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This article contextualises the participation of Estonian elites in the transnational exchanges of racial and eugenic ideas. The Estonian Nationalist Club (ERK) became a crucial platform where radical nationalist thinkers appropriated ideologies of race and eugenics for the Estonian context. The ERK's membership, elitist outlook, nationalist anxieties, and geopolitical orientation fostered enthusiastic engagement with racial and eugenic thinking. Inspired by the Swedish and German examples, ERK-affiliated commentators theorised Estonians' Nordic racial belonging and expressed ambivalence over racial purity. They skilfully navigated between criticism of German extremism and the drive to advance a racial and eugenic agenda compatible with their radical nationalist beliefs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fall of the Bastille on 14 July 1789 remains the single most emblematic episode in the history of the French Revolution. The infamous fortress had already functioned as an important political symbol well before 1789, however. From the beginning of the eighteenth century, a 'black legend' was constructed around the building, propelled by the publication of a succession of (real or fictitious) memoirs by ex-prisoners. The growth of the Bastille myth was favoured by political circumstances (dissatisfaction with absolutism) and a cultural climate (sensibility towards fear and imprisonment; Enlightenment calls for humanity, transparency and reason). No Bastille memoir became more influential than Joseph Marie Brossays du Perray's Remarques historiques et anecdotes sur le château de la Bastille (1774). Besides being a hit in France, the pamphlet had a huge international career. Its English and German translations contributed to turning the Bastille into a transnational symbol of despotism. The meanings and interpretations of that symbol shifted both in France and abroad on the rhythm of historical events. The various French editions and English translations of Remarques historiques allow us to follow that process closely. Three temporalities in the pamphlet's history can be distinguished which mark the Bastille's construction as a political symbol in France and in Britain in the last quarter of the eighteenth century. The British reception of the Bastille, which revolved around the idealized British Constitution, shows that transnational exchanges can nevertheless be conducive to the reinforcement of national frames of reference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the past three decades, within the main currents of historical thought, world, transnational, and global history gained special importance. Starting from the long tradition of writing world histories, in the context of social and intellectual changes since the 1980s, especially the end of the Cold War and the strengthening of the globalization process, the paper analyzes the origin of these disciplines, their characteristic theoretical and methodological features, the main research topics and their most significant results. These approaches have in common the search for alternative spaces of historical analysis that would not be connected to the traditional framework of the nation-state. As a result, there is an inherent stimulus to overcome methodological nationalism and Eurocentrism in historical research. Therefore, they represent at the same time an attempt to write history not only for contemporary, globally more tightly integrated ’network societies’ but also a type of historiography less marked by nationalism. However, world-, transnational-, and global history also have inherent limitations. Firstly, there is a danger that they will become the ideology of the ongoing process of globalization and, secondly, that people as creators of their history will be suppressed in favor of social and economic structures and processes. Finally, the paper analyzes the opportunities that world-, transnational- and global history provide to smaller national historical cultures. In this sense, it seems that a ’glocal’ approach – which observes the global aspects of phenomena from local, regional and national history and their feedback influence on global currents of history – would be particularly useful. Ultimately, although world-, transnational-, and global history will become neither the only nor the dominant paradigm in historical thought, their insights undoubtedly represent a welcome counterbalance to the (still prevailing) national historical narratives.

There is a growing interest among historians in South Korean society’s engagement with the environment. Yet, many studies tend to accept a narrative based on a type of ‘post-materialist value’ thesis: Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, the South Korean public, preoccupied with basic economic sustenance, showed minimal interest in the escalating environmental degradation. Environmental issues gained prominence only after the 1990s, it is presumed, as South Korea’s economic growth reached a certain threshold, accompanied by the rise of a substantial middle class that showed interest in quality-of-life and supported the expansion of the new environmental movement. Recent historical studies have challenged this narrative, revealing that ‘pollution’ problems had already surfaced as routine societal concerns in the 1970s. However, there remains a need for a critical examination of how the meanings and nature of environmental issues, including pollution, were understood and contested prior to the 1990s. Moreover, the assumption that environmental awareness naturally arose in response to a given trajectory of ‘development’ needs to be interrogated. This study addresses these limitations in previous studies. It investigates the intertwining concerns and discussions about pollution with those regarding the negative consequences of ‘high growth’ in South Korea from the late 1960s to the early-to-mid 1970s. Specifically, the study focuses on the emergence of radical political-economic perspectives on the environment, later embraced by the anti-pollution movement of the late 1970s and 1980s. The paper also explores the transnational influence and connections within these discussions regarding the problematic relationships between ‘growth’ and ‘pollution.’

In this article, I use my experiences in writing about the transnational history of Sesame Street to point toward ways forward for researchers interested in investigating entangled European broadcasting histories. I will point to places where I found European interconnections in journals, committees, and festivals and consider what the availability of these published and unpublished sources has meant for my inquiries. I will also explain how I used a specific content-management software (Tropy) to ‘hack’ and go beyond the national boundaries encoded in the archival collections I used. Finally, I suggest that perhaps it is not audiovisual material broadcasting archives first and foremost need to make available in digital formats if we want to further boundary-crossing television history; instead, I believe that the possibility of sharing self-digitized printed material should be a particular focus in the future.

This paper traces the transnational entanglements in the Dutch digital media archive, with a focus on the propaganda battle between pro-Nazi and pro-Allied Dutch media during the Second World War. Reflecting on newspaper and radio source materials in the CLARIAH Media Suite, it points out significant differences in the availability of these two source collections. It argues that these imbalances can be explained by the historical context in which these sources were created as well as by archival policies after 1945. The main problem lies in the digitized radio archive which contains only a relatively small amount of audio and leaves out the enormous amount of documents, such as transcripts and monitoring reports. With our article, we ask for more attention for this form of ‘audio on paper’, which has previously been overlooked by scholars and archivists. In the conclusion we argue for the digitization of these source materials and inclusion in the Media Suite as a first step towards redrawing the borders of media archives, enabling a new research agenda aimed at studying transnational entanglements in war time propaganda.

This article discusses how Greeks perceived Salvador Allende's overthrow, Pinochet's military dictatorship, and US interventionism in Chile. By the end of Greece's dictatorship (1967–1974), left‐wing militants emotionally identified with the 'Chilean tragedy' through their own experiences of military authoritarianism. Indeed, the Greek Colonels' Junta amplified the 1973 Chilean coup's local impact. Subsequently, during the early Metapolitefsi period (1974–1981), a wide variety of Greek political, social, and cultural actors used the Chilean 1970s as a key reference in the crucial debates that ultimately redefined Greece's collective political and cultural identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the historiographical significance of the port city of Selanik/Thessaloniki in early cinema history. Formerly a part of the Ottoman Empire, the city was annexed by the modern Greek state during the first Balkan War in the fall of 1912. Moving beyond methodological nationalism, the study delves into the networks of cinema distribution, strategies of exhibition, and cinemagoing activities in the city of Thessaloniki before and after 1912. The aim is to contribute to the discourse on the transnational cinema history of the Eastern Mediterranean and the Balkans. Furthermore, by examining Thessaloniki's interwoven history, this research seeks to enrich our understanding of cinematographic centers and peripheries around 1910. It also strives to provide insights into the discordant chronologies of the dissemination and establishment of cinema by considering a diversity of regional factors across borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even after the war's centenary from 2014–2018, many English-speaking popular readers and students retain a static and narrow conception of the First World War, much of it focused around the British experience in a section of trenches on the Western Front. This narrative of the war with its focus on the Battles of the Marne, Ypres, the Somme, and Passchendaele, is certainly significant, but it has played an outsized role in shaping the war's history for generations of people. This brief article provides an overview of resources and approaches that relate a different story about Britain's global war and offers concrete suggestions for reframing the story for students and public audiences alike. By broadening the British war story, beyond country and empire, to a global, transnational story, we can narrate a history that aligns more productively with the reality of the conflict as it was experienced. Rather than focusing only on a small slice of the rich wartime tapestry, such a global history re-centers the experiences of non-combatants, imperial citizens, non-citizens, and expatriates – telling a more holistic story of "Britain" at war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the history of extradition in the twentieth century, to call for a broader engagement with extradition law not only as an under-explored chapter in international law in its own right, but also as a pathway to think more deeply about world-ruling projects. Extradition law, normally thought of as primarily bilateral, in fact has a long and rich history of multilateral engagement. This tension between multilateralism and bilateralism, we argue, showcases the role of technique to hide political projects in international law-making, as well as showcasing the need to include more non-Eurocentric voices in our narratives about the design of international law instruments and institutions. European nations in the period we survey were more invested in bilateral efforts, claiming the impossibility of multilateral treaty-making in extradition law; yet, Latin American states successfully undertook multiple initiatives in this realm, which are often excluded from mainstream narratives, at the cost of buying into a biased narrative of bilateral treaties that neglects how extradition law has been used to shape and hide key political tensions. In light of these findings, the article puts forth a research agenda that takes extradition more seriously into our accounts of the evolution of international law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text in question seeks to outline the sociolinguistic scenario of the southern region of Bahia, which would have been characterized by multilingualism, a consequence of the region's economic stagnation, a fact that would have generated less conflicts between Portuguese and Indians, preserving the speakers of local languages. The change in this scenario would occur from the 1820s onwards, with the growth of the cocoa plantation, which began in the region in 1746. In parallel with this scenario, we have another different one: the foundation of three Swiss-German colonies, which would have presented a context of irregular linguistic transmission of L2 Portuguese from Germans and Swiss to enslaved Africans. And, running through the entire text, we argue that the understanding of these differentiated sociolinguistic situations in the same region was possible because we adopted a broad view that considered the transnational historical relations within which the south of Bahia was immersed, because, without this, it would not be possible to understand how these sociolinguistic situations were triggered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper traces the transnational entanglements in the Dutch digital media archive, with a focus on the propaganda battle between pro-Nazi and pro-Allied Dutch media during the Second World War. Reflecting on newspaper and radio source materials in the CLARIAH Media Suite, it points out significant differences in the availability of these two source collections. It argues that these imbalances can be explained by the historical context in which these sources were created as well as by archival policies after 1945. The main problem lies in the digitized radio archive which contains only a relatively small amount of audio and leaves out the enormous amount of documents, such as transcripts and monitoring reports. With our article, we ask for more attention for this form of 'audio on paper', which has previously been overlooked by scholars and archivists. In the conclusion we argue for the digitization of these source materials and inclusion in the Media Suite as a first step towards redrawing the borders of media archives, enabling a new research agenda aimed at studying transnational entanglements in war time propaganda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I use my experiences in writing about the transnational history of Sesame Street to point toward ways forward for researchers interested in investigating entangled European broadcasting histories. I will point to places where I found European interconnections in journals, committees, and festivals and consider what the availability of these published and unpublished sources has meant for my inquiries. I will also explain how I used a specific content-management software (Tropy) to 'hack' and go beyond the national boundaries encoded in the archival collections I used. Finally, I suggest that perhaps it is not audiovisual material broadcasting archives first and foremost need to make available in digital formats if we want to further boundary-crossing television history; instead, I believe that the possibility of sharing selfdigitized printed material should be a particular focus in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 1965 to 1994, some Canadians participated in transnational activism aimed at supporting or excusing white minority rule in South Africa and Rhodesia. Their ideas, arguments, and interconnections contributed to "apartheid internationalism," a form of internationalism without central organization yet forged through a common cause and specific (and sometimes covert) political networks. The Canadian fraction of the movement was internally diversified and decentralized. Yet this article shows that ties among activists were considerable. Whether taking pro-apartheid or "anti-anti-apartheid" positions, participants expressed variants of white supremacism, contextualizing and qualifying their views on racial superiority within adjacent right-wing political projects. Not entirely unlike studies of anti-apartheid activism, the examination of the defenders of apartheid demonstrates the importance of race in Canadian international history. It also shows how a range of people beyond politicians and diplomats engaged with transnational issues. Most strikingly, the analysis reveals that liberal internationalism or internationalisms associated with the political left were not the only responses to a decolonizing world. Some Canadians with conservative and authoritarian perspectives refused to accept a decline of white power or found new ways to present their support for white minority governments in southern Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article asks why we cannot now more actively work to imagine and construct a transnational American studies that allows people to work from where they are. This has been a desirable goal for some time but the Covid crisis is an occasion to ask this question anew.

This article explores how national conflicts were defined, negotiated, and resolved (or not) during the 1892 Vienna International Exhibition of Music and Drama. Through a combination of archival research and reception history, I analyze the various approaches to the organization of the exhibition, which institutionalized political formations in the structure of the event and coopted preexisting institutions that straddled imperial and national lines, such as the Prague National Theater. I then go on to explore the transnational resonances of the Czech delegation’s wildly successful residency at the exhibition, and how groups both within and outside the Austro-Hungarian Empire instrumentalized the Czechs’ triumphs and recast them with an eye toward advancing their own national narratives. While approaches to nationalist issues may have differed greatly among the various stakeholders at the 1892 exhibition, they all agreed on one thing—the power of theater to potentially upend the political status quo. previous article back to index next article

The William A. Bradley Literary Agency Records help trace the careers of William and Jenny Bradley, two intermediaries in the cultural exchanges between France and the United States in the twentieth century. The archive offers privileged access to an array of transatlantic negotiations in the interwar period and post-Second World War era. This article first aims at including the two agents into the communications circuit relevant to book history that unfolds from writer to editor and on to reader, at a time when the book industry became more international. The article then unveils the sociability rooted in the agents’ participation in the world of Parisian salons and in the building of literary and intellectual relationships in the transnational space of Paris. Ultimately, the article argues that the Bradleys’ lifework articulates cultures in ways that defy the simplified vision of a unidirectional flux in what has been suggested to be an “American Century” of influence and cultural domination. In sum, an interest in intermediation and a transnational approach bring together considerations over the professional contributions of the French-American literary agents and observations about little-known makers of cultural processes. This article draws from the manuscript of Deux agents littéraires dans le siècle américain : William et Jenny Bradley, passeurs culturels transatlantiques (Cossu-Beaumont, 2023) and hopefully serves to shed light on the journeys of William and Jenny Bradley as Atlantic passeurs.

The Ming-Qing transition (1618–1683), a dynastic upheaval that not only consumed much of China, but also saw the Qing invasion of Joseon Korea and an influx of refugees into Tokugawa Japan, was a source of inspiration for writers across East Asia. Unofficial, contemporary histories written by Ming and early Qing subjects made their way by land and sea to Korea and Japan, where they were either adapted for domestic audiences or used as the basis for new unofficial histories of the dynastic transition. This article makes the argument that unofficial, contemporary history-writing about the Ming-Qing transition in China, Korea, and Japan was part of a regional trend towards an intellectual culture of contemporaneity. While scholars have focused on the transition and its impact upon notions of cultural centrality, it should be emphasized that these notions emerged alongside developments encouraging the production and circulation of contemporary, cross-cultural knowledge and information. In other words, the flourishing of print, diversification of reading audiences, and evolution of new modes of knowledge-production and transmission formed a background against which demand increased for updated information about a shared world. Participation as producers (writers and editors) and consumers (readers) in this seventeenth-century culture of contemporaneity was restricted by language, schooling, and economic standing. Nonetheless, a transnational history perspective will show that the unofficial, multi-vocal, and multilingual historiography of the Ming-Qing transition encourages a re-evaluation of not only the intellectual history of East Asia, but also the history of the transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the Carnation Revolution of 25 April 1974 in Lisbon set in motion the process of decolonizing the empire, the future of 'Portuguese Timor' was the subject of an intense debate which involved external actors. Like other Asian remnants of the empire, Timor was a small territory surrounded by a giant neighbour, which laid claim to be part of the process. Indonesia sought contact with the Portuguese authorities, and the countries held several rounds of talks up to November 1975. This essay surveys those talks, based primarily on Portuguese archival material, and details how the two countries failed to reach an agreement. Whereas Indonesia sought direct negotiations that would decolonize the territory while excluding the Timorese themselves, Portugal took note of Indonesian claims but insisted that a genuine act of self-determination based on the direct consultation of the Timorese people was required. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article outlines the development of international non-governmental organisations (INGOs), and especially those relating to business, over the twentieth century. Using a variety of constructed datasets and drawing on population ecology approaches to interest groups, it is shown how business associations were numerically dominant for much of the twentieth century despite being largely excluded from accounts of the development of INGOs over this period. Growth in all such organisations was particularly prevalent in the immediate aftermath of the Second World War, but transnational business associations grew most rapidly at this time. The trends indicate that both the environmental context and the different dynamics of particular associational sectors explain these developments and that further research is needed to pin down more precisely the different factors at work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article follows up on the book The French Anarchists in London, 1880-1914 (2013), by exploring some primary material uncovered since this publication, and considering the ways in which research into the history of anarchism as a transnational movement has evolved. In the years since the publication of this book, a great deal of research has furthered or challenged its findings, especially in relation to print culture and the study of global anarchist networks. The mass digitisation of periodicals (both anarchist and mainstream) and archives in the last ten years offers new tools to find detailed information about the personal and political lives of these elusive anarchists in London – and further afield, thus rectifying the original study’s London-centric focus. These sources are also crucial in documenting the ways in which anarchists were perceived and portrayed in Britain, France and internationally, and constructed into a major public threat through media discourse.

This article examines how Chilean nitrate fertilizer producers and their international marketing agents persuaded farmers in the US South to use nitrogen-rich mineral fertilizers mined from the Atacama Desert, even as cheaper synthetic fertilizers flooded agricultural markets in the early decades of the twentieth century. At the same time, it explores how agricultural experts working in the United States on behalf of Chile’s nitrate industry (and increasingly the Chilean government itself ) articulated not just connections between nitrogen and soil vitality but also underscored the importance of other mineral “impurities” to healthy plant development. Working in the US Cotton Belt in particular, many of these agents promoted a vision of pan-American ecological and economic interdependence, and through their racialized depictions of agricultural knowledge, they sought to convince US farmers of the unique “all-natural” attributes of Chilean nitrates. In reconstructing this history, the article reveals the far-reaching impact that Chilean fertilizers had on the modernization of US agri)culture and advocates for a transnational approach to understanding that process in the early twentieth century. It also traces how the exchange of agricultural commodities and knowledge between Chile and the United States contributed to the emergence of intensive agriculture and what observers would later call the “green revolution.” [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay introduces a special issue on the complex and contradictory ways in which young activists and youth organisations have encountered and experienced internationalism. It argues for the need to pay greater attention to the ambiguous encounters – involving seemingly benevolent aims but also blind spots and prejudices – that were created by transnational youth mobilities and by young people's participation in international ventures. We first consider meanings of 'youth' within different twentieth-century contexts and comment on the transnational mobilities in which young people participated. We then outline how youth-based internationalism took different shapes, discussing its left-wing and Christian manifestations in particular, and noting how internationalism was articulated through different forms of collective action. The essay makes a case for combining perspectives from social and transnational history to demonstrate the complex character of internationalism, which different groups of young people experienced as both empowering and exclusionary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introduction does two things. On the one hand, it explains why investigating the history of the International Statistical Institute is of interest not only for students of the history of statistics, but also for those tackling more general questions like the relationship between power and knowledge; the scope and development of globalization; or the closely entangled genesis of 'the national' and 'the international'. On the other hand, it introduces the individual papers of this special issue and highlights how the authors contextualize the organization in the outlined more general historiographic framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the origins of urban renewal in Singapore through a transnational history lens. It focuses on the role in particular of two United Nations–led teams of experts one headed by Erik Lorange and the other by Charles Abrams in the early 1960s and the impact these had on how urban renewal proceeded in Singapore's central city area. This approach broadens the focus to encompass more than just the role played by Singapore's Housing and Development Board and Urban Renewal Authority which dominates much of the existing scholarship. In doing so it finds that there was much more agreement between these international experts and their visions of a modern city and that of the Singaporean agencies and individuals tasked with implementing renewal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the character and development of the Swedish Brigade, a small military volunteer unit in the Finnish Civil War of 1918, in the context of the European counter-revolution. Volunteers in the various civil wars following the Russian Revolution have been studied extensively before, but have largely focused on countries that participated in the First World War. This case study of the 'White' Swedish Brigade aims to highlight the importance of volunteers from neutral countries, and their specific role in the transnational counter-revolutionary movement. The Brigade was an ostensibly politically neutral unit, with a socially heterogeneous make-up. Heavily supported by the Swedish right-wing media, it was widely romanticized as a heroic effort to restore Sweden's honour by supporting the Finnish fight against the old Russian enemy, and defending the former Swedish province as a bulwark of Swedish culture, law and order against barbarism. While its political culture was steeped in a romanticized Finno-Swedish history and culture, shared by many of the volunteers, the brigadiers were quickly confronted by the realities of poor equipment and organization, political division, and above all an exceptionally brutal civil war and the morally degrading violence it entailed. Brigade archive documents and memoirs show that this quickly changed the character of the actual volunteer unit to contrast heavily with the right-wing press's romantic imagination. Additionally, through contacts with the Finnish and German military, and in the face of a Left Swedish critique of the Brigade as reactionary butchers, many of the volunteers reconceptualized their role in the civil war, not as one of heroic and historical significance for Sweden, but as part of a vicious European struggle against Bolshevism. This seems to some extent confirmed by their post-war history, which raises interesting questions about these volunteers' roles among the new Right of interwar Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Constitucional is the property of Revista Historia Constitucional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Over the last five years, a renewed historiography has taken up the challenge of reconstructing the development, workings, and legacy of colonial police and intelligence services in the twentieth century. Dialoguing with groundbreaking works such as those authored by Christopher Bayly, Martin Thomas, David Anderson and David Killingray, a number of studies have returned to address the problem of the surveillance and repression of anticolonialism in the European metropoles and in the colonies themselves. These studies – which cover, with one exception, the first half of the twentieth century – restitute the endeavors on the part of imperial authorities to eradicate anticolonial networks, mobilizations, and information circuits, before the final act of decolonization. Besides proposing their chronologies, that I will analytically present in two paragraphs, these recent publications deal with the opportunitiesand methodological challenges connected to the use of police records to write the history of anticolonialism. In the final section of this essay, I will briefly discuss their contributions to that conversation and relate them to a set of open questions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the business organisation and activities of Genoese naval entrepreneurs who managed galleys for the Spanish Empire in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. While conventional narratives of business history begin with the Industrial Revolution and focus on the rise of the modern corporation, this article brings to the fore early modern entrepreneurs from Italy and shows how they led family-controlled firms running permanent navies in the Mediterranean. By using private ledgers and merchant correspondence, the paper aims to understand how these naval entrepreneurs governed their affairs and managed resources internationally. We find that delegation (through family ties, hierarchy, and networks) was the main solution chosen to deal with distant commodity, labour, and capital markets. We retrace the different forms this delegation took and explain its determinants considering alternative options and providing comparative insights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Interamericana de Psicología is the property of Sociedad Interamericana de Psicologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)