated a high level of political awareness in terms of rights to vote and be voted for (99.4%), the importance of parliament, and the national constitution (99.1%) while the respondents' levels of political participation appeared to be below average as only (49.2%) voted during the 2017 SRC election, whereas (30.4%) of them voted in the 2014 national elections. Students' political awareness was found to be significantly correlated with their participation in political activities on-campus (r = 0.130) and off-campus (r = 0.185). In conclusion, the bivariate analysis indicated that there was a positive correlation between students' political awareness and their participation in politics (P<0.001).

Universities can be understood as a key site for the transmission of democratic values by helping young people participate directly in democratic activities and education. Thus, it is important to understand whether and how citizenship learning takes place at universities in the UK. This article uses citizenship in transition (CiT) data to examine the possible ways in which university experiences influence student citizenship from a constructivist learning perspective. Based on Habermas' theories of communicative action and communities of practice, the article proposes that the experience of participating in activities and organisations and the self-identity that is gained by reaching understanding, coordinating interaction, and effecting socialisation at universities are able to promote citizenship learning in the UK. Building on a quantitative analysis, this article shows that students' sense of belonging to their universities and their participation in organisations generally lead to more civic behaviour in the future.

The upper secondary school for individuals with intellectual disability should prepare for an adult life as an active citizen with great self-determination and participation in democratic decision-making processes. The extent to which and in what way the schools work to prepare the students and develop their skills are likely of great importance for the students' adult life. The purpose of the study was to increase the knowledge of how students with intellectual disability in Sweden are prepared for adulthood, with special focus on self-determination. Case studies on three schools were carried out through observations of decision-making processes and interviews with students and staff. The main findings consist of three different approaches to self-determination for students with intellectual disability: 'Targeted and Conscious', 'Forward with Uncertainty' and 'Braking and Protecting'. Increased knowledge about, and analyses of, the processes that take place when young people with reduced decision-making capacity, due to intellectual disability, make decisions with the support of others are important. Implications underline the need to strengthen the awareness, knowledge and support of school staff when it comes to strengthening students' decision-making capacity. The students with intellectual disability need to be equipped for a society where they as adults will be surrounded by choices and expectations of making decisions.

Although voting is a fundamental mechanism through which Americans engage with their democracy, social workers often do not see it as a valid component of practice. Voting is an important source of political power and provides a means to ensure equitable representation. Educating social work students on how they can encourage voter engagement within practice is an important step to rectifying this missed opportunity. This article describes the implementation of a voter engagement model in social work education. Pre- and post-tests from 475 participants demonstrate the efficacy of this model in increasing social work students' perceived importance of voting to their practice, their likelihood of voting in future elections, and their likelihood of engaging others in voting in future elections.

Formative assessment provides teachers with feedback to help them adapt their behavior. To manage the increasing number of students in higher education, technology-enhanced formative assessment tools can be used to maintain and hopefully improve teaching and learning quality, thanks to the high amount of data that are generated by their usage. Based on literature and on authentic usages of the formative assessment system called Elaastic, we use learning analytics to provide evidence-based knowledge about formative assessment practices. An Elaastic sequence consists in asking learners to answer a choice question with a vote, a confidence degree, and a rationale, then to confront their viewpoints through a peer grading activity, and finally to answer the same question a second time. Benefits of such sequences are measured through the increase of correct answers between the two votes. Our results suggest that: (1) benefits of sequences increase when close to 50% of learners' first votes are correct; (2) benefits of sequences increase when peers provide better grades to rationales related to correct answers than others; (3) benefits of sequences do not significantly increase when learners who provided correct answers are more confident than learners who did not; (4) grades attributed by peers depend on such peer's confidence degree; (5) self-grading is inaccurate in a peer grading context; and (6) the number of evaluations each learner performs makes no significant difference in terms of sequence benefits. These results lead to recommendations regarding formative assessment and to a new data-informed formative assessment process, which is discussed at the end of this article.

With the world growing in complexity and interconnectedness, the demand for leaders equipped to solve compound problems will only increase. Higher education is called upon to develop leadership in students and needs to engage relevant tools and techniques to prepare students for the tasks ahead. Democratic engagement--from voter education and engagement to critical service learning--and leadership development are powerful vehicles for student development. The United Nations Sustainable Development Goals are effective and compelling tools to support student learning in academic and cocurricular arenas as part of democratic engagement and leadership education and development. The authors will explore some of the implications and considerations in advancing these initiatives and using these means to advance our local and global communities.

Tennessee passed voucher-style Education Savings Account (ESA) legislation in 2019. We analyze the roll call vote in the Tennessee House to better understand the role of constituent, legislator, and special interest influences on support for school choice. This is accomplished using a binary probit model with legislator vote as the dependent variable. We find that legislator voting behavior in this context is most significantly determined by party affiliation and the presence of campaign funding from the Tennessee Education Association (TEA) rather than the demographic characteristics of their constituents.

The intention of this article is to contribute to the debate about whether the voting age should be lowered to the age of 16, by examining quantitative and qualitative data collected in a local participation project with young people in Portugal: questionnaires (N = 961), interviews (N = 3), and focus group discussions (N = 15). Considering the coexistence of both willingness and reluctance to get engaged in formal politics--as youngsters often feel ill-equipped politically--it is argued that adequate political education needs to be provided by schools to enable young people to be confident and knowledgeable voters. We propose that governments recognise the importance of this area in the school curriculum, in order to enable the young people's acquisition of knowledge and skills that can sustain their growth as competent voters. This is crucial in legitimising democratic representative systems.

Using clickers in the statistics classroom can help students identify and understand common errors and misconceptions through a combination of surprise and discussion. Students are presented with multiple-choice questions that they discuss with each other and then vote on; a class-wide discussion follows. Questions for which many students vote for the same wrong answer and questions that reveal a common misconception jolt students' attention and lead to fruitful discussions. To identify the questions that most effectively target misconceptions, we recorded the percentage of the class voting on each of the possible responses on every clicker question used in 28 sections of introductory statistics courses taught by 3 instructors at 2 institutions. For each question, we identified the distractor that attracted the highest percent of votes on average. We present and discuss the six questions for which this average was at least 50%. We find that each of these question statements is fairly brief and tightly focused on a particular common error or misconception.

This paper describes a relatively new active learning approach--Design Thinking--and its adoption in two comparative politics courses. I draw on my experience using Design Thinking in political science courses to offer instructors another pedagogical tool in the active learning toolkit. I outline the rationale for adopting a Design Thinking approach and offer concrete examples of everyday design challenges and semester-long design projects for political science instructors interested in both low- and high-intensity options to replace or supplement sage-on-the-stage techniques and other active learning approaches. The article concludes with a discussion of potential benefits as well as barriers to implementation and what resources institutions of higher learning could provide to support Design Thinking courses.

This teaching note outlines an innovative simulation game realized in response to post-pandemic experiential learning needs. The game introduces a fictional African country experiencing a series of political and financial shocks. Students are assigned membership in social groups and must implement the national policies that would improve outcomes for their group and the country. During weekly online interactive sessions, students debate these proposed policies before voting on a collective decision. In turn, that decision leads to the following week's scenario. The game's educational goal is to offer students a platform for analytical and engaged decision-making about real-world challenges through inclusive andragogy. The course is designed to empower self-learning and augment leadership potential for students from developing countries and serves as a meaningful step forward for decolonizing engaged political science education for students globally. Moreover, it transforms distance from a learning barrier to a valuable opportunity for collaborative problem-solving, with contemporary political and economic realities constituting the curriculum.

Purpose: This paper aims to investigate the benefits of monitoring and enhancing engagement to impact the overall effectiveness and future success by using the combination of the Utrecht Work Engagement Scale along with a daily employee vote to trigger an appropriate "ad hoc" huddle that can be proactive in addressing any engagement issues. Design/methodology/approach: A fieldwork case study is used to examine engagement interventions based upon the use of a trigger (daily vote) and the overall impact is measured with the Utrecht Work Engagement Scale. Findings: All indications from this study are that the "ad hoc" gatherings triggered by the daily vote do have a favorable impact on workforce engagement. This effect was measured by doing a Utrecht Work Engagement Scale survey at the beginning of the pilot followed by another a year later. The results presented in this case appear to show that a learning organization can have an impact on the engagement culture of the workforce if desired. Research limitations/implications: Recognizing that the sample size is small, a longitudinal study of over a year was done to help mitigate the concerns of such a small sample size. The reader is cautioned about extrapolating these findings beyond this study without appropriate considerations. Practical implications: This research provides evidence which aided the organization during the changing times in using interventions, "ad hoc" gatherings to improve workforce engagement. These interventions are triggered by using a timely lagging indicator, a daily log which serves as a monitor of workforce engagement for the benefit of the organization and the employee. Originality/value: This study uses two methods to measure and track workforce engagement. The known Utrecht Work Engagement Scale is used to determine the impact of the "ad hoc" huddles and to determine whether this intervention has a favorable impact on workforce engagement. The use of these two methods helps to spark continued interest to not only monitor but also to help identify the interest in using a timely indicator to determine when an intervention may be warranted.

School-based health clinics (SBHCs) offer convenient, free, and much-needed health services to adolescents who have been shown to lack access to preventative care and treatment. With high rates of risky sexual behavior and associated negative health outcomes, SBHCs are particularly effective in providing sexual health services. This article presents results of a survey assessing support for such services through SBHCs. Data were collected using computer-assisted telephone interviewing (CATI) software. With significant differences found for each demographic variable assessed, findings document that the majority of participants supported offering all four sexual health services in both middle and high schools: STI/HIV testing, STI/HIV treatment, pregnancy testing, and providing condoms. These findings may be used to reduce barriers in providing SBHCs, advocate for policy change regarding SBHCs, add or expand current SBHCs, and support others in conducting similar studies hoping to document local support to implement these and other sexual health services. Although limited research shows that using local data can impact policy and facilitate local change, more studies are needed to explore the impact of using local data to implement change and further evaluate the impact of sexual health services through SBHCs.

In the United States the color red has come to represent the Republican party, and blue the Democratic party, in maps of voting patterns. Here we test the hypothesis that voting maps dichotomized into red and blue states leads people to overestimate political polarization compared to maps in which states are represented with continuous gradations of color. We also tested whether any polarizing effect is due to partisan semantic associations with red and blue, or if alternative hues produce similar effects. In Study 1, participants estimated the hypothetical voting patterns of eight swing states on maps with dichotomous or continuous red/blue or orange/green color schemes. A continuous gradient mitigated the polarizing effects of red/blue maps on voting predictions. We also found that a novel hue pair, green/orange, decreased perceived polarization. Whether this effect was due to the novelty of the hues or the fact that the hues were not explicitly labeled "Democrat" and "Republican" was unclear. In Study 2, we explicitly assigned green/orange hues to the two parties. Participants viewed electoral maps depicting results from the 2020 presidential election and estimated the voting margins for a subset of states. We replicated the finding that continuous red/blue gradient reduced perceived polarization, but the novel hues did not reduce perceived polarization. Participants also expected their hypothetical vote to matter more when viewing maps with continuous color gradations. We conclude that the dichotomization of electoral maps (not the particular hues) increases perceived voting polarization and reduces a voter's expected influence on election outcomes.

Many scholars argue that the practice of educational tracking exerts a distinct effect on young people's political engagement. They point out that students in academic tracks are becoming more politically engaged than those than those in vocational ones, and suggest that this may be due to differences across tracks in the curriculum, pedagogy, peer environment or student self-confidence. The current paper aims to investigate whether tracking is related to political engagement through any of these four mechanisms. It uses survey data collected among students in the final year of upper secondary education in France and employs a stepwise multilevel analysis to explore this question. It finds little differences between tracks in the curriculum and in pedagogy relevant for political engagement. Students in academic tracks nonetheless express a stronger commitment to vote than those in vocational ones. This difference between tracks disappears when the social composition of the school population is taken into account, suggesting that the peer environment is the primary mechanism driving the effect of tracking in France. However, in contexts with greater variation between the tracks in curriculum and pedagogy, the latter may well be equally or more important mechanisms.

"¡Juntos Podemos!"/Together We Can! is a multigenerational, districtwide collective of educators, community organizers, and activists. Located in eastern Los Angeles County, the group developed intentionally and horizontally to address the disenfranchisement of the working-class communities of La Puente and Valinda using the California Voting Rights Act. Drawing from a praxis-oriented approach, "¡Juntos Podemos!" explores the process of organizing and its connection to theory and practice. This approach builds from the experiences of members to see how different positionalities influence their participation in the struggle for school transformation. First, we highlight the politics of the school district and history of community-based school organizing from which "¡Juntos Podemos!" emerges. Second, we present narratives of two collective members who grew up in different areas of the district at distinct time periods to illustrate how their experiences were shaped by dominant ideologies of schooling and why they became involved in "¡Juntos Podemos!" Third, we discuss how our efforts to change the ways school board members are elected as a first step in shifting the composition of the school board. We conclude with a discussion of transformation as an ongoing process that draws on multiple approaches and strategies.