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The article explores the impact of unions on employment protection during the COVID-19 economic crisis in South Korea, finding that union members were 1.9 times more likely to retain their jobs than non-union members. Topics include the nuanced effects on wages and working hours, emphasizing that unions provided employment security by reducing working hours rather than wages during the pandemic.

Employees in the medical profession in a situation where the life of a patient is at risk cannot refrain from working due to unsafe working conditions. Therefore, enforcing the right to safe and hygienic working conditions is particularly important so that employees can provide health care services without additional burdens. The purpose of the study is to determine how the social labour inspector can respond to Occupational Health and Safety (OHS) hazards and whether the current powers of the social labor inspectorate as the employer’s internal OHS control body are sufficient. The study conducted a regulatory analysis and used relevant literature, including recent studies on law enforcement. In addition, a questionnaire survey was conducted among trade union representatives of medical professionals on the evaluation of social labour inspector activities and OHS hazards during the COVID-19 epidemic period. In this period characterized by many OHS risks in medical entities, the difficulties faced by employers in carrying out their duty to protect the health of their employees became apparent. The system of internal control with the participation of the social labour inspection in this context needs changes, due to the fact that it is used in an inefficient manner. The reasons for this are primarily incomplete legal regulations. The legislator should guarantee the social labour inspector the right to use both methods of rewarding the employer as an incentive for the proper performance of duties and measures to deter violations of the law. Despite the fact that Polish labour law guarantees mechanisms for OHS control by the social labour inspector, it would be appropriate to expand the catalog of measures used by him to effectively motivate employers to protect worker health. This study is a prelude to a broader discussion of OHS monitoring in the context of OHS hazards occurring in healthcare entities. Med Pr Work Health Saf. 2023;74(4):301–16.

This article deals with employees' right to freedom of association and their protection against victimisation when exercising this right in the workplace. First it explains the concepts of "freedom of association" and "victimisation". It then considers the protection of employees against victimisation for exercising the right to freedom of association internationally and domestically, however, only in the employment context. It considers the protection of the right to freedom of association in South Africa in terms of the Constitution and its regulation under various sections of the LRA. It also looks at limitations on the right to freedom of association and the remedies available to employees who experience victimisation because of exercising this right. It further considers the regulation of the right to freedom of association in the UK. It argues that although this right is well protected internationally and domestically, employees still experience victimisation as a result of exercising it. It further argues that the protection of this right and its exercise by employees is necessary to bring a balance to an uneven relationship between employers and employees in the workplace. It concludes that trade unions together with employers have a responsibility to ensure that employees exercise their constitutional right to freedom of association with no fear of victimisation.

Copyright of Journal of Management & Economics Research is the property of Journal of Management & Economics Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sosyal Güvence Dergisi is the property of Sosyal Guvenlik Uzmanlari Dernegi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Industrial Relations (IR) or Employment Relations (ER) isa marker of organized industry and organized labour that has evolved since the industrial revolution and mechanized production. Different country has seen the evolution of participatory management in manufacturing and production in different ways at different times where management allowed or was forced to allow democratic norms in labour or employee relations. Readymade Garment (RMG) is one of the most visible organized manufacturing sectors serving as back-office suppliers of global brands of developed countries. This research attempted to measure the effectiveness of IR practices of selected Readymade Garment (RMG) factories to explore the relationships, job security, and empowerment issues. Opinions of 346 workers were collected and analyzed using a one-sample "ttest". The study discovered the effectiveness of IR practices in the area of developing a positive relationship among all the stakeholders, and the sample RMGs were found to be weak in ensuring social security for the workers and establishing trade unions in the factory. This research work is one of the first attempts to measure the IR practice in the RMG sector of Bangladesh. However, its outcome may enrich the existing body of knowledge and facilities in the design of an effective IR program for the development of this sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to explain the changes in the trade unions of the Venezuelan oil sector from its origin to the present day. After the nationalization of Petróleos de Venezuela, S.A. (PDVSA) in 1976, a model based on a technocratic meritocracy emerged, with increasing autonomy from the state. This phase ended under the Chávez presidency, with the dismissal of 18,756 workers following the 2002-2003 “managers’ insurrection.” The promises of employee participation were long forgotten and an arbitrary management was set up, combining the repression of union activists, the endangering of workers due to non-compliance with safety conditions, major damage to the environment, and the multiplication of corruption scandals.

During the 21st century, migrations have become increasing-ly intense, since they are often planned with a specific goal and could cause major social changes. Unfortunately, since there is no definition of the term ‘migrant’, countries face a particular challenge in protecting migrant workers’ right to work. The International Labour Organization, the Council of Europe, and the European Union have made significant contributions to establishing and developing the migrant worker protection system. At the national level, governments and trade unions contribute to migrant workers’ protection by adopting laws to control migrations. However, with many social, political, and economic factors at play, countries can’t always control immigration within their own territory. The author’s hypothesis is that the position of migrant workers depends significantly on the host country’s im-migration and labour policies. The paper concludes that the application of general provisions prescribed at the international level cannot and does not fully protect the rights of migrant workers. Given this, it is not surprising that certain countries and trade unions have begun to protect their interests by adopting legal regulations to manage mi-gration within their territory. The paper identifies the fear that labour migration will negatively affect trade unions’ image in those countries where trade unions are weak and disjointed, without real power to influence decision-makers. Finally, when analysing the position of migrant workers in the Republic of Serbia, the author points that the motives for labour force emigration from Serbia are extremely strong, so even if certain changes were to be made to labour con-ditions, there would be no reduction in emigration. This is because workers’ motives for emigration go beyond mere dissatisfaction with labour conditions, but are rather linked to their general dissatisfaction with the quality of life in Serbia

In the shadow of the 1968s, the 1980s was a period rich in workers' experiences that are still little known. Combining both public authorities and trade unions, this period also marked the affirmation of the “Confédération Générale des SCOP de France” (CGSCOP). Since its institutionalisation at the end of the 19th century, this structure has remained relatively marginal among the organisations representing workers. This article will look back at this little-known but decisive sequence in understanding the social transformation projects of this period. Firstly, we will see, for example, that an interest in workers' cooperation at the end of the 1970s was far from being the prerogative of the left: it constituted an 'ecumenical utopia' that included a number of right-wing political actors, particularly in the dual context of the promotion of the enterprise and industrial crises. Secondly, we will try to understand the effects of the Socialist victory in 1981 on the production cooperative movement. The CGSCOP was not the only one to invest in the cooperative field. It was joined by the CGT, which was looking for a response to the increasing number of company bankruptcies. Finally, we shall see how this all-out appropriation of cooperation gave rise to a multitude of tensions and disillusionment, leading to the rapid marginalisation of a workers' conception of self-management. In short, it was not so much the collective enterprise as a certain form of popular power that closed the cycle of the 1968s.

Stakeholder involvement and dialogue with the social partners are of paramount importance for the implementation of climate-neutral policies and the circular economy. With the European Green Deal, the European Commission is reaffirming its commitment to tackling the climate and environmental challenges that are the defining task of our generation. The atmosphere is warming and climate change is being felt year on year. This transition must be fair, and the fair transition mechanism itself will support regions that are highly dependent on carbon-intensive industries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Critique of Law: Independent Legal Studies / Krytyka Prawa: Niezalezne Studia nad Prawem is the property of Akademia Leona Kozminskiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Industrial Relations / Relations Industrielles is the property of Universite Laval, Department of Industrial Relations and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the historical process, the world has witnessed many changes and transformations and experienced important turning point. In recent years, technological developments that affect everyone in social life trigger this change. Although the development process of technology is based on very old times, it reaches different extent in the 21st century. What makes this process different is that developing technologies intertwine and cause mutual interactions in physical and digital dimensions. This process, which is defined as Industry 4.0; With its components such as the internet of things, artificial intelligence, robots, cyber-physical systems, 3D printers, big data, cloud computing, simulation, virtual reality, it deeply affects all social life and labor markets. While these social transformations offer some opportunities, they also cause problems such as inequality, unemployment, non-standard and precariousness employment. These problems increase the distribution struggle within the society and reveal the importance of unions and organization. Therefore, this study aims to explain the basic components of Industry 4.0, which leads to significant technological developments, to examine its positive and negative effects on labor markets, and to examine the roles and new organization strategies that the trade unions will assume in the face of these transformations. For this purpose, it has been determined that the injustice, inequality, unemployment, insecurity and poverty that Industry 4.0 has created and will create will increase the fight for distribution, and accordingly, the trade unions, which play an important role in creating a fairer society, as in the past industrial revolutions, will also be based on knowledge and technology in this process. It has been concluded that a different organization model is in search of a different organization model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Weimar Republic, German white-collar workers (Angestellte) preferred non-socialist trade unions. Socialist ›free unions‹ (freie Gewerkschaften) only played a minor role among middle-class employees. The biggest union by far was the »German National Union of Commercial Employees« (Deutschnationaler Handlungsgehilfenverband, DHV) with 400.000 exclusively male and mostly protestant members. Founded in Hamburg in 1893, with roots in Adolf Stoecker’s nationalist Christian social movement, it defined itself explicitly as a Christian union with anti-socialist and also antisemitic tendencies. The number of commercial employees rose during the German Empire, and most clerks obviously lacked any chance of becoming independent. The new category of employees, who saw themselves as strongly distinct from manual workers, was neglected by the political Left. The right-wing DHV offered its members a vast number of social activities as well as housing and insurance, and even owned a number of publishing companies. However, it acted like any union in terms of providing advice to its members and negotiating wage agreements, nor did it hesitate to initiate strike action. Already before the First World War, the DHV moved towards a more pragmatic position. In labour law, it favoured special corporatism with proposals partly similar to those of socialist and liberal unions. In 1928, the DHV leadership broke with Hugenberg’s DNVP and began supporting the democratic conservatives. Although many of its members turned into ardent National Socialists, other members and officials became part of the German resistance. After 1945, the difficult heritage of the DHV led to the creation of the Deutsche Angestelltengewerkschaft (›German Employees Union‹), which took on the role of an independent union for white-collar workers outside the ›unitarian‹ DGB.

For decades, migrant workers with temporary and service contract work in the German meat industry have rarely been recruited by trade unions. The Arbeitsschutzkontrollgesetz (“Occupational Safety and Health Inspection Act”) law implemented in 2021 aimed to grant equal employment conditions to the majority of the workers in slaughterhouses, creating new avenues for trade unions to gain more members and organize industry-level negotiations for better wages and a collective agreement. This article explores the lessons we can draw from the series of strikes that accompanied the negotiations. By relying primarily on participant observation in the meat industry strikes and employing an actor-centred perspective on industrial relations, the paper reveals the role of shop-floor organic intellectuals in mobilizing and demobilizing workers. The analysis of the strikes shows that organic intellectuals can be instrumental in articulating the resistance of subaltern groups, but they can also be co-opted by dominant groups to manufacture consent.

Copyright of Community & Physician / Toplum ve Hekim is the property of Turk Tabipleri Birligi / Turkish Medical Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Româna de Dreptul Muncii is the property of Wolters Kluwer Romania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this article is to analyze the power of trade unions to influence a French industrial policy. The study examines the case of the medical imaging industry, in which a trade union managed to convince both the firms and the government to invest in a new innovation center. Through a qualitative study, the author highlights step by step the power resources this trade union used to deploy multi-level 'political work'. Through this lobbying process involving various actors, resources and institutions, the study examines participation of stakeholders in industrial policy formulation and implementation, questioning the possibilities for a trade union to be decisive in economic development. It is found that the lack of trade union structural power and institutional power (including investment capabilities) makes it difficult to successfully put an industrial project on the agenda and even more difficult to participate in the investment phase. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We utilize the literature on social pacts to argue that governments can reduce manual worker support for the radical right by engaging in an inclusive process of decision-making with unions. Our analysis examines 11 Western European countries between 1999 and 2017 and employs a Heckman selection model. We find that when left or mainstream right governments complete social pact agreements, manual workers become less likely to support radical right-wing parties (RRPs); but when such governments fail to convert social pact proposals into social pact agreements, manual workers become more likely to support RRPs. We also find that social pact agreements have a greater effect on manual worker support for the radical right when they occur under mainstream right governments, but that failed social pact proposals have a greater effect on manual worker support for the radical right when they occur under left governments; and that the social pact formation process matters more for the RRP support of manual workers who belong to a union than those who do not. Our results suggest that manual worker support for the radical right is not only a function of issue voting or socioeconomic and policy outcomes, but also features of the policymaking process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Geographers have increasingly studied labor and climate change, albeit not in a unitary field. I propose to address this by outlining an environmental labor geography – that draws from labor geography's tenets. Moreover, I agree with other scholars that organized worker-led mass movements will be key to solving the climate crisis. Thus, I argue that labor agency is a useful tool that centers workers' actions. However, to derive useful generalizations for struggles on the ground, the concept should be delimited to organized expressions of agency. Finally, I examine past and present conversion debates as cases of interest in ELG. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In every company, of course, always strive to create a cooperative and comfortable work environment for each worker. This study aims to analyze the role of trade unions in overcoming labor relations disputes that can have an impact on termination of employment. The research method raised in this study is Normative research. Normative Law Research is legal research conducted by examining library materials or secondary data". The results showed that trade unions have a very important role in handling labor relations disputes that can have an impact on termination of employment. The role of trade unions includes being a mediator in dispute resolution, providing legal opinions and advice to members, and protecting workers' rights through negotiations and protests. The study recommends the need to increase the role of trade unions in addressing labor disputes that can have an impact on termination. This can be done through providing training and education to union members on labor relations law and the role of unions in resolving disputes. Thus, it is expected to create a more stable and conducive work environment for workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Collected Papers of Zagreb Law Faculty / Zbornik Pravnog Fakulteta u Zagrebu is the property of Sveuciliste u Zagrebu, Pravni Fakultet and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The experience in Western Europe suggests that overreliance on institutional stability hinders trade union revitalization. This paper explores the other side of this coin: what is the impact of dismantling industrial relations institutions on union revitalization? It investigates the drivers and outcomes of the main revitalization strategies used by trade unions in Hungary and Romania as a response to the frontal attack of governments on their institutional supports post-2008. In both countries, national-level confederations took political action seeking to amend the labour laws that undermined their role and influence. At the company and occupational level, some trade unions increased their organizing efforts to retain their influence under an adverse legal framework. This article reveals that deinstitutionalization can be a driver of revitalization when trade unions are willing to take small steps to strengthen their links with rank-and-file members and with other unions, social movements or international organizations by using a combination of revitalization strategies. It also shows that unions have to simultaneously draw on different sets of power resources, particularly a mixture of organizational and societal power resources, to revitalize after losing institutional resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whether the dual labor market structure implied by employment type and unionization causes wage discrimination is an intriguing and relevant policy question in the context of South Korea. This study examines the effect of trade unions on wage discrimination against irregular workers by extracting and comparing the ratios of the discriminatory wage gap by employment type between unionized and non‐unionized workplaces. As per the analysis, all generalized decomposition frameworks show that the presence of trade unions expands discrimination regardless of the employment type. In addition, the effects of unionization on the degree of discrimination differ by factors characterized by the dual labor market. The effects are statistically significantly greater for women, youth, service industries, and white‐collar jobs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For decades, migrant workers with temporary and service contract work in the German meat industry have rarely been recruited by trade unions. The Arbeitsschutzkontrollgesetz (“Occupational Safety and Health Inspection Act”) law implemented in 2021 aimed to grant equal employment conditions to the majority of the workers in slaughterhouses, creating new avenues for trade unions to gain more members and organize industry-level negotiations for better wages and a collective agreement. This article explores the lessons we can draw from the series of strikes that accompanied the negotiations. By relying primarily on participant observation in the meat industry strikes and employing an actor-centred perspective on industrial relations, the paper reveals the role of shop-floor organic intellectuals in mobilizing and demobilizing workers. The analysis of the strikes shows that organic intellectuals can be instrumental in articulating the resistance of subaltern groups, but they can also be co-opted by dominant groups to manufacture consent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Management Academy is the property of Uluslararasi Yonetim Akademisi Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this South African study, I aimed to identify the respective influence of human resources practices, procedural fairness, the shop steward-management relationship, and the employee-supervisor relationship on the state of the employee's relationship with the organisation. The method was quantitative and cross-sectional. A total of 660 production employees from 14 organisations in the value chain of the automotive industry in the Nelson Mandela Bay area of South Africa supplied responses. The relationships between variables were determined through structural equation modelling. Although the study was a cross-sectional study, the use of structural equation modelling points to cause and effect relationships. The best-fit model revealed that the dominant predictor of the employees' perception of their relationship with the organisation was their perception of the quality of the relationship between shop stewards and management. Trade unions as trusted leaders may fulfil a very important role in mediating workplace relationships, especially in highly unequal societies with deep social divisions. The pivotal importance of the employees' perception of the shop steward-management relationship creates an onus on both management and trade unions to work to move this relationship from adversarial to constructive and effective. The results may be generalised to highlight the importance of employee representation, whether unionised or non-unionised, at the workplace level. As leaders in the workplace, employee representatives provide the mechanism to mediate relationships, build trust and create strong employee-supervisor and employee-organisation bonds which may have a positive impact on individual and organisational performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Stanovništvo is the property of Demographic Research Center of Institute of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Th e purpose of the study is to develop the main tendencies and characteristics of the housekeepers' life in Chernihiv during the questionable and controversial processes of the 1920s, the transformation of social and political structure, incorporation of a new value system, and creation of a new way of life in the context of the fi xed rules. Th e research methodology is based on approaches and methods of social history, history of everyday life and microhistory, as well as interdisciplinary methods: statistical-analytical and historical-psychological. Conclusion. Th e main elements of the new social system concerning housekeepers and the main problems of its realization are characterized. Th e process of evolution from the servant to the soviet housekeeper and the factors of its formation: New economic policy, the categories of employers, urbanization, and external and internal cataclysms of the early 20th century are analyzed. Th e regulatory environment of the discussed problem was characterized. It was proved that the implementation of the regulation played an important role and laid the ground for the transformation of the relationship between employers and their people to the relations between work gives and housekeepers. By the example of Chernihiv, it was shown that due to the unwillingness to pay of the insurance fee, which served as an additional source of expenses, the employers in every way tried to avoid hiring housekeepers through Unemployment Benefi t Offi ces. Th at was a complicating factor of the offi cial employment of the housekeepers, which caused the high level of unemployment and incompatibility between the powers of Unemployment Benefi t Offi ces and trade unions during the realization of the social policy in the 1920s and the real situation. According to the statistics, the reasons of impossibility of fi nding out the factual number of housekeepers were defi ned. Social structure of the housekeepers and their material goods were discovered. It was shown that the overtime of the housekeepers was modifi ed due to the soviet policy, the main point of which was to order the right view and support on the new party line. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with employees' right to freedom of association and their protection against victimisation when exercising this right in the workplace. First it explains the concepts of "freedom of association" and "victimisation". It then considers the protection of employees against victimisation for exercising the right to freedom of association internationally and domestically, however, only in the employment context. It considers the protection of the right to freedom of association in South Africa in terms of the Constitution and its regulation under various sections of the LRA. It also looks at limitations on the right to freedom of association and the remedies available to employees who experience victimisation because of exercising this right. It further considers the regulation of the right to freedom of association in the UK. It argues that although this right is well protected internationally and domestically, employees still experience victimisation as a result of exercising it. It further argues that the protection of this right and its exercise by employees is necessary to bring a balance to an uneven relationship between employers and employees in the workplace. It concludes that trade unions together with employers have a responsibility to ensure that employees exercise their constitutional right to freedom of association with no fear of victimisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Galatasaray Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of GALATASARAY UNIVERSITESI HUKUK FAKULTESI and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Çalışma ve Toplum is the property of Calisma ve Toplum and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Trade unionism is a phenomenon that has had a huge impact on the working lives of millions of people across the globe over many years. Current research demonstrates that membership of trade unions is on the decline in many countries, including South Africa. Numerous reasons have been put forward to explain the challenges faced by the trade union movement, which led to the reported decline in their membership. However, there is insufficient research about employee attitudes towards trade union effectiveness in rendering services to their members (Frangi & Barisone, 2015; Givan & Hipp, 2012). This study investigates the perceptions of union members employed in municipalities in Gauteng South on the effectiveness of and member satisfaction with their trade unions. A quantitative research method was employed in this study and data was collected through a self-administered questionnaire. The target population comprised of employees from municipalities in Gauteng South, who belonged to a trade union represented in the sampled municipalities Descriptive and inferential analysis was used in the analysis of the sample composition and respondents' perception of effectiveness of and member satisfaction with their trade unions. Regarding the correlation analysis, positive relationships were observed between union effectiveness and four factors of member satisfaction, namely, conditions of employment, representation of union members, education and training, and member services. Further, significant predictive relationships between union effectiveness and three of the four factors of member satisfaction, were also observed through regression analysis. The current study findings reveal that the union members of Gauteng South municipalities are generally neutral in their evaluation of the effectiveness of their unions and their satisfaction with the services received from these. This may be perceived as the unions being ineffective in their role of representing their members. These findings reveal that trade unions in the Gauteng South municipalities need to do more for their members to show that they have their best interests at heart and to convince them of their effectiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Public Law / Zeitschrift für Öffentliches Recht is the property of Verlag Oesterreich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)