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In 2006 immigrants and their supporters participated in a series of marches in cities throughout the United States. The enormous size and scale of the demonstrations were surprising to some observers, who saw the marches as a spontaneous outburst of frustration. This article argues the unprecedented turnout at the demonstrations should be seen not as a spontaneous outburst but in large part the result of long-standing cooperative efforts and networks of immigrant-serving nonprofit organizations. Immigrant-serving organizations were at the forefront of organizing public education campaigns, advocacy activities, and community mobilization efforts leading up to the demonstrations. Using Chicago and New York City as case studies, the article analyzes data from a survey of 498 nonprofit organizations conducted in 2005, just prior to the demonstrations. The authors show how a history of collaborations, organizational network ties, and the existing relations between organizations in key coalitions became the foundation for the mobilizations. Keywords: immigration; mobilizations; community-based organizations; New York; Chicago

To purchase or authenticate to the full-text of this article, please visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2427.2008.00785.x Byline: JAMIE PECK (1,2), NIK THEODORE (1) Keywords: ex-offenders; prison system; urban labor markets; poverty; race; Chicago Abstract: Abstract This article explores the urban labor market consequences of large-scale incarceration, a policy with massively detrimental implications for communities of color. Case study evidence from Chicago suggests that the prison system has come to assume the role of a significant (urban) labor market institution, the regulatory outcomes of which are revealed in the social production of systemic unemployability across a criminalized class of African-American males, the hypertrophied economic and social decline of those 'receiving communities' to which thousands of ex-convicts return, and the remorseless rise of recidivism rates. Notwithstanding the significant social costs, the churning of the prison population through the lower reaches of the labor market is associated with the further degradation of contingent and informal-economy jobs, the hardening of patterns of radical segregation, and the long-term erosion of employment prospects within the growing ex-offender population, for whom social stigma, institutional marginalization and economic disenfranchisement assume the status of an extended form of incarceration. Resume La politique publique d'incarceration massive, aux implications largement prejudiciables aux communautes de couleur, affecte egalement le marche du travail des villes. Une etude de cas sur Chicago indique que le systeme penitentiaire a fini par devenir une institution importante du marche du travail (urbain) dont les reglementations se traduisent a la fois par la production sociale d'une inemployabilite systemique pour une classe criminalisee de males afro-americains, par le declin economique et social hypertrophie des 'communautes d'accueil' vers lesquelles retournent des milliers d'ex-prisonniers, et par l'accroissement impitoyable des taux de recidive. Malgre de forts couts sociaux, le brassage de la population carcerale dans les niveaux inferieurs du marche du travail se combine a la degradation accrue des postes occasionnels et offerts par l'economie parallele, mais aussi au durcissement des types de segregation radicale et a une erosion durable des perspectives d'emploi au sein de la population grandissante des ex-delinquants pour lesquels stigmatisation sociale, marginalisation institutionnelle et non-reconnaissance economique revetent une forme d'incarceration prolongee. Author Affiliation: (1)Department of Geography, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada (2)Center for Urban Economic Development, University of Illinois at Chicago, Chicago, IL 60607, USA Article note: Jamie Peck (peck@geog.ubc.ca), Department of Geography, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, British Columbia V6T 1Z2, Canada and Center for Urban Economic Development, University of Illinois at Chicago, Chicago, IL 60607, USA and Nik Theodore (theodore@uic.edu), Urban Planning and Policy Program & Center for Urban Economic Development, University of Illinois at Chicago, Chicago, IL 60607, USA.

To purchase or authenticate to the full-text of this article, please visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9906.2007.00343.x Byline: NIK THEODORE (1), NINA MARTIN (1) Abstract: ABSTRACT: Port-of-entry immigrant neighborhoods have long been a feature of the American city. Dense cross-border networks are reshaping port-of-entry immigrant neighborhoods and creating 'transnational communities' where forces of global economic restructuring and practices of everyday life combine into a distinctive form of urbanization. Yet immigration has also created tensions and conflicts. Lack of affordable housing, inadequate access to quality schools, substandard employment, and unmet basic needs are among the problems facing large segments of society. Their resolution has been rendered more problematic by questions concerning the immigration status of many residents. The lack of recourse for undocumented immigrants to the state has meant that the task of resolving these social problems has been displaced onto civil society. This article considers the role of nonprofit, community organizations and social movement organizations-part of an emergent migrant civil society-in responding to a variety of social and economic concerns affecting residents of Albany Park. The community area of Albany Park on Chicago's north side has for decades served as a first destination for immigrants. In 2000 the foreign-born population in Albany Park climbed to 52%, making it one of the most diverse neighborhoods in Chicago. Through an examination of neighborhood social struggles we consider the ways in which transnational flows of people, commerce, culture, and social practices come to ground in neighborhoods like Albany Park. Then we present two case studies of social activism by segments of migrant civil society. The first examines the antigentrification movement launched by the Balanced Development Coalition, while the second considers workers' rights activism in support of day laborers. Finally, we reflect on the implications of the Albany Park cases for the study of migrant civil society more broadly. Author Affiliation: (1)University of Illinois at Chicago Article note: Direct Correspondence to: Nik Theodore, Center for Urban Economic Development & Urban Planning and Policy Program, University of Illinois at Chicago, Chicago, IL 60607, USA. E-mail: theodore@uic.edu .

To purchase or authenticate to the full-text of this article, please visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1743-4580.2006.00125.x Byline: Nik Theodore (1), Abel Valenzuela (2) Abstract: This article presents the findings of a survey of day laborers who gather at informal hiring sites in the New York metropolitan area. Day laborers are employed by construction contractors, landscaping companies, homeowners, and small businesses to undertake manual labor jobs for low pay. The work is precarious and steady employment is rare. In addition, the day labor market is characterized by routine violations of labor and employment laws, and workers are often exposed to unsafe working conditions. These conditions prevail, in part, because day laborers largely are disconnected from workers rights' advocacy efforts. However, the creation of worker centers aims to remedy this situation. Several community organizations in the region are now actively contesting abuses in the day labor market and increasing both accountability in and transparency of the hiring process. Author Affiliation: (1)University of Illinois at Chicago (2)UCLA (3)Milano Graduate School of Management and Urban Policy at the New School University Article note: Dr. Nik Theodore, Center for Urban Economic Development, University of Illinois at Chicago, 400 S. Peoria St., Suite 2100, Chicago, IL 60607. Telephone: (312) 996-8378. Facsimile: (312) 996-5766. E-mail: theodore@uic.edu. , Dr. Abel Valenzuela, UCLA Department of Urban Planning, 3250 Public Policy Building, 4355 E., Los Angeles, CA, 90095-1656. Telephone: (310) 825-9156. Facsimile: (310) 206-5566. E-mail: abel@ucla.edu. , Dr. Edwin Melendez, Milano The New School for Management and Urban Policy, 72 Fifth Avenue, Room 706 New York, NY 10011. Telephone: (212) 229-5400 x1617. Facsimile: (212) 229-5904. E-mail: melendee@newschool.edu.

To purchase or authenticate to the full-text of this article, please visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1743-4580.2006.00093.x Byline: Chirag Mehta (1), Nik Theodore (1) Abstract: This article examines workplace safety conditions in Atlanta's construction industry in light of the growing presence of temporary staffing agencies in the industry. Using data collected from surveys of building contractors, temporary staffing agencies, and temp workers, the article explores the ways in which the use of agency-supplied temps by construction contractors subverts workplace health and safety regulations, thereby exposing construction workers to heightened risk of injury. Author Affiliation: (1)University of Illinois at Chicago. Article note: Chirag Mehta, Research Associate, Center for Urban Economic Development, 322 South Green Street #108 (MC345), University of Illinois, Chicago, Illinois 60607. Telephone: (312) 966-6336., Dr Nik Theodore, Director, Center for Urban Economic Development, Assistant Professor, Urban Planning and Policy Program, 322 South Green Street #108 (MC345), University of Illinois, Chicago, Illinois 60607. Telephone: (312) 966-8378. E-mail: theodore@uic.edu.

Introduction Few studies, mostly descriptive, have quantitatively analyzed the working conditions of domestic workers (DWers) informally employed by private households in the USA. These workers are explicitly or effectively excluded from numerous workplace protections, and scant data exist on their exposures or how best to categorize them. Methods We analyzed data from the sole nationwide survey of informally employed US DWers with work-related hazards data, conducted by the National Domestic Workers Alliance, the University of Illinois Chicago Center for Urban Economic Development, and the DataCenter in 14 US cities (2011–2012; N = 2086). We used exploratory latent class analysis to identify groups of DWers with distinct patterns of exposure to 21 self-reported economic, social, and occupational workplace hazards (e.g. pay violations, verbal abuse, heavy lifting). We then used multinomial logistic latent class regression to examine associations between workers' individual, household, and occupational characteristics and latent class membership. Results Among the 2086 DWers, mean age was 42.6 years, 97.3% were women, 56.0% Latina/o, 26.5% White, 33.2% undocumented immigrants, and 11.7% live-in. 53.5%, 32.0%, and 14.5% primarily worked doing housecleaning, child care, and adult care, respectively. 49.9% of workers reported ≥3 hazards. Latent class analysis identified four groups of DWers doing: 'Low hazard domestic work' (lowest exposure to all hazards), 'Demanding care work' (moderate exposure to pay violations [item response probability (IRP) = 0.42] and contagious illness care [IRP = 0.39]), 'Strenuous cleaning work' (high exposure to cleaning-related occupational hazards, such as climbing to clean [IRP = 0.87]), and 'Hazardous domestic work' (highest exposure to all but one hazard). Covariates were strongly associated, in many cases, with latent class membership. For example, compared to other DWers, DWers doing 'hazardous domestic work' had the largest predicted probability of being economically insecure (0.53) and living-in with their employers (0.17). Conclusions Results indicate that informally employed US DWers experience distinct patterns of workplace hazards, and that it is informative to characterize DWers' exposures to different sets of multiple hazards using latent class analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines 'policy transfers' in work-based welfare reform efforts in the United Kingdom and the United States during the 1990s, which is seen as an example of 'Third Way' policy-making. Issues include the so-called Americanization of British welfare policies under the Labour Government's New Deal program for handling youth unemployment, the dependence of programs on local institutional and economic conditions, and the increasingly decentralized modes of policy delivery.

This article evaluates possible implications for the unionizing ability of low-wage, temporary employees caused by the August 2000 M.B. Sturgis and Jeffboat Division ruling of the National Labor Relations Board, which overturned the board's previous ruling requiring temporary workers to gain consent from agencies and employers before they could collectively bargain. Options for organizing are given, including: placing temporary workers within pre-existing unions; petitioning the employer for a collective bargaining unit comprised of temporary workers either alone or with full-time workers; or petitioning the agency for a unit for temporary employees.

The author examines the changing political climate that brought about massive changes in the welfare system in the mid-1990's. Topics include welfare reform, entitlement programs, and aid to families and the aged.

Day‐labor markets are characterized by chronic instability, low pay, and weak institutional protections against violations of labor standards. In the U.S., worker centers address these conditions through the operation of hiring halls that dispatch workers, set minimum wages, and redress wage theft. Surveys conducted in Seattle in 2012 and 2015 were used to evaluate wage rates, employment rates, and wage theft variables for workers at a worker center and those seeking employment at four informal hiring sites. Worker center members were found to have significantly higher wages, higher employment rates, and lower rates of wage theft than day laborers who search for employment in public spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The M.B. Sturgis and Jeffboat Division ruling issued by The National Labor Relations Board in August 2000, is briefly explained. The scope of temporary agency workers' representational rights is examined.

With a focus on developments in North America and Europe, this essay explores three dimensions of neoliberal urbanism in the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis. It begins by examining austerity as neoliberal strategy, highlighting the ways that austerity measures reorganize the institutional matrix of the state, with socially regressive consequences for welfare state provision, the distribution of economic risks and hardships, and the scope of social rights. It then considers the alignment between post-2008 austerity politics and longer-running processes of neoliberal urbanism, exploring the ways in which austerity measures further entrench the logics and rationalities of neoliberalization and arguing that the state governs through austerity, in part by displacing crisis to lower spatial scales. The next section assesses some of the socio-spatial impacts of austerity policies by reflecting on the geographical unevenness of the financial crisis itself and the ways in which hardships are being concentrated socially and spatially. In the context of localized fiscal stresses and concentrated hardship, non-state actors, including civil society and households, bear the brunt of austerity measures. The essay concludes with reflections on neoliberal urbanism "after the crisis." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The employers cut unemployment insurance costs by giving the work to temporary staffing agencies, displacing the price of unemployment to temporary staffing agencies and their workers. Outsourcing decreases costs of on site employers while increasing the labor market turbulence even in times of economic growth.

The growing literature on the changing employment practices of small and medium-sized manufacturers is examined. Review also assists economic development researchers and practitioners in making the leap to workforce issues.

Hiring-halls, specializing in the placement of day-laborers in temporary jobs, have in recent years been proliferating along major transport arteries in Chicago's low-income neighborhoods. This article examines the phenomenon of low-wage temporary work in Chicago from the perspective of the principal institutional actors in these highly `flexibilized' or `contingent' labor markets -- the `temp' agencies. Particular emphasis is placed on the labor-market effects of temp-agency strategies, both in respect to patterns of labor segmentation and in terms of the spatial (re)constitution of urban job markets. It is suggested that temp agencies are actively engaged in both the exploitation and facilitation of contingent labor-market conditions. In this sense, they are assuming important new roles as privatized `labor-market intermediaries', with apparently deleterious effects for job security and social segregation in the lower reaches of urban labor markets. Their strategies can also be related to the social and geographic restructuring of these job markets, because the growth and polarization of temp employment has been associated with a `hardening' -- and indeed `stretching' -- of extant ethnic, gender and spatial inequalities.

Informally employed domestic workers encounter a range of workplace hazards, though these have been poorly documented and are typically left unacknowledged. Safety concerns include exposure to toxic cleaning products, a high prevalence of ergonomic injuries, and inadequate access to medical care. Presenting the results of an in-person survey of 2,086 informally employed nannies, housecleaners, and caregivers in 14 U.S. cities, this article documents the range of common health and safety hazards faced by domestic workers and suggests some interventions that could improve their working conditions. The survey was conducted in nine languages and data were collected from workers from 71 countries, including a substantial proportion with irregular immigration status. We observed that substandard workplace health and safety conditions are shaped by three aspects of domestic work: long-standing exclusions from federal employment protections, the common disregard of the home as a workplace, and the complexity of care work and the bonds of intimacy that often form through caregiving. Together these factors have served to perpetuate substandard working conditions. Regulatory reforms, as well as worker and employer education, are necessary to improve health outcomes for domestic workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This study examines the context of reception for Zimbabwean migrants who are engaged in South Africa's informal economy. It seeks to contribute to two areas of migration scholarship: (a) the emergence of new immigrant destinations in the global South and (b) the role of the informal economy in shaping the context of reception for migrants in new gateway cities. Through surveys of Zimbabwean day labourers in Tshwane (formerly Pretoria), we document the poverty and the food and housing insecurity these migrants and their dependents endure resulting from underemployment in the informal economy. The analysis presented here suggests that although it has received little attention from migration scholars, the informal economy can play a significant role in shaping the context of reception for immigrants in the new gateway cities of the global South. In many destination countries, the informal economy absorbs large numbers of migrants, making it an important, if flawed, source of employment, earnings, and remittances. With increasing levels of migration to major cities, the informal economy has become a key arena of migrant incorporation, with far‐reaching implications for lives and livelihoods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]