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Copyright of AIS: Ars Iuris Salmanticensis is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Identity politics (often dubbed political correctness: PC) victim categories (protected characteristics) are shown to be false. Negative attitude is specifically towards males, and evoked by any form of significant difference. Previous findings that misogyny has no scientific basis, with the evidence instead of philogyny and misandry, extend to apply across all victim categories, trumping race or sexual orientation. This is revealed in the predominance of males as hate crime victims, the harsher attitude towards apparently more masculine subsets of sexual minority and race, and experimentally. Supposed homophobia is revealed to be a far wider phenomenon, encompassing all victim categories, manifest culturally in male initiation and scientifically evidenced across fields. It functions to gate-keep male full admission to the group, serving to police male sexual access, maximising reproductive efficiency, not to deal with out-group threat, nor to oppress (least of all females). Identity politics is extreme misrepresentation of social and inter-personal reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zbornik Radova Pravnog Fakulteta u Nisu is the property of Law Faculty in Nis and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Legal Records / Pravni Zapisi is the property of Union University Law School, Belgrade and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There is little empirical work examining how individuals' characteristics and lifestyles may influence hate crime victimization. In addition, while recent research suggests that social disorganization theory is useful for understanding hate crime, more studies are needed to understand how community characteristics influence hate crime victimization. This study conducts multilevel models using survey data from approximately 3,700 individuals nested within 123 neighborhoods in order to examine whether lifestyles and neighborhood context contribute to ethnic hate crime victimization. The results identify several measures of lifestyle that are associated with hate crime victimization. In addition, neighborhood collective efficacy was related to lower risk for hate crime victimization. The results provide support for lifestyle-routine activities theory and social disorganization theory and contribute to our understanding of hate crime victimization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The need for fresh responses to hate crime has become all the more apparent at a time when numbers of incidents have risen to record levels, both within the UK and beyond. Despite progress within the domains of scholarship and policy, these escalating levels of hate crime – and the associated increase in tensions, scapegoating and targeted hostility that accompanies such spikes – casts doubt over the effectiveness of existing measures and their capacity to address the needs of hate crime victims. This article draws from extensive fieldwork conducted with more than 2000 victims of hate crime to illustrate failings in relation to dismantling barriers to reporting, prioritizing meaningful engagement with diverse communities and delivering effective criminal justice interventions. It highlights how these failings can exacerbate the sense of distress felt by victims from a diverse range of backgrounds and communities, and calls for urgent action to plug the ever-widening chasm between state-level narratives and victims’ lived realities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hate in the United States today is narrowly understood but widely used as a politically charged term. Recently, political blame-placing on outsiders such as immigrants has bred a climate of hate and provided fuel for organizations that promote hostility toward others based on marginal group identification. This study investigates patterns of hate groups across space and their drivers with respect to socioeconomic and ideological variables for counties in the United States. Linear and spatial filtering with eigenvector (SFE) models are used to infer relationships between socioeconomic and ideological variables and the number of hate groups within U.S. counties. Additionally, geographically weighted regression (GWR) is used to identify spatial patterns of those relationships. We find that distinct regions of hate can be delineated with variations of hate group activity according to the independent and control variables employed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I draw on both Aristotle and William Ian Miller to analyse hatred as a belief in the desirability of the non-existence of the other to inquire into the relationship between hatred as an emotion and hate crime as a social phenomenon. I examine the particular difficulties hatred as an emotion may bring to the restorative process. I note that while some legal scholars object on grounds of freedom of belief to the notion that crimes motivated by hate should attract more severe punishment than those motivated by other intentions or emotions, others view the state's role in denouncing the beliefs behind hate crime as fundamental to the justification for hate crime laws. I argue that despite the many benefits that restorative justice may have in healing the harms and causes of hate crime, restorative justice, because it decentres the state in its response to crime, cannot fulfill the expressive role of authoritative state repudiation of prejudiced belief. This drawback of restorative justice may be problematic in the current political climate where it is increasingly unclear as to whether states repudiate or endorse beliefs in the desirability of the non-existence of minorities who are the victims of hate crime. I conclude, however, by outlining one set of cases were the availability of a restorative alternative is highly desirable: that is those public order kinds of offences which, though in some respects are "low level" kinds of violations, when motivated by hate can carry the full message of the desire for the non-existence of the other. Because restorative options embolden police and prosecutors to do something rather than nothing about such crimes, restorative alternatives in this context do, in a round about sort of way, fulfill the desirable goal of treating hate crimes more seriously. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cyberhate is a growing problem. There is legislation in place that can be used to tackle various aspects of online hate, but in practice, the existing offences are difficult to use. The law is fragmented, and does not capture the true nature of internet hate, or provide adequate protection to victims. This piece evaluates the current provisions, and concludes with a framework for creating new legislation to tackle cyberhate which will be easier for the police and prosecutors to use, which will reflect more clearly the harm caused by hate on the internet, and which is also compatible with freedom of expression. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Recent studies report that LGBT adults and youth disproportionately face hardships that are risk factors for criminal offending and victimization. Some of these factors include higher rates of poverty, overrepresentation in the youth homeless population, and overrepresentation in the foster care system. Despite these risk factors, there is a lack of study and available data on LGBT people who come into contact with the criminal justice system as offenders or as victims. Through an original intellectual history of the treatment of LGBT identity and crime, this Article provides insight into how this problem in LGBT criminal justice developed and examines directions to move beyond it. The history shows that until the mid-1970s, the criminalization of homosexuality left little room to think of LGBT people in the criminal justice system as anything other than deviant sexual offenders. The trend to decriminalize sodomy in the mid-1970s opened a narrow space for scholars, advocates, and policymakers to use antidiscrimination principles to redefine LGBT people in the criminal justice system as innocent and nondeviant hate crime victims, as opposed to deviant sexual offenders. Although this paradigm shift has contributed to some important gains for LGBT people, this Article argues that it cannot be celebrated as an unequivocal triumph. This shift has left us with flat understandings of LGBT offenders as sexual offenders and flat understandings of LGBT victims as hate crime victims. These one-dimensional narratives miss many criminal justice problems that especially fall on LGBT people who bear the brunt of inequality in the criminal justice system-including LGBT people of color, transgender people, undocumented LGBT people, LGBT people living with HIV, and low-income and homeless LGBT people. This Article concludes by showing how ideas and methods in criminology offer promise to enhance accounts of LGBT offending and LGBT victimization. In turn, these enhanced accounts can inform law, policy, and the design of criminal justice institutions to better respond to the needs and experiences of LGBT offenders and LGBT victims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We evaluated the psychometric properties of scores on the Need for Affect–Short Form (NAQ–S) in 3 samples: undergraduate students (Sample I), jury-eligible community members (Sample II), and forensic clinicians (Sample III). Concerning factor structure, the NAQ–S 2-factor structure displayed good fit to the data in Sample I, with mostly acceptable levels of internal consistency for both approach and avoidance scores. Construct validity patterns were observed such that approach scores were most strongly correlated with female gender and trait agreeableness scores, whereas avoidance scores were most strongly correlated to trait agreeableness scores. Criterion validity associations emerged in that approach scores displayed main effects on mock juror judgments in hate crimes, and forensic clinician judgments of violence risk estimation. Finally, avoidance scores displayed moderating effects on recommended sentencing length by hate crime victim type. Implications are discussed for emotion in legal decision making and future research. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Disabled people face hostility and harassment in their socio-cultural environment. The use of electronic communications creates an online context that further reshapes this discrimination. We explored the experiences of 19 disabled victims of cyberharassment. Five themes emerged from the study: disability and health consequences, family involvement, misrepresentation of self, perceived complexity, and lack of awareness and expertise. Cyberharassment incidents against disabled people were influenced by the pre-existing impairment, perceived hate-targeting, and perpetrators faking disability to get closer to victims online. Our findings highlight a growing issue requiring action and proper support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gay-straight alliances (GSAs) are school-based organizations for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ+) youth and their allies that often attempt to improve school climate for sexual and gender minority youth. This meta-analysis evaluates the association between school GSA presence and youth's self-reports of school-based victimization by quantitatively synthesizing 15 primary studies with 62,923 participants. Findings indicate GSA presence is associated with significantly lower levels of youth's self-reports of homophobic victimization, fear for safety, and hearing homophobic remarks, and these results are robust, controlling for a variety of study-level factors. The findings of this meta-analysis provide evidence to support GSAs as a means of protecting LGTBQ+ youth from school-based victimization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research has shown that a significant proportion of young people in custody have experienced some form of abuse and/or loss in their lives. This article uses the biographies of three young men (all serving custodial sentences) to elucidate the feelings that experiences of this nature can engender. Crucially, none of the three was effectively helped to resolve their experiences. The article goes on to argue that more needs to be done to identify and support traumatised young people in custody. The article concludes that, while the CHAT: Secure tool may go some way to better identifying those needing support, an individual's reluctance to disclose their traumatic experiences in the first place may limit the tool's efficacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While there is a paucity of research pertaining to the phenomenon of disablist violence, one key feature has emerged: it is widely under-reported and under-recorded. The reasons for this are diverse: many are representative of reporting issues attributable to all forms of (hate) crime, and others are unique to the individual and social conditions of living with a disability (Sin ). This article provides a conceptual and contextual overview of disablist violence before proceeding to a critical literature review of the reasons why the phenomenon is largely under-reported. Against this backdrop, we offer a critical examination of the various policing strategies necessary for addressing the problem of under-reporting of disablist violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on Jenness and Grattet's () typology of hate crime law as well as theories about the relationship between minority group status and victimization, this analysis examines how different definitions of hate crime produce variation in the reported prevalence of anti-racial and anti-ethnic hate crime. This study uses data from the Uniform Crime Reports and a panel modeling structure to examine the factors that contribute to reported anti-Black and anti-Hispanic hate crime levels. It was hypothesized that broader hate crime definitions would result in greater levels of reported hate crime; however, the results suggest that the definition of hate crime influences the reported prevalence of anti-Hispanic hate crime, but that variation in law does not affect anti-Black hate crime once demographic and other structural characteristics are taken into account. Future research and policy should consider how these differences in definition could influence the handling of hate crime cases at all levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While Canada proclaims itself to be among the most diverse and inclusive nations, the persistence of hate crime challenges this vision. The “myth of multiculturalism” is laid bare by exclusionary acts of harassment and violence. This article traces the tropes of multiculturalism before assessing the ways in which bias-motivated violence reveals the fissures in this facade. Optimistically, however, it concludes with a consideration of the unintended constructive impacts of ongoing patterns of hostility. That is, the rhetoric of multiculturalism still has some capacity to provide a foundation for critical discourse inspired by victimization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the prevailing post-9/11 climate, veiled Muslim women are commonly portrayed as oppressed, 'culturally dangerous' and 'threatening' to the western way of life and to notions of public safety and security by virtue of being fully covered in the public sphere. It is in such a context that manifestations of Islamophobia often emerge as a means of responding to these 'threats'. Drawing from qualitative data elicited through a UK-based study, this article reflects upon the lived experiences of veiled Muslim women as actual and potential victims of Islamophobia and examines the impacts of Islamophobic attacks upon victims, their families and wider Muslim communities. Among the central themes we explore are impacts upon their sense of vulnerability, the visibility of their Muslim identity, and the management of their safety in public. The individual and collective harms associated with this form of victimisation are considered through notions of a worldwide, transnational Muslim community, the ummah, which connects Muslims from all over world. We conclude by noting that the effects of this victimisation are not exclusively restricted to the global ummah; rather, the harm extends to society as a whole by exacerbating the polarisation which already exists between 'us' and 'them'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Western society places high value on physical beauty and grace of movement, and tends to shun those who do not have these qualities. Disability hate crime highlights the modern form of this violence. This paper uses the high-profile case of Fiona Pilkington to examine how disability hate crime can be dismissed until it results in tragic consequences. Newspapers play a key part in shaping the public's interpretation of disability. An examination of the reports of the coroner's enquiry into the deaths of Fiona and Francesca Pilkington through a qualitative content analysis questions how much progress has been made in reducing the marginalisation of disabled people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]