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Hisamitsu Omori,1 Noritaka Higashi,2 Takeshi Nawa,3 Toshiki Fukui,4 Toshihiko Kaise,5 Takeo Suzuki5 1Department of Biomedical Laboratory Sciences, Faculty of Life Sciences, Kumamoto University, Kumamoto, Japan; 2Japanese Red Cross Kumamoto Health Care Center, Kumamoto, Japan; 3Department of Internal Medicine, Hitachi General Hospital, Hitachi, Japan; 4Center for Preventive Medical Treatment, Olive Takamatsu Medical Clinic, Takamatsu, Japan; 5Japan Development Division, GlaxoSmithKline K.K., Tokyo, JapanCorrespondence: Toshihiko KaiseJapan Development Division, GlaxoSmithKline K.K., 1-8-1 Akasaka, Minato-ku, Tokyo 107-0052, JapanTel +81 80 5927 9500Fax +81 3 4231 5993Email toshihiko.kaise@gsk.comPurpose: The purpose of this study was to estimate the prevalence of subjects with chronic cough and phlegm and describe their characteristics including the presence or absence of airflow limitation among the general population in Japan.Subjects and Methods: This was an observational cross-sectional survey targeting multiple regions of Japan. Subjects aged 40 years or above who were undergoing comprehensive health examination were recruited. The existence of chronic cough and phlegm, airflow limitation, and treatment for respiratory diseases were examined. Chronic cough and phlegm were defined as having both symptoms for at least 3 months of the year and for at least 2 consecutive years, or as receiving any treatment for chronic bronchitis at the time of recruitment. Airflow limitation was defined as forced expiratory volume in 1 s/forced vital capacity (FEV1/FVC) less than 0.7.Results: In a total of 22,293 subjects, 380 subjects (1.7%) had chronic cough and phlegm. Among these 380 subjects, 21.8% received treatment for a respiratory disease, and 11.6% had airflow limitation. Compared to subjects without both chronic cough and phlegm but with airflow limitation, subjects with chronic cough and phlegm without airflow limitation were younger, more likely to be current smokers (39.6%), and had higher total scores on a chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD) assessment test (CAT). Scores of CAT questions 1– 4 (cough, phlegm, chest tightness, breathlessness, respectively) were higher in subjects with chronic cough and phlegm regardless of airflow limitation.Conclusion: This study demonstrated that subjects identified to have chronic cough and phlegm in comprehensive health examination settings were symptomatic, while most of them did not receive any treatment for respiratory diseases and did not have airflow limitation. Screening subjects for chronic cough and phlegm in a comprehensive health examination followed by a detailed examination of screened subjects could be an effective approach for better management of chronic cough and phlegm. Smoking cessation should be included in the management, in consideration that around 40% of subjects with chronic cough and phlegm were current smokers.Keywords: respiratory disease, chronic bronchitis, spirometry, lung function, general population, health checkup &nbsp

In history of wasan from Edo era to today the existence of Sangakukyushusho (算学級聚抄, 1673) has been known. But existing Sangakukyushusho has not been confirmed. In this monograph I will make a report about newly - discovered Sangakukyushusho. So, we are able to understand better the acceptance process of Sangakukeimo (算学啓蒙) Both Sangakukyushusho (算学級聚抄) and Samposhinan (算法指南, 1684) used the same woodblock (版木) except the preface. The reason has become clear by comparing their book titles carved on center of woodblock (or hanshinshomei(版心書名)). NISHIKAWA Katsumoto (西川勝元) wrote preface of Sangakukyushusho (算学級聚抄). The author of Samposhinan (算法指南) was NISHIKAWA Katsumoto 〔西川勝基〕. I consider that they were the same person. The career of YOKOKAWA Gen'etsu (横川玄悦) was written in Kyusushinsho (九数新書, 1689). He served a master as a physician in OSHI feudal clan(忍藩). The lord was ABE Tadaaki(阿部忠秋1602 - 1675), Roju(老中) of Tokugawa shougunate. The author of Sangakukyushusho (算学級聚抄) was FUJITA Yoshikatsu(藤田吉勝). He was scholar of OHASHI Kiyoyuki (大橋清行) at Kyoto. But there were no names of YOKOKAWA Gen'etsu(横川玄悦) in this book. I can consider the reason for that, he was a vassal of OSHI feudal clan(忍藩)., "The study of the history of mathematics 2017". September 19-22, 2017. edited by Shigeru Jochi. The papers presented in this volume of RIMS Kôkyûroku Bessatsu are in final form and refereed.

There are 4 kinds of Jinkōki published from 1641(*the 18th year of Kan'ei) to 1643(*the 20th year of Kan'ei). Three kinds of Jinkōki were published in 1641. One of them was the so-called Idaibon. The second was published by YASUDA Jūbei and the third was published by TENNŌJIYA Ichirōbyōe. NISHIMURA Matazaemon published Jinkōki in 1643. YASUDA, TENNŌJIYA and NISHIMURA were commercial publishers. In addition to that, Idaibon was a mathematics book which had only problems without answers. The term "Idai" has been used since Edo era. And in early Edo era the word "Konomi" was used. I think it is possible that Idaibon Jinkōki was written by YOSHIDA Mitsuyoshi himself and published by SUMIKURA. Jinkōki published by YASUDA is a similar book of Jinkōki published in 1627(*the 4th year of Kan'ei ) and 1631(*the 8th year of Kan'ei). I think that Jinkōki by TENNŌJIYA is so-called "atozuri" later edition. It was reprinted original Idaibon Jinkōki after about 100 years. NISHIMURA Matazaemon published Jinkōki in 1643 based on Idaibon Jinkōki. There were misprint and miscalculate. But it became reference of after ages and similar books were reprinted. When I review Jinkōki in term of publisher, I am able to analyze differently. In this paper, I investigated Jinkōki in term publisher. Until now, TENNŌJIYA Jinkōki has not received any attention or investigation. I found that the TNNŌJIYA Jinkōki had been the same as the original Idaibon Jinkōki. However, it turned out that the Jinkōki by TENNŌJIYA had been republished about 100 years after original Idaibon Jinkōki.

HASHIMOTO Denbee Masakazu is the first mathematician who understood and taught the "Tengen-jutsu" ("Tianyuan-shu" method). He has been recognized an originator of the advanced mathematics in Kyoto and Osaka area. His son HASHIMOTO Yoshitaka and SAWAGUCHI Kazuyuki are known as his pupils. It is said that SAWAGUCHI Kazuyuki's book of Kokon Sampoki was also written by HASHIMOTO. Many questions in the Kokon Sampo-ki weren't solved by the "Tengen-jutsu" method. The first mathematician who solved these questions was SEKI Takakazu, at his book of Hatsubi Sampo. Neither the year of his birth nor the year of his death are known. According to historical materials he was living from Kan'ei era(1624-1644) to Meireki era(1655-1658). He wasn't a warrior but the merchant class, conversely the Samurai warrior mathematicians, HISADA Gentetsu, HOSHINO Sanenobu, and TAKEBE Katahiro who tried to understand the Suanxue Qimeng. HASHIMOTO was respected as the first person who understood the Suanxue Qimeng and spread the Tengen-jutsu". Until now HASHIMOTO's mathematics was almost unknown. By this study whole of HASHIMOTO and his works became clear., "The study of the history of mathematics 2016". August 29～September 1, 2016. edited by Shigeru Jochi. The papers presented in this volume of RIMS Kôkyûroku Bessatsu are in final form and refereed.

Man'yofukyuzan(万用不求算) has many mysteries. 1. When comparing the wasan book with both "Jinkoki(塵劫記)" and "Jugairoku(竪亥 録)", it is very unique in point of its purpose and form. 2. On this book 〇 as vacancy(空位) appeared for the first time in history of wasan. This 〇 as vacancy was very epoch making, and later leading wasan books, for example "Sanso(算俎)", "Samopofutudankai(算法勿憚改)" and "Katsuyosampo(括要算法)" adopted 〇 as vacancy. 3. A writer of this book is unknown. Even in the early years of Edo period, writer's names were written clearly except "Sanyoki(算用記)" owned by Ryukoku University and Tenri University. 4. "Man'yofukyuzan(万用不求算)" presents us a new mystery of circumstance on publication of publisher(書林板元). This monograph will make the mystery clear by mentioning the relation between commercial publication appeared in Kyoto on early Edo era and wasan books., "The study of the history of mathematics 2016". August 29～September 1, 2016. edited by Shigeru Jochi. The papers presented in this volume of RIMS Kôkyûroku Bessatsu are in final form and refereed.

Since the dawn of the 21st century, it has become a cliché that multiculturalism has `retreated', or more crudely, is now `dead'. However, we can often find this kind of discourse marked by narrow and, as Will Kymlicka and other critical commentators rightly point out, recently-created consumerist/corporate/neoliberal understandings of multiculturalism. Furthermore, although some liberal multiculturalists critically assess that kind of use and misuse of the concept of multiculturalism, they also have some fundamental limitations that must be overcome for more critical and creative practices. My objective in this article is to explore thoroughly the conceptual history of multiculturalism in the West from a social theoretical point of view, in order to gain a more comprehensive and critical understanding of it. By saying `from a social theoretical point of view', I mean that the main focus of the exploration is to be put on the logical principles which are at the deep base of multicultural practices: the principles used to legitimate defends for equality and tolerance. They are divided into two types: one is the principle of homogeneity; the other is that of heterogeneity. The former legitimates equality and tolerance among different existences by denying their fundamental differences, such as the principle of human rights or that of redistribution. The latter does the same by respecting the fundamental differences, such as the principle of identity politics or that of recognition. Setting these kinds of fundamental principle as the basis of the analysis, this essay tries to reconstitute the contemporary history of the politics of multiculturalism, beginning from the aftermath of WWⅡ, continuing through the emergence of multiculturalism in the 1960s and 1970s and its flourishing in the 1980s and 1990s, to its `retreat' and transformation from the 2000s onwards. After mapping multiculturalism in this way, in the concluding part I engage critically with the recent trends in multiculturalism scholarship, that is, liberal academic (and also nonacademic) discourses which place multiculturalism mainly on its national-integrative function. My point is that these discourses are faulty, not only because they have a limited imagination and understanding of multiculturalism, but also because this limitation creates a crucial paradox in their own arguments.

tRNA m(2)G10/m(2)(2)G10 methyltransferase (archaeal Trm11) methylates the 2-amino group in guanosine at position 10 in tRNA and forms N(2),N(2)-dimethylguanosine (m(2)(2)G10) via N(2)-methylguanosine (m(2)G10). We determined the complete sequence of tRNA(Trp), one of the substrate tRNAs for archaeal Trm11 from Thermococcus kodakarensis, a hyperthermophilic archaeon. Liquid chromatography/mass spectrometry following enzymatic digestion of tRNA(Trp) identified 15 types of modified nucleoside at 21 positions. Several modifications were found at novel positions in tRNA, including 2′-O-methylcytidine at position 6, 2-thiocytidine at position 17, 2′-O-methyluridine at position 20, 5,2′-O-dimethylcytidine at position 32, and 2′-O-methylguanosine at position 42. Furthermore, methylwyosine was found at position 37 in this tRNA(Trp), although 1-methylguanosine is generally found at this location in tRNA(Trp) from other archaea. We constructed trm11 (Δtrm11) and some gene disruptant strains and compared their tRNA(Trp) with that of the wild-type strain, which confirmed the absence of m(2)(2)G10 and other corresponding modifications, respectively. The lack of 2-methylguanosine (m(2)G) at position 67 in the trm11 trm14 double disruptant strain suggested that this methylation is mediated by Trm14, which was previously identified as an m(2)G6 methyltransferase. The Δtrm11 strain grew poorly at 95°C, indicating that archaeal Trm11 is required for T. kodakarensis survival at high temperatures. The m(2)(2)G10 modification might have effects on stabilization of tRNA and/or correct folding of tRNA at the high temperatures. Collectively, these results provide new clues to the function of modifications and the substrate specificities of modification enzymes in archaeal tRNA, enabling us to propose a strategy for tRNA stabilization of this archaeon at high temperatures. IMPORTANCE Thermococcus kodakarensis is a hyperthermophilic archaeon that can grow at 60 to 100°C. The sequence of tRNA(Trp) from this archaeon was determined by liquid chromatography/mass spectrometry. Fifteen types of modified nucleoside were observed at 21 positions, including 5 modifications at novel positions; in addition, methylwyosine at position 37 was newly observed in an archaeal tRNA(Trp). The construction of trm11 (Δtrm11) and other gene disruptant strains confirmed the enzymes responsible for modifications in this tRNA. The lack of 2-methylguanosine (m(2)G) at position 67 in the trm11 trm14 double disruptant strain suggested that this position is methylated by Trm14, which was previously identified as an m(2)G6 methyltransferase. The Δtrm11 strain grew poorly at 95°C, indicating that archaeal Trm11 is required for T. kodakarensis survival at high temperatures.

This article problematizes a paradoxical situation whereby otherness is disavowed in multiculturalist thought, which promotes inclusion of others, and argues that a critical anthropology perspective can contribute to critiquing and going beyond such limitation of multiculturalist thought. This work is part of a larger research project aimed at establishing a field of creative collaboration among different spheres of knowledge in order to respond to the question: How can we build relations with different others? As an approach to that goal, the article reconstitutes the study of anthropological critical theorist Ghassan Hage. Hage, who is known for his trenchant critique of multiculturalism, has not only clarified theoretically the continuity of exclusion-containment of others but has a l so searched for social relations that are not imprisoned in this set of governmental apparatus. It is an anthropological approach to know fundamentally different otherness that is activated in this search. By adopting a critical anthropological perspective, Hage finds an approach to alternative ways of building relations with others. This essay articulates his seemingly distant critique of multiculturalism and critical anthropology, finding a key concept of "domestication" as the point of articulation. Finally, in examining the question against Hage's arguments, the positionality of these arguments and my argument is made clear. Arguments which presuppose a distinction between self and other can be questioned as follows: Is there such a clear distinction as it is? Is it not the case that such presupposition itself gives rise to needless divisions among people? While recognizing that question, the essay reconfirms that, in the background of the arguments, there are political situations whereby "we" and "they" are violently divided. It concludes that the critical anthropology of Hage, especially its multi-realities theory which suggests a reconceptualization of multiplicity, highlight