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Ata Murat Han is one of the leaders of the Turkmen rebellion that started in Khiva after the murder of the Khivian Khan Muhammet Emin Khan by Teke Turkmens in Merv in 1855. Never compromising and not obeying the Khiva khans from the beginning of the uprising until its end in 1867 makes him the most important figure in the uprising. He was chosen as khan by Yomut tribe, which he relied on at the beginning of the uprising, collaborated with Uzbek and Karakalpak rioters and after a long struggle with Khivian Khans he left Khiva and went to the coast of the Caspian Sea. After serving in the Russian base in Kizilsu for a while, he participated in the invasion of Khiva, which the Russians carried out in 1873, and later settled in Khiva and completed his life there. It is understood that in his struggle against the Khiva he aimed to take over the Khanate completely, in addition to eliminating the pressure exerted on the Turkmens, and he requested assistance from the Russians several times. It can be considered that the rebellion was unsuccessful in that he had to leave the Khiva in 1867 and did not occupy a particular position after the occupation of Khiva. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research aims to examine the ethnographic data about the Kazakh ethnic group from the European sources of the middle XIII to early XX centuries. The study uses problem-chronological and comparative-historical analyses to process data published by European travellers, merchants, soldiers and scientists. The European works contain factual inaccuracies, unverified information and speculations. Their quality has improved since the XVIII century though. The findings of European explorers allow a better understanding of the ethnogenesis of Kazakhs and their transition to statehood. Data available in these sources will help find the historical roots of contemporary ethnic and inter-ethnic problems in Kazakhstan and Central Asia. The present study allowed a look at the past life of Kazakh people and their ethnic distinction in Turkestan through the lens of European mentality.

Introduction: Hookah smoking has grown considerably among Iranian Turkmen in the past two decades. The reasons for this increase in the consumption of hookah are unclear. Therefore, this study was conducted with the aim of determining the factors related to the start of hookah smoking in men with Turkmen ethnicity. Methods: This qualitative study was conducted between February 2018 and June 2018 in Turkmen cities of Golestan provinces in Iran. The study participants included 26 male Turkmen water pipe smokers with various ages, occupation, and education level. Study data were collected through semi-structured individual interview and the results were analyzed in August 2018 by content analysis. Data management was done by software, MAXQDA version 10. Results: In this study, 26 hookah smoker men with the age range of 20–45 years were interviewed. The age of the participants at the time of starting hookah consumption varied from 14 to 25 years. On the basis of qualitative data, the reasons for the start of hookah smoking in male Turkmen were classified into three main categories: (1) individual (curiosity and sense of adulthood, fewer perceived risks compared with other substances and hookah’s sensory attractions); (2) interpersonal (hookah-smoking friends and consumption of hookah by family members); and (3) societal (blaming unemployed people in small neighborhoods, cultural influence, more social acceptance compared with other substances, and easy access to hookah). Conclusion: Individual, interpersonal, and societal factors play important role in the start of hookah smoking among male Turkmens. Developing health policies based on the above factors can be effective in adopting hookah prevention and control strategies. Moreover, future studies could be developed with the goal of discovering ways to solve the problem of unemployment and plan for developing recreational activities in this area to prevent initiation of hookah smoking especially among youth.

Anadolu Selçuklu Devleti tarihindeki en büyük Türkmen ayaklanması olan ve 1240 yılında başlayan Baba İshak isyanı, Anadolu’da dar bir alana sıkışıp kalan ve yoksullaşan göçebe Türkmenler’in, II. Gıyaseddin Keyhüsrev’in yönetimdeki bazı uygulamaları sebebiyle Baba İshak’ın çevresinde toplanması ve bu gruba Halep ve Antep yöresine sürgün edilmiş olan Harezm Türklerinin de eklenmesiyle gelişmiş ve Adıyaman ve Kâhta civarında başlayıp Malatya, Maraş, Sivas, Tokat ve Amasya’ya kadar yayılan dini görünümlü siyasi bir isyandır. II. Gıyaseddin Keyhüsrev’in Baba İshak’ın üzerine asker göndermesi ve sonrasında Baba İshak’ın Amasya kalesi’nde asılarak öldürülmesi üzerine bu isyancı grup galeyana gelerek Amasya şehri ve halkına büyük zarar verdikten sonra, başkent Konya’yı tehdit etmeye yöneldiler. Kayseri’den sonra Kırşehir’e yönelen isyancılar Kırşehir yakınlarındaki Malya Ovası’nda Selçuklu ordusuyla karşılaştılar. Ordularına Frank askerlerini de dâhil eden Selçuklular, isyancıları burada mağlup edip isyanı bastırdılar. Bu bastırmaya rağmen, Anadolu Selçuklu Devleti askeri, siyasi ve ekonomik bakımdan zayıflamış, akabinde Kösedağ Savaşı’nda 1243 Moğollara yenilmiş ve Anadolu toprakları yavaş yavaş Moğol hâkimiyetine girmiştir. Baba İshak isyanının Amasya’ya ulaşması ve elebaşının burada asılması ve sonrasındaki olaylar Anadolu Selçukluları ve Amasya Tarihi açısından önemlidir. Bu konu, İbn Bîbî gibi dönemin ana kaynaklarından ve tetkik eserlerden faydalanılarak geniş bir şekilde ele alınacaktır

Travel writing has been an effective instrument at the hands of Western travel writers to portray non-Western people and cultures especially Oriental ones due to their stark difference with those of the West. They dramatized their travelees/ observees and cultures in two ways: first, sympathetically through adopting an insider‟s perspective as well as through striving to be impartial when they describe their customs and mores; second condescendingly through clinging to their Western cultural baggage resulting in the misrepresentation and misinterpretation of their visited people and cultures. In this regards, Invoking Lisle‟s „cosmopolitan vision‟ as its methodological framework , the present argues that Henry Blocqueville is a cosmopolitan traveler since he in travel book does not denigrate his observees/travelees (here Turkmens), instead he sympathetically portrays them and honors their sociocultural alterity. His positive response towards his travelees manifests itself when he concentrates his cultural focus on jewelry, music, and women in his traversed terrain. Contrary to Blocqueville‟s celebratory attitude towards his travelees, other Victorian travel writers fail to transcend their Eurocentrism

XIII. yüzyılın ikinci yarısında meydana gelen Moğol istilası Anadolu’ya çok sayıda Türk ve Moğol kabilesinin gelmesine sebep olmuştur. Moğollar, askeri birliklerini teşkil eden Moğol ve Türk aşiretlerini Anadolu’nun doğu bölgelerine yerleştirdiler. Zira Doğu Anadolu yaylak-kışlak hayat tarzını sürdüren bu aşiretler için uygun özellikleri barındırmaktaydı. İlk kez Celaleddin Harezmşah’ı takip eden Çurmağun Noyan’la birlikte gelen bu topluluklar arasında Uygur, Karluk ve çok sayıda Türkmen topluluğu da vardı. Bu bağlamda Yassıçemen yenilgisinden sonra, çoğunluğu Kanglı ve Kıpçak Türklerinden müteşekkil Harezmli ordusu başıboş bir vaziyette Anadolu’ya dağılmıştı. Selçuklu ve Eyyubi hizmetine alınan bir grup Harezmlilerin Van ve çevresine iskân edildikleri yer adlarından anlaşılmaktadır. Ayrıca Selçuklu fütühatıyla Azerbaycan’a gelen çok sayıda Oğuz boyunun Moğol istilasıyla birlikte Doğu Anadolu’ya ve bilhassa Van Gölü Havzası’na akın ettiği kaynaklarda anlatılmaktadır. Bölgeye esas büyük nüfusun gelişi Hülegü’nün Batı seferi sonucunda olmuştur. Hülegü’nün ordusunda başta Uyrat, Sulduz, Celayir, Tatar, Sünit olmak üzere çok sayıda Moğol boyu vardı. Bu Moğol kabileleri Van Gölü’nün kuzeyindeki Aladağları yaylak olarak kullanıyorlardı. İlhanlı devletinin yıkılışından sonra da bölgede varlıklarını devam ettireceklerdir. Hülegü yöreyi stratejik öneminden dolayı Ahlat merkezli bir eyalet içerisine aldığı gibi bölgeye Türk ve Moğol boylarını da iskan etmiştir. Akkoyunlu ve Kara Koyunlu Türkmenlerinin de Moğol istilasıyla geldikleri düşünülürse Van Gölü Havzası’nın demografik yapısının nasıl teşekkül ettiği daha iyi anlaşılmaktadır. Yukarıda bahsi geçen Türk-Moğol boyları, önce İlhanlı devleti içerisindeki taht mücadeleleri, ardından devletin yıkılmasıyla başlayan hâkimiyet mücadeleleri ve nihayet Kara Koyunlu ve Akkoyunlu mücadeleleri sonucunda başta İran ve Orta Anadolu olmak üzere çevreye göç edeceklerdir.

Öz: Bu çalışmada, psikoloji biliminin hayatımızın bütün yönlerini kapsadığı ve dolayısıyla halk ürünü olan atasözlerinin her birinin de bir psikolojik durumu açıkladığı düşüncesinden hareketle 5405 Türkmen atasözü psikolojik yönden incelenmiştir. Türkmen atasözleri, konuları bakımından birbirine benzer psikoloji alanlarından oluşturulan beş gruba göre değerlendirilip, psikolojik bakış açısıyla yorumlanmıştır. İnceleme sonucunda, “Sosyal Psikoloji ve Endüstri Psikolojisi” grubunun 3577 atasözüyle (% 66) en fazla Türkmen atasözünü kapsadığı tespit edilmiştir. Sayısal olarak ikinci büyük grubun 1001 atasözüyle (% 19) “Gelişim ve Kişilik Psikolojisi” olduğu, üçüncü grubun ise 390 atasözüyle (% 7) “Deneysel ve Fizyolojik Psikoloji” olduğu saptanmıştır. “Klinik Psikoloji ve Danışmanlık Psikolojisi” grubu 269 (% 5) atasözüyle dördüncü sırada yer alırken, “Okul ve Eğitim Psikolojisi” grubu 168 (% 3) atasözüyle en son grubu teşkil etmiştir. Alınan sonuçtan hareketle, Türkmen toplumunu oluşturan temel üç yapının; yani birey, aile ve toplumla ilgili atasözlerinin sayısal olarak ilk üç sırayı oluşturduğu saptanmıştır. “Sosyal Psikoloji ve Endüstri Psikolojisi” grubunda yer alan Türkmen atasözlerinin sayıca fazla oluşu ise Türkmen toplumunda toplumsal uyumu sağlamak amacıyla sosyal normların ortaya çıkmasını sağlayan anlayışın olduğunu göstermektedir. Bu araştırma, atasözlerinin en önemli işlevinin Türkmen toplumunda toplumsal uyumu sağlayıcı sosyal normları topluma tanıtmak ve benimsetmek olduğunu göstermiştir. Abstract: In this study, considering that the psychology discipline covers all aspects of our lives, therefore as folk products proverbs express psychological situations, psychological aspects of 5405 Turkmen proverbs have been studied. Turkmen proverbs has been classified under the five groups of psychology, which resembles each other in respect to their subjects and interpreted according to psychological point of view. As the result of examining Turkmen proverbs with regard to subfields of psychology, it became apparent that the “Social and Industrial Psychology” group contains utmost Turkmen proverbs with 3577 proverbs (%66). The second group appears to be “Developmental and Personality Psychology” group with 1001 proverbs (%19) and the third appears to be “Experimental and Physiological Psychology” group with 390 proverbs (%7). “Clinical and Counseling Psychology” appears to be the fourth group with 269 proverbs (%5) and “School and Educational Psychology” is the fifth group with 168 proverb (%3). As the result of the study it become apparent that proverbs about three base structure, namely person, family and society, are quantitively top three kinds of Turkmen proverbs. In conclusion the cause of “Social and Industrial Psychology” group contains utmost Turkmen proverbs is the understanding of using social norms in order to provide social coherence. The results obtained in this study bring out that the most important function of proverbs in Turkmen society is to present and impose the norms which provides the social coherence.

This essay examines the history of the term Türkmen in western Asia, and asks how its significance changed with the spread of Ottoman and Safavid power in the early modern era. Although it always maintained its core connotation of uncouth tribes, the meaning of the term became more complex (and at times conflicting) after the Mongol period, a dynamic which this paper highlights by comparing it to the Oghūz identity. Poets and court historians developed novel ways of deploying both terms to explain the political dominance of Turkish speakers in the region. When Türkmen gained new import as a political label during the Aq Quyūnlū period, it came to have two contradictory connotations: tribal rebellion and the state-building aspirations of the Anatolian Türkmen dynasties. Both were marginalized by the subsequent establishment of Ottoman and Safavid power in the 16th century. However, the term continued to be widely used to describe Turkish-speaking tribes in the region, and manuscripts from the Caucasus version of the Köroğlu epic tradition show how it came to represent an autonomous tribal alternative to the new imperial status quo of the 17th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is extremely important to collect data from the dialects in order to determine the change and development of the Turkish language over time. The healthiest way to fully understand this adventure is either to examine written works or to compile from the speakers who are witnesses of that change, unaware of change. V. A Maksimov's "Opıt izsledovanija tyurskich dialektov v Chudave digare-i Karamanii" work is the first study on Turkish. This work was carried out in St. Petersburg in 1867. With the Turkic Institute established in 1924 and the Turkish Language Tekkik Society opened in 1932, dialects studies have gained speed and reached today. In 1993, Canan İleri conducted a study on the Turkmen dialects of Eskişehir called "Eskişehir Turkmen Dialects, and the texts were collected from 21 villages from a much more limited area. In this study, compilations have been made within the scope of TUBITAK project numbered 112K405 named "Language Atlas of Eskisehir" and with this project, all settlements of the Turkmen in Eskişehir were determined and the data were collected from 28 villages where the majority of Turkmen lived. The texts to be used were taken from the master thesis titled Dialect Atlas Preparation Methods and Turkmen Dialects of Eskişehir. As a result of the examination of these texts, determinations were made about the phonology, morphology and vocabulary features of Turkmen dialects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Iraqi Turkmen were the biggest victims of the Arabization policies of Iraqi administrations before 2003, the Kurdishization policies of Erbil administration and ISIS after 2003. In the operations launched by ISIS on June 10, 2014, the Turkmens were subjected to massacres and rape and forced to migrate. After Turkmen geography became a controversial region after the 2003 and the developments on June 10, 2014, the Turkmen were caught between two fires in an environment of war and conflict. Most of the Turkmens had to leave their lands and houses and everything to survive. This study examines the Iraqi Turkmens who conflict with ISIS in June 2014. In this study, after the general situation of Turkmens before ISIS's Mosul invasion, the transformation of Turkmen geography into conflict area with its occupation and its reflections on Turkmens were examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Culture & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly is the property of Turkish Cultur & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Introduction: Hookah smoking has grown considerably among Iranian Turkmen in the past two decades. The reasons for this increase in the consumption of hookah are unclear. Therefore, this study was conducted with the aim of determining the factors related to the start of hookah smoking in men with Turkmen ethnicity. Methods: This qualitative study was conducted between February 2018 and June 2018 in Turkmen cities of Golestan provinces in Iran. The study participants included 26 male Turkmen water pipe smokers with various ages, occupation, and education level. Study data were collected through semi-structured individual interview and the results were analyzed in August 2018 by content analysis. Data management was done by software, MAXQDA version 10. Results: In this study, 26 hookah smoker men with the age range of 20–45 years were interviewed. The age of the participants at the time of starting hookah consumption varied from 14 to 25 years. On the basis of qualitative data, the reasons for the start of hookah smoking in male Turkmen were classified into three main categories: (1) individual (curiosity and sense of adulthood, fewer perceived risks compared with other substances and hookah's sensory attractions); (2) interpersonal (hookah-smoking friends and consumption of hookah by family members); and (3) societal (blaming unemployed people in small neighborhoods, cultural influence, more social acceptance compared with other substances, and easy access to hookah). Conclusion: Individual, interpersonal, and societal factors play important role in the start of hookah smoking among male Turkmens. Developing health policies based on the above factors can be effective in adopting hookah prevention and control strategies. Moreover, future studies could be developed with the goal of discovering ways to solve the problem of unemployment and plan for developing recreational activities in this area to prevent initiation of hookah smoking especially among youth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite assertions of almost universal illiteracy among pre-Revolutionary Turkmens, an examination of the widely popular maktab primer, the Ravnaq al-Islām , shows that literacy among Turkmens before 1917 was substantially higher than previously thought. Additionally, the work and legends surrounding it show us Turkmen maktab texts contributed to a sense of supra-tribal Turkmen identity, which has generally been discounted or ignored in previous studies of Turkmen social history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Tikrit University for Humanities is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Kirkuk University Humanity Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

John Lewis Burckhardt, who serves for the interests of the British, is commissioned by the African Society in London in early 1809 to make an expedition to the Sahara. In order to make this journey more comfortable, he needs the knowledge of Arabic and a Muslim identity. He leaves for Malta in April 1809, and soon arrives in Aleppo, where he takes classes on jurisprudence, and disguises as a Syrian merchant under the pseudonym of Ibrahim. In Aleppo, he pretends to be a doctor searching for herbs, and meets a prominent physician Muhammad Ali Bey, who is a respectful member of Reyhanlı Turkmens. In order to visit the historical ruins in the region, he comes to the place, where Reyhanlı Turkmens live, in the first week of March 1810. In this process, he writes his observations about Reyhanlı Turkmens on 12 May 1810. The article, based on these observations, is found in the annex to the book; Travel in the Holy Land and in Syria, published five years after the death of the traveler. The article includes information on the social, cultural, administrative, military and economic conditions of Reyhanlı Turkmens. In this paper, the traveler occasionally interprets subjective evaluations and cannot avoid the orientalist point of view, but the information he gives is not contained in documents and is based on one-to-one observations. The information presented is of great importance in terms of Turkish presence in Aleppo, Afrin and Antakya lines towards the north west of Syria as well as in relation to the life of the period and its relations with the local population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The place names, which is a kind of carrier of crucial information on history, culture, geography, ethnicity of a region and the language of the nation which gives the names, are important resources for disciplines such as linguistic, history, geography, anthropology, etc. In this regard detecting and registering place names in a region and examining them from various aspects is vitally important. Especially in the regions where Turkish presence has been going on but the place names were also changed rapidly, like Balkans, Caucasus and Northern Iraq, it becomes more important. For these purposes, the town of Yengice in Tuzhurmatu in Northern Iraq was chosen as the study area and the place names which compiled from this town was examined in terms of onomasiology. In the introduction part the information about the location, history and geography of the town of Yengice was given. In the review part, the place names compiled from the town of Yengice are classified according to their types and structures; the layers of these place names and elements effective in naming have been identified. As a result of the review it has been concluded that the place names of the Yengice town, a Turkmen settlement of Kirkuk, are not different from those of any settlement in Anatolia in terms of their types, structures and elements that are effective in naming do not go beyond Turkish naming culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The lands of Ottoman domination have attracted Western Travellers in almost all periods of history. The travellers visiting Turkish lands with different purposes penned lots of things they saw and were attracted to. They also recorded their observations, especially about the konargoçers called Yoruk or Turkman, which were one of the essential elements of Turkish Society in their travels. They referred to their tents in use due to their mobile way of life, depending on the seasonal variations in winter quarters, pasture and fall range, and their other types of domicile, either in detail or in general. They also referred to the equipment, set up and interior characteristics of the tents. While they mentioned the name, karaçadır, they did not speak of topak ev, alaçık, huğ and the names of the other types of domicile, but mostly, they described their general appearance and forms. Based on their observations, these travellers mostly tried to describe the surrounding as it was. However, there were some who could not get rid of their Orientalist point of view, as well as others who put forward a romantic perspective. The travellers unfolded both the different types of tents, and several other types of domicile used together with them while they put forward their regional and geographical distribution by mentioning the varieties of dwellings and tent types in their information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some ethnic groups are remarkably resistant to surrounding influences, and only slightly undergo assimilation. What, then, are the most significant factors affecting ethnic assimilation? The foremost is state intervention. The state can support the nationalist tendencies of one group of inhabitants while suppressing the ethnic expressions of non-dominant groups. How do various ethnic groups respond to this kind of support or oppression? In this research note the Baloch minority, a relatively small group in Turkmenistan, have been chosen as a case study to examine the questions raised above. The chosen ethnic group under investigation here does not have a homeland to provide it with support. There are numerous such ethnic groups in non-dominant positions without states that cause tension between minorities and majorities. The tension is often extremely strong, even when such groups have political autonomy (e.g., the Kurds in Iraq and the Uyghurs in China). The aim of this report from the field is to explain how self-aware the Baloch of Turkmenistan are of their identity and the extent to which they have succumbed to modernization and attempts to render them Turkmen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of the Institute of Croatian History / Radovi Zavoda za Hrvatsku Povijest is the property of Zavod za Hrvatsku Povijest, Filozofski Fakultet and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Turkey's response to the Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq's independence referendum took most observers by surprise. The prevailing assumption was that, despite its vocal objections, Turkey would eventually just accommodate the results of the referendum because years of engagement and a KRG-centred Iraq policy had created multi-faceted interdependencies, which would be hard to overturn. However, rhetoric dictated policy. In a counter-intuitive move, Turkey realigned its partnerships to chart a new policy which involved greater coordination with the central government of Iraq. This reaction is best understood through a study of contextual variables at regional, domestic and leadership levels which have led to major changes in Turkey's regional policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

İran coğrafyası tarih boyunca, özellikle de kaynaklarda belirtildiği kadarıyla Ortaçağ’dan itibaren dışarıdan yoğun göçler alan bir bölge olarak göçebe ve yarı göçebe aşiretler için mükemmel bir yaşam alanı oluşturmuştur. Selçuklular öncesinde gelerek İran’ın çeşitli yerlerinde kökleşen Arap ve Kürt kökenli olarak adlandırdığımız aşiretlere 9. ve 10. yüzyıllardaki Oğuz göçleriyle Türk kökenli aşiretler de eklenmiştir. Bu yeni aşiretler yoğunluklu olarak İran’ın Horasan ve Fars eyaletlerinde toplanarak yüzyıllar boyunca bölgedeki daha eski diğer aşiretlerle etkileşim halinde olmuşlardır. Bu suretle bölgenin etnik ve kültürel çeşitliliğini artırmışlardır. Günümüzde bu aşiretler yarı göçebe ve bir kısmı tamamen yerleşik halde İran’ın çeşitli bölgelerine yayılmış haldedirler. İncelediğimiz konunun kapsamına giren ve Güney aşiretleri adı da verilen Fars bölgesindeki aşiretler Kaşkay, Hamse, Kahküliye ve Memesini büyük kabilelerini içine almaktadır. Bu aşiretlerin her birinin serüveni çoğu çekirdek organizasyon gibi küçük bir aileden aşiret olmaya doğru tekamül ederek gerçekleşmiştir. Göçlerin yoğunluklu olarak gerçekleştiği 10. yüzyıl ile 19. yüzyıl arasında geçen sürede Fars eyaletindeki aşiretlerin nüfusunun iki üç katına çıktığı görülmektedir. Fars eyaletinin yaklaşık olarak üçte ikisi çeşitli aşiretlerin yerleşim yeri halindedir. Kahküliye yurdu dışında eyaletin en kalabalık ve en nüfuzlu aşireti olan Kaşkay aşireti Fars eyaletinin batı ve kuzeybatısını işgal eder. İran’daki ikinci en büyük aşiret olarak beş büyük ve çeşitli küçük kabilelerden oluşmaktadır. Kaşkay aşireti de Hamse Türkleri, Bahtiyarî Türkmen aşireti gibi pek çok kabile konfederasyonu arasında Kürt, Lor, Arap ve Türk gibi farklı etnik gurupların kabilelerinden oluşan bir kümedir. Aşiretin nüfusunun çoğunluğunu Türk kökenli halk oluşturmaktadır ve aşiret mensupları Batı Oğuz lehçesini konuşmaktadırlar. Kaşkayların muasır tarihi hakkında çok fazla çalışma olmasına rağmen Safevîler öncesinden Kaçarlar dönemi arasındaki dönem hakkında yok denecek kadar az çalışma bulunmaktadır. Siyasi olaylara katılımları söz konusu olmadıkça aşiretlerden yakın döneme kadar kaynaklarda pek bahsedilmediği görülmektedir. Bu çalışmayla dönemin kaynakları ve araştırmalar ışığında Kaşkayların menşeine dair öne sürülen tartışmalı görüşler Yeniçağ’daki tarihleri hakkındaki bilgilerle birlikte ortaya konulmaktadır.

Turkmen hand-woven handicrafts are symbols of culture and thought of people who express their beliefs through different artifacts. Due to the practical role of one type of these hand-woven handicrafts, named “Asmalyk”, in wedding ceremonies and the presence of various and symbolic motifs related to this ceremony and other Turkmen believes. Present paper aims to study and identify visual and symbolic features of these hand–woven crafts and introduce this art craft and its symbols and patterns which were made by woman. Present paper is descriptive-analytical, using data from library. Result of the study was studying visual and symbolic characteristics of these handicrafts emphasizing on cultural, historical and ethnical characteristics as well as believes .Researches indicate high and strong power of rituals and believe among these artifacts. 2Which motifs of Asmalyk are common on Turkmen Asmalyks and what are their believe meanings?

In the Turkmen version of Koroglu Legend, there exist lots of country, city and place names belonging to the Turkish world and neighboring folks. The places in the legend are not only composed of Turkmen lands and neighbors, but there are other extraordinary places like Kaf Mountain as well. The hero of the legend, Koroglu, has connections with neighboring places because of various reasons. In the most of the sections, Koroglu organizes wars against the neighboring countries and cities. He imposes a tax on some of those countries and cities. Arzılum (Erzurum) is also one of the cities in which Koroglu is interested. Although it’s far from Turkmen geography, Erzurum takes place in the Turkmen version of the legend. The city is described in details. In the most sections of the legend, the name and the characteristics of the city, particularly “Erhasan and Tellihan” take place. In this study, the materials related to Erzurum, which is located in twenty one sections of the Turkmen version of Koroglu Legend, have been analyzed. The information given about the city has been evaluated, particularly by moving from the section of “Erhasan and Tellihan”.

One of the love-themed sagas in Turkmen saga tradition is the saga of ̳Varka-Gülşa‘ which has been popular among the Turkmen. It is seen that the saga has gained a richer content as a result of the influence of Turkmen culture. Love-themed Turkmen sagas have bard-narration, folk-narration and written variants. The saga of ̳Varka-Gülşa‘ is a good example of them. In the saga, Varka and Gülşa fall in love with each other. Later in the saga, the chain of events comes out after the death of Varka‘s father. Varka and Gülşa are not allowed to marry. Varka gets away from his homeland. And Gülşa is forced to have a marriage with someone else. In the saga, the lovers finally reunite after suffering from a long-lasting pain of separation. However, they remain together for a short time. In this paper, a concise summary of the three different variants of the saga of ̳Varka-Gülşa‘ will be provided and subsequently an episode analysis will be done.

Introduction Nass is a smokeless tobacco product. Iranian Turkmen have a long history of nass consumption. However, the factors contributing to nass consumption among Iranian Turkmen are not known. The purpose of the present study is to examine the factors contributing to nass consumption among Iranian Turkmen. Methods This qualitative study was conducted between January and March 2016 in four Turkmen cities of Golestan province in Iran. Participants included 34 male Turkmen nass consumers. Data were collected through individual and group interviews and were analyzed by content analysis. Data management was done by qualitative data analysis software MAXQDA, Version 10. Results The results of data analysis revealed the following as the main reasons for nass consumption by the study population: 1) cultural, social, and environmental facilitators, 2) nass was considered as an alternative to cigarette smoking, 3) nass was believed to intensify the effects of opium and other drugs, 4) specific occupations and circumstances, and 5) beliefs related to nass. Conclusions Cultural and historical backgrounds, convenient access to nass at a very low price, curiosity, emulation, and peer pressure were the main factors driving nass consumption among Iranian Turkmen. Various beliefs, such as the idea that nass intensifies the effects of opium and alcohol, calms the nerves, and helps individuals quit smoking were also found to contribute to this phenomenon. Finally, individuals in certain lines of work, such as fishing, driving combines, and military service, were more likely to consume nass.

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This article investigates the ways in which Aqquyunlu rulers drew on the material remains of bygone dynasties by including ruins in their court ceremonial. Central for the investigation are two inscriptions left by the majlis or artistic assemblee of an Aqquyunlu prince on the ruins of one of the Achaemenid palaces at Persepolis or Takht-i Jamshīd in Iran. These important epigraphic sources are presented here in an improved critical edition and discussed in their social, architectural, and literary context. In musing over past glories, the prince and his retinue appropriated the heritage of bygone prophets and kings, framing their courtly representation as part of a continuous tradition of just rulers over southern Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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INTRODUCTION Nass is a smokeless tobacco product. Iranian Turkmen have a long history of nass consumption. However, the factors contributing to nass consumption among Iranian Turkmen are not known. The purpose of the present study is to examine the factors contributing to nass consumption among Iranian Turkmen. METHODS This qualitative study was conducted between January and March 2016 in four Turkmen cities of Golestan province in Iran. Participants included 34 male Turkmen nass consumers. Data were collected through individual and group interviews and were analyzed by content analysis. Data management was done by qualitative data analysis software MAXQDA, Version 10. RESULTS The results of data analysis revealed the following as the main reasons for nass consumption by the study population: 1) cultural, social, and environmental facilitators, 2) nass was considered as an alternative to cigarette smoking, 3) nass was believed to intensify the effects of opium and other drugs, 4) specific occupations and circumstances, and 5) beliefs related to nass. CONCLUSIONS Cultural and historical backgrounds, convenient access to nass at a very low price, curiosity, emulation, and peer pressure were the main factors driving nass consumption among Iranian Turkmen. Various beliefs, such as the idea that nass intensifies the effects of opium and alcohol, calms the nerves, and helps individuals quit smoking were also found to contribute to this phenomenon. Finally, individuals in certain lines of work, such as fishing, driving combines, and military service, were more likely to consume nass. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The tradition of storytelling has a very long history and, as an important part of oral literature, is considered very useful for recognizing culture and literature. Nevertheless, the researchers has paid little attention to the traditions of Desān Khāni among Turkmen. This tradition is composed of folk prose or poetic tales in which the singer define them in turn by a kind of musical instrument. This poetic and musical tradition can help us better understand the context of oral literature and its narrative techniques. In spite of key role and important character of this tradition in Turkmen culture, stories in Desān Khāni Tradition share some commonalities with Turkish ethnics in central Asia and Iranian cultures that insist on eclectic feature of this culture and its communicative function. In this article, the author tries to introduce, classify and study the stories of this tradition among Turkmen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Baba Ishak rebellion, the largest Turkmen uprising in the history of the Anatolian Seljuk State, started in 1240 is a religious-looking political rebellion which was occurred by that the nomadic Turkmen who were trapped in a narrow area in Anatolia and became impoverished, grouped around Baba Ishak because of some applications in the administration of Gıyaseddin Keyhüsrev II and by the inclusion of Harezm Turks who were exiled to Aleppo and Antep regions into this group and broke out in Adıyaman and Kahta regions and then spreaded to Malatya, Maras, Sivas, Tokat and Amasya. After Gıyaseddin Keyhüsrev II sent troops against Baba Ishak and later Baba Ishak was killed by hanging in Amasya, this rebellious group came to wrangle and threatened the capital city Konya after giving great damage to Amasya city and its people. After Kayseri, the rebels who went to Kırşehir met with the Seljuk army in the Malya Plain near Kırşehir. The Seljuks, including Frank soldiers into their armies, defeated the rebels here and suppressed the rebellion. Despite this suppression, the Anatolian Seljuk State was weakened by military, political and economic reasons, then defeated by the Mongols in the Kösedağ War (1243) and the Anatolian lands gradually entered the Mongol domination. The arrival of Baba Ishak rebellion to Amasya, the hanging of the chief here and the events afterwards are important in terms of the Anatolian Seljuks and Amasya. This subject will be studied in a wide way by taking advantage of the main sources on the period such as Ibn Bibi and later works. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, considering that the psychology discipline covers all aspects of our lives, therefore as folk products proverbs express psychological situations, psychological aspects of 5405 Turkmen proverbs have been studied. Turkmen proverbs has been classified under the five groups of psychology, which resembles each other in respect to their subjects and interpreted according to psychological point of view. As the result of examining Turkmen proverbs with regard to subfields of psychology, it became apparent that the "Social and Industrial Psychology" group contains utmost Turkmen proverbs with 3577 proverbs (%66). The second group appears to be "Developmental and Personality Psychology" group with 1001 proverbs (%19) and the third appears to be "Experimental and Physiological Psychology" group with 390 proverbs (%7). "Clinical and Counseling Psychology" appears to be the fourth group with 269 proverbs (%5) and "School and Educational Psychology" is the fifth group with 168 proverb (%3). As the result of the study it become apparent that proverbs about three base structure, namely person, family and society, are quantitively top three kinds of Turkmen proverbs. In conclusion the cause of "Social and Industrial Psychology" group contains utmost Turkmen proverbs is the understanding of using social norms in order to provide social coherence. The results obtained in this study bring out that the most important function of proverbs in Turkmen society is to present and impose the norms which provides the social coherence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Located in current debates on one party dictatorships and regime durability, this article explores continuity and disruptions within the Turkmen political elite in their transition from presidents Saparmurat Niyazov (1991–2006) to Gurbanguly Berdymuhamedov (2007-). We are particularly interested in how the change from an idiosyncratic system, based mainly on president Niyazov's personality cult and visible repression of potential opponents, evolved into a more refined system under his successor, Berdymuhamedov. We will thus look at regime efforts to re-brand Turkmenistan without substantially changing the domestic political structures and dynamics. These include the manufacture of ‘opposition parties’ and holding of formal elections every five years while retaining absolute control over the most important political aspects of the country. We suggest the existence of a two-fold strategy to maintain thestatus quobased on authoritarian tendencies and learning. Whilst the shift from the first to the second president has brought significant changes, it also demonstrates essential continuities that helped the formation of an official domestic and international narrative proclaiming commitment to a number of international standards and national values; and strict control of most, if not all, aspects of national political life. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Kazakhs, Turkmens, Tajiks, Uyghurs and Uzbeks in Central Asia share some distinct religious elite groups - Xojas - some lineages of which appear in two or more of them. The Xoja group is a patrilineage, which traces kinship through blood relationships. Endogamous marriages prevail among the Uzbekspeaking Xoja contrary to descendants of nomadic, Kazakh-speaking Xojas. In this article I compare the kinship systems of the Uzbek-speaking Xoja of the Uzbek people and the Kazakh-speaking Xoja of the Kazakh people and analyse their transformation in the twentieth century. The analysis shows that interpretation of differences in kinship terminology is situational: in some cases it is interpreted as an example of adaptation to different cultures, and in other instances it may serve as a symbol of belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]